The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 15, 1924, Page 6

Bi Sot eased ee fe aR eerie Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. a oer in Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO,, | 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. | (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: | $3.50....6 months $2.00..3 months By mall (in Chicago only)* : | $4.50....6 months $z.50....3 montas $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1118 W. Washington Bivd. ..Business Manager | Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post: | Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. | Chicago, Illinols J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB... Editors <p 20 Advertising rates on application. | ——— oe eee The Small-LaFollette Ticket Typical of what the LaFollette movement means to the movement for indepedent political action of | the workers is the action of the Illinois Federation | of Labor executive committee in endorsing LaFol- lette for president and Len Sryall for governor. Accompanying this joint endorsement goes a state- ment against any new party organization. The} * Illinois labor movement is definitely thrown back into the old parti It has been no secret that Walker and Olander | were tied up in the Small state machine for a long) time. Last year at the State Federation conven-| tion in Decatur it was charged that Small had} purchased the support of | the official machine, which should include the destruction of the Farmer-| Labor Party. It was not denied even then, altho it had to be kept quiet that the rank and file might first be doped. The labor officials must have been delighted to purchase the help of LaFollette in re-| electing the notorious Small. | On the other hand we get a picture of the real) LaFollette in this unsavory deal. Every possible| kindof alliance,inside and outsideof republican and | democratic parties, upon any and every kind of con-| ditions just so mutual support by votes is included, marks the LaFollette campaign from the begin- ning Every reactionary influence in the labor movement is being strengthened and all semblance of independent organization on the political field (outside of the Workers Party, which alone broke thru the net of LaFolletteism), is being wiped out.| The Small-LaFollette ticket in Illinois is a symbol] of the betrayal of the labor movement. Hughes Discouraged The State Department has once more reaffirmed its attitude towards Soviet Russian recognition. We are again told that not until the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republics agrees to pay the two hun- dred odd million dollars given to the Kerensky government by Washington, will the United States accord them de jure recognition. No one who has followed closely the develop- ment ‘of Soviet Russia’s foreign policies can but take with a gain of salt this pretense of the Cool- idge administration. America is today the bul- wark of capitalist imperialism. It is natural that |the burden of \down our spirits has been lifted! The mists of ap- {prehension that Coolidge might refuse the nomina- |sential this national group of exploiters should, therefore, | be the bitter enders in the imperialist effort to} undermine the existence of the’ Soviet Republic. Politi@ally and economically, the American ruling class is today best equipped to fight back the ad- yance of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics When the State Department whines about “en- mity to our institutions,” it does not express a| genuine fear over the “destructive” activities of | the Soviet government when recognized. What} Coolidge, Hughes, and Gompers really fear from Soviet gnition is that resumption of normal re- lations between the two governments will in- evitably destroy the net of malicious lies woven by these and other enemies of the workers against} the Soviet Republics. Recognition of Soviet Rus-| sia would hasten the collapse of such methods as| Gompers has employed against those workers who havé insisted that the employers be resisted in their aggressive campaigns by effective up-to-date | methods of organization. The announcement of the State Department that the developments in Soviet Russia are “encourag- ing” is indeed mirth-inciting. Our bewhiskered diplomatic savant is, in this declaration, simply confessing the total failure of his attempt to isolate the Soviet government. In the Atlantic, the present battleground of international imperialism, Amer- ica’s chief competitor, Great Britain, has just signed a treaty with the Soviet Republics. In the Pacific, the battle arena of the gigantic imperialist struggles of tomorrow, Japan, America’s strongest opponent, is about to sign a treaty of amity with Soviet Russia. And in Soviet Russia proper the Pacific, the battle arena of the gigantic imperialist power they may have succeeded in developing for themselves. Events in Soviet Russia are encouraging. The Yankee imperialists are facing painful disappoint- ment in their anti-Soviet policy. The American workers must continue to work unceasingly for Soviet recognition in order to hasten this disap- pointment of their enemies. Alienists are accommodating gentlemen. It seems that they usually find what is needed by those who sign their pay checks. In the Leopold- Loeb case, the defense alienists find that when the young killers dreamed of anything in particular, “it was an indieation that some of their glands were out of kilter. Alienists for the prosecution, on the other hand testified that even judges have pliantasies. In fact they would not be normal un- less they had. So there you are, The Suspense Is Ended At last the terrible suspense in-which the coun- try has been held for six weeks is ended! At last uncertainty and doubt that wore tion have lifted! He accepts! Glory Hallelujah! That is the kind of fiction upon ~which the po- litical structure of the bourgeois parties is built. |The ritualistic “notification” of Coolidge that he has been nominated by the republican department of Wall Street, and his “acceptance” of the call to the service of capitalism, characterizes the whole nature of the polities of exploitation. It is all a great game of dissimulation and deceit, directed against the masses and in the interests of a priv- ileged class, of which the mummery of last night in Washington is a part. Bourgeois parties, the parties of sections of the exploiting class, must have these shows, fictions, rituals. They must put on robes, make parades, burn red fire, hang bunting, spout buncombe, “notify” Jone another about things everyone knows, and gen- erally make much ado about nothing. Because the whole function of these parties is to put as heavy a cloak as possible about the real issues facing the workers, they must therefore make a loud noise, and put on diverting spectacles, and fill ears and eyes and minds with all the non-es- trash that is caleulated to keep the workers from thinking. So Coolidge “accepts,” and the radio sends the “news” to the palpitating fools who swallow the dope, while the real masters of the land gather in. their elubs,and smile cynical- at how easy it is to rule a land of 100,000,000 people. - LaFollette on the Gridiron While the donkey and elephant caretakers, Coolidge and Davis, will vie with each other in.a contest as to who can convince the country first, that he is the least crooked, the Communists will be waging a fundamentally different campaign. There are today before the workers and poor farm- ers of this country,four leading candidates. First of all are the big three—the biggest, big, and little— watch dogs of capitalism, Coolidge, Davis, and La- Follette. While Davis will.be talking about oil and alcohol scandals, Coolidge will be yelling about war frauds and airplane scandals. And while Davis and Coolidge will be convincing the country | that the democratic and republican parties are both originally agencies of corruption, LaFollette .|will be working overtime painting himself lily | white and annointing himself for the role of a Mes- siah to purge capitalism of its conditions inherent- ly making for such corruption. The Communists realize that this is not the first time that attempts are being made to purify capi- talism. This is not the first time that an effort is being made to shower upon the workers the bless- ings of “honest” profits and “legitimate” business. But today LaFollette is making such an extra- ordinary volume of purification noise that the workers and poor farmers at whom this cutburst of morality is primarily aimed must be cautioned against its uselessness. It is for this reason that the DAILY WORKER, as the organ of the Communists, is now supplying its readers with an analysis of the real meaning, the actual accomplishments, the economic effects and the political dangers of the LaFoHette illusion. The case against LaFollette’s getting the support of the working and farming masses is unassail- able. Mr. LaFollette, as our examination of his record shows, is a most dangerous stumbling block in the path of the workers freeing themselves from their exploiters. There is no need of, and little use in sticking labels on an opponent. In the case of Mr. LaFollette, especially, the outstanding facts and deeds of his publie life condemn his capacity to challenge effectively the employing class dicta- torship today parading as democracy. Our readers will find the LaFollette series time- ly informative. Mr. LaFollette on the Communist gridiron is certainly a different type from the saintly liberator he poses to be in seeking the workers’ votes. Every working man will do him- self a good turn by reading our idol-shattering stories, Another perfectly agreeable king may be minus a job one of those days if reports coming from {Spain are authentic. It appears that the army in Morocco is about tired of getting chased around by the Moors and wants a vacation. This the Spanish dictator de Rivera refuses and as soon as the troops can get ship to Spain it is possible King Alfonso and his dictator may take a rail- road journey if they still keep their heads. A’pastor-soldier, addressing a meeting of Rotari- ans, denounced the Communists for being respon- sible for the anti-war sentiment that is spreading thruout the country. He pleaded with the Ro- tarians to “come out on Defense Test Day and work your fool heads off.’ The Rotarians ap- plauded. That the police and employers of Hegewisch should expel the reporter for the DAILY WORK- ER from that town is another tribute to the ef- fectiveness of a working class daily in the fight for better conditions. While Lord Rothermere of Britain is urging the loyalists of the nation to join the British Fascisti, Ramsay MacDonald is talking class peace and sending airplanes to drop christian socialist bombs on Indian villages. — A new member for the Workers Party is a new recruit to the revolutionary army. Become a recruiting sergeant for Communism. THE DAILY WORKER By J. W. JOHNSTONE, Asst. Secy., Trade Union Educational League. T WOULD take a mental acrobat to follow the recent antics of the leaders of the Chicago. Federation and the Illinois State Federation of Labor in the election campaign, state and national. Since the elimination of John Fitzpatrick as a leading fac- tor, the Chicago Federation has come under the complete domination of Oscar Nelson, the democratic politi- cian, and Victor Olander, secretary: treasurer of the Illinois State Federa- tion of Labor, both ardent advocates of |class collaboration, and avowed ene- mies of independent working class po- litical action. Their duty seems to be |to keep the Chicago Federation good, in the Gompersian sense, while John- ny Walker, with the aid of such reac- tionaries as Frank Farrington, is sup- jposed to perform the same duties in | the state labor movement. Their |present maneuvers are all with an ;eye to the approaching State Feder- ation convention, on Sept. 8, at Pe- oria. Nelson, Olander and Walker make a good team. Trained in the school of corrupt politics, havifig no inter- est in the workers as a class, they naturally use the movement for their own advancement. Whichever road "AS et aa BU TSIM UE ENE AS AN RH | chine, they decide to travel depends upon which way the political wind is blow- ing. After they have decided to travel with a certain political group, then their program and arguments are shaped accordingly. Governor Small four years ago was a political crook; he represented ev- erything that labor should fight. That was the story told to the work- ers by these political adventurers when Walker aspired to be governor of Illinois. Now labor is led to be- lieve that the picture was wrong, or maybe Small has turned over a new leaf. They are discreetly silent on their word pictures of four years ago, but just as loud in their praise of Small as they were in their condem- nation of him a short time ago. The political wind in Illinois has settled in a given direction, at least sufficient for this troupe to commit or- ganized labor openly to one of the pre- sidential candidates. From the fact that they have opened headquarters with LaFollette, it can be taken for grant- ed that LaFollette has arrived at some arrangement with Len Small. Being a political opportunist, his pro- gressiveness will lead him to support Len Small’s corrupt republican ma- His announcement of being neutral is to appease the supporters of Newton Jenkins, and to save his face if by chance Small would be con- victed on the charge of stealing state funds. These loud speakers carefully avoid even mention that there is: a class struggle. Olander’s report on the platoon system in the public schools of Chicago, both written and verbal, is a masterpiece of evasive- ness. The platoon system is of such a class nature, it is so obvious an attempt to turn out the working class children as future slaves, that ‘it seemed impossible to avoid mention- ing the class interests involved. Olander, however, appeased his class- collaboration conscience by eliminat- ing the “working class” and inject- ing the word “caste,” and objecting vociferously to the importation of the Indian caste system into American life. The recommendation in the re- port carefully avoided the strength- ening of the teachers’ councils, be- cause this would mean the indorse- ment of workers’ control, While these petty bourgeois labor leaders are busy trading with the enemies of organized labor, preparing their machine so as to cinch their control over the Illinois labor move- ment, the workers are deserted in their every day struggles. The Pull- man’ and the Hegewisch strike mean nothing to these politicians. The thousands of miners’ families that fre destitute in the state of Illinois, are unpleasant reminders of the class struggle and must not receive pub- licity. In southern Illinois the. Ku Klux Klan rules by terroristic means. Only two weeks ago-a young miner was murdered in court by a Ku Klux- er in the uniform of a_ policeman. Gradually the poisonous influence is spreading over the state of Illinois. LaFollett (Continued from page 1.) Wisconsin.” Nor will the great “pro- gressive” leader find time to tell how he has fought labor candidates in the past and how he is now backing those denounced by the workers as their enemies. Multi-millionaires LaFollette’s Angels. When Senator LaFollette made his \debut in public life, a millionaire lumber magnate, Stephenson, was his leading “angel.’ Altogether, Mr. Stephenson furnished about five hun- dred thousand dollars toward putting LaFollette in the front row at the na- tional political theater in Washington. In return for this generous and “an- gelic” support, the trust-busting La- Follette later did his bit toward put- ting this multi-millionaire in the United States Senate. While Isaac Stephenson was getting LaFollette’s support in 1907, he played in the lum- ber industry the rote that Harriman used to play in the railroad world. It will also be recalled that the ring of Stephenson’s money was heard thru out the investigation of the notorious Lorimer scandal in the Senate. Senator LaFollette’s record shows j unfailing kindness to his political “an- |gels.” In 1922 E. J. Gross was chair- |man of the Wisconsin Progressive As- | sociation charged with providing the money and securing the votes for the | then approaching LaFollette campaign. | At the same time Mr. Gross was reg- |istered as a “filled milk” lobbyist. One of the chief supporters of the Wisconsin Senator today is Mr. W. T. Rawleigh, President of the W. T. Raw- leigh Company of Freeport, Ilinois, with a capital and resources of more than thirteen million dollars. Mr. Rawleigh employs a thousand work- ers and has factories also at Memphis and Winnipeg. Besides being the president of the largest proprietary product concern in the world, Mr. Rawleigh owns an interest in the Capital Times published at Madison, Wisconsin. In declaring his allegiance to LaFol- lette Mr. Rawleigh laid down an elec- tion policy which affords every work- ing man much food for thot and still more cause for action. He declared: “What the business men of the United States want now, more than anything else, is a free, open, and competitive market in which to buy their raw ma- terials and supplies, and the oppor- tunity to buy, sell, and compete on an equal basis in the greatest producing and consuming market in the world.” In climbing up the rungs of the ladder leading to the heaven of LaFollette’s angels, we find a certain Richard W. Wolfe, formerly president of the Cook County Real Estate Board, and an old time democrat. Why Mr. Wolfe backs LaFollette is told by him in this fash- ion: “As a conservative business man, and tax-paying citizen, I am in favor of Robert M. LaFollette for president. He is not a radical, in the correct sense of the term. He is rather a cautious, prudent, and constructive statesman.” 4 After LaFollette was nominated the presidency, his “progressive” horts scoured the country far and wide for a running mate, Finally, Wheeler was put forward. But it was not until Wheeler had received a tele- gram from Frank A, Vanderlip, former president of the National City Bank, and a director of shipping, railroad, realty, rubber corporations, and em- ployers associations, that he agreed to accept the vice-presidential nomina- tion. Mr, Wheeler's comment on the Vanderlip telegram is rather enlight- ening. LaFollette’s running-mate then said; “Well, it seems that I have-been drafted for service. I'll agree.” ‘ An examination of the personnel of theLaFollette for President” Commit- tee reveals an Alten ee of Se wealthy god-builders. We find: W. T. Rawleigh, the millionaire manufac- turer, as chairman; Dante M. Pierce, the rich publisher of Pierce’s Farm Weeklies, vice-chafrman;, Julius Kes- pohl, a well-to-do merchant; James H. McGill, an Indiana manufacturer; and R. F. Koenig, treasurer, a director of the Second National Bank of Free- port, Illinois, whose principal corre- spondents are, The First National Bank of New York, a Morgan concern, and The Frst National Bank of Chi- cago. Add to this list, two lawyers and one author, and you will have the first salesmen who dedicated them- selves to the cause of selling LaFol- lette to the working and farming masses. In Montana, James H. Baldwin, an attorney for several independent oil corporations, and law partner of Wheeler, is to be the manager of the LaFollette campaign. Rudolph Spreckles the sugar king, and California banker, is another La- Follette “angel.” ‘ Finally, Herman L. Ekern, who is now Wisconsin attorney-general, by the grace of “Battling Bob,” will direct the money-raising and financial affairs of the entire LaFollette campaign. This is the same Mr. Ekern who was for many years an insurance lobbyist. Still Tied to Old Parties. Not only does LaFollette have his multi-millionaire “angels” as the demo- cratic and republican parties have, but he and his movement are still tied up with the same old parties. Senator LaFollette has one foot—and it is a very firm foot at that—in the two biggest capitalist parties. Thanking Gompers for his endorse- ment of the “progressive” ticket, La- Follette rejoiced that “affer deliberate judgment the American Federation of Labor has adhered to its traditional non partisan policy,” and vigorously applauded this non partisan “creed of citizenship.” When Wheeler was contemplating his acceptance of the vice presidential Cee aera ots rte 14 , ps ie FASCISMO, . TONY, THE IMMIGRANT, NEGRO SLAVERY, OR THE CRIME OF THE CLERGY. KU KLUX KLAN, CHURCH AND LABOR, t TWELVE O’CLOCK LUNCH, all by Pasquale Ruso, 25 cents each, at 833 Sedgwick St., Chicago. This series of pamphlets is writ- ten with the class viewpoint, with the vision of society at present di; vided into workers and exploiters, but the constructive suggestions are syndicalist, suggesting organization in the IL. W. W. Fascismo gives a simple and fairly accurate account of the black terror in Italy and the betrayal of the So- cial-Democrats when the workers had begun seizing land and factories. Tony, the Immigrant is the plain tale of a young Italian worker in his migrations around the United States, which he found not so free as he had fondly expected. In the world war, ‘Tony, a member of the I. W. W., was put into prison for his anti-capitalist war opinions. The latest struggle against the migratory workers in California concludes the tale. F Negro Slavery goes into history at some length, but brings the prob- lem to date, showing that the church has represented the capitalist in not erying out against lynching and race discrimination. The menace of the Ku Klux Klan is mentioned and the Negroes are urged to stand with white workers and fight for the “Workers’ Republic,” nomination, he made his case very plain by stating: “I have not quit the democratic party.” More than that, Mr. Wheeler went ahead to commit himself to support the entire demo- cratic ticket in Montana with the ex- ception of John W. Davis, the Junior Senator from Montana declared: “I will spend most of the summer campaigning in Montana for Senator Walsh and the democratic state ticket. But I will not support the, democratic national ticket.” Mr. Wheeler will also wage a lively campaign to secure the re-election of United States Sena- tor David I. Walsh of Massachusetts, another democrat. Nationally, the LaFollette move- ment is flirting with William Thomp- son, former mayor of Chicago and the Tammany Hall mayor, Hylan of New York. Mr. LaFollette is likewise co- quetting with Governor Small’s eer outfit in Illinois and scores of other regular republicans and democrats thruout the country. Incidentally, it might be well to note that this is the same William Hale Thompson who, as a delegate to the last republican con- vention, voted to nominate the mil- lionaire chewing-gum manufacturer, William Wrigley, Junior, as the repub- lican standard-bedrer, In Wheeler’s own state of Montana, the LaFollette movement is so confused that the mushroom progressives are even at- tempting to put the democratic vice- presidential candidate, Governor {Bryan, on the Wisconsin Senator's ticket. Perhaps the best proof that LaFol- lette has not yet cut his umbiblical cord of the Wall Street-owned demo- cratic and republican parties is to be found in the fact that he is planning to endorse in wholesale democratic and republican congressional and sen- atorial candidates. One hundred and sixty-two congressional seats are to be filled in twelve states. LaFollette forces have announced that they will run their own candidates in at most only sixty-eight constituencies now In the Ku Klux Klan pamphlet the origin, of the terrorist group is sketched, the origin of the first Klan and of its modern successor. The likeness to the hierarchy of the Cath- olic church is shown and to the Span- ish Inquisition. Quotations from prontinent churchmen of many faiths are given to show how they justified slaughter of workers in spite of their Christianity. Robert Minor’s power- ful. drawing from the Liberator of “The Exodus From Dixie” is repro- duced. “Forward, workers, with Zinoviev’s motto: ‘Let the Tyrants, let the Bour- geoisie and their White and Yellow Internatiomiles tremble: The future belongs to us!’” says Russo. _ Twelve O'Clock Lunch is a dissert- ation the filthy and unhealthy conditions which prevail in the ma- jority of the restaurants, even those with fancy prices, It calls for the food workers to organize in an in- dustrial union ‘to win power from the bosses, These are elemental pamphlets and written in popular vein so that they will be easily read by workers whose class education is just beginning. The little books do breathe out the spirit of the revolution but the engineering lessions must follow so that the aroused workers will know what to do when the proper moment to strike comes. Revolutionary ongineering lessons are given in the Workers Party pub- Heatlonsy: the DAILY WORKER and Labor Herald particularly. Friday, August 15, 1924 Where Are the Federation Officials? Yet these leaders of labor utter not one word of protest. The miners’ local in Orient, Ill, has passed a resolution demanding that the officers of the Illinois State Fed- eration of Labor and the district min- ers’ officials immediately start an ag- gressive campaign against the K. K, K.’s. They are asking the unions in Franklin county to join with them in holding mass meetings and staging demonstrations against the murder- ous union-smashing organization. In Dowell, Ill, comes the same story in resolution form. All over southern Illinois the miners feel the iron hand of this cowardly gang of night assassins. Yet not one whisper {comes from these “labor leaders.” |Len Small has the indorsement of the |K. K. K.’s, and also’ has the silent |support of Frank Farrington, presi- dent of the Illinois miners, who went out of his way in the miners’ conven- | tion in Peoria to plead with the dele- |gates not to discuss the klan. While Walker, Olander and Nel- son are busy condemning the Com- munists and the T. U. E. L., and be- traying the iabor movement by turn- ing it into an auxiliary for the em- ployers, the Workers Party and the T. U. E. L. stand alone amidst this confusion of class collaboration, pointing the way of the class strug- gle, strengthening the ranks of the strikers in Hegéwisch, organizing the; miners for the fight against the Ku Klux Klan, preparing the workers for the final struggle against capital- ism. 4 e Has Heaven Full of Angels represented by republican and demo- cratic party office holders. In other words, in the majority of these con- gressional districts, LaFollette will callon the workers and farmers to continue voting for republicans and democrats. Little Regard for Labor. -In his endorsing and supporting of political candidates LaFollette has sel- dom paid much attention to the opin- ion of the workers. In Berger's Milwaukee Leader of October 22nd, 1920, we-find a letter by H. G. Hannahn, Socialist Party candi- date for Congress in the ninth Wis- consin district. This letter tells how LaFollette put up Thompson to run for the United States Senate in oppo- sition to Frank J. Weber, a Labor leader. It goes on to say: “And here comes Bob LaFollette and his would- be progressives and would-be union men and puts up Mr, Thompson. . That's dirty politics on the part of the progressives, who, by the way, are composed of town politicians and fake labor leaders who are looking to La- Follette to pick them up and give them a better office, not for the best interests of the people. but to further their own ends and keep the progres- sive forces divided.” Today, LaFollette and Wheeler are | whole-hearted supporters of United States Senator Thomas J. Walsh who has just been denounced by the annual convention of the Montana State Fed- eration of Labor for his anti-labor record. Of the eleven chosen to serve as his joint executive campaign committee, only two spokesmen -of the labor movement, at best, official labor lead- rers, William H. Johnstone, of the In- ternational Association of Machinists, and D. B. Robertson, of the Brother- hood of Locomotive Firemen and En- ginemen, have been picked by LaFol- lette. This is the maximum extent to which the Wisconsin Senator is ready to recognize the workers whose mil- lions of votes he is now seeking. “Can Such Things Be?” by Ambrose Bierce. Albert and Charles Boni, New York. Bierce was one of the three great- est writers America has produced, a master of the short story. At long last his work was subsidized by a_ friend and published. Here is the third publication of this series. Little | is known of Bierce's end—it is mu mored he went to Mexico several years ago to raise some revolutionary | hell and has not been heard of since. This is a collection of tales of hor- ror and mystery. They are excellent- ly written and are genuine spine-ruf- flers. It is to be hoped his whole | works will be re-issued. Both prose and verse have a splendidly corrosive quality. He was a good hater—Geo, McLaughlin, San Quentin By HENRY GEORGE WEIss Al HN oray Cooking a pisaks "Sacred eyew’ Spex And Tamalpais looking di on ity A kiteh stre Anctisasde Bsetag he oo att Some benches by the road on which to \ ii seen, Immortatized Sh Ralivoaded by" and. se em Vr \ ig Buel " hind whose ais Inverse Sutter 'and starve because they dare be Such is San Quentin prison that you California's Statue of Liberty! (} ie