The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 15, 1924, Page 4

OIE TE RSE ED ey SP “Page Four THE DAILY WORKER COMMUNISTS OF MISSOURI START _ THE CAMPAIGN St. Louis © kere Rally | Around Foster-Gitlow | By HARRY GOLDBERG. (Special to The Dailv Worker) | ST. LOUIS, Mo., Aug. 14.—“For a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government,” ‘was the slogan used by the Workers | | | of The DAILY WORKER, Saturday, Party here at two great open air demonstrations. These meetings were held as aj result of the special organization com-| mittee elected in St. Louis less than) ten days ago to caxry on effective} Working class propaganda in Missouri.|the theory that the war was a very | Suggestion: Work for W. P. Candidates 100 Pct. | Elmer MeMillan, one of the Michi-| gan defendants, and also a candidate} for lieutenant-governor in Missouri! on the Workers Party ticket, spoke. | MeMillan called upon all the working) men and wonlen in St. Louis to rally around the Workers Party candidates and support William Z. Foster, for president, and Benjamin Gitlow, for} vice-president. Also to get behind John Mihelic, of Kansas City, another Michigan defendant, running for gov- ernor of Missouri, and work for him one hundred per cent. Harry Stoltz, Workers Party candi- fate for congress in the 11th district, stressed the need of the working class of America to vote for the candidates of the only working class party, the Workers Party, and throw their entire support to Foster and Gitlow. F. L. P. of Missouri Endorses W. P. Candidates. John Braun, candidate for congress in the 10th District, urged the workers to follow the leadership of the Trade} Union Educational League. He also spoke about the DAILY WORKER and other party literature. W. W. Adams, vice-president of the Machinist’s Union, Local No. 4, and psesident of the Missouri State Farm- er-Labor Party, told of the endorse- ment of the Workers Party candidates | by the executive committee of the \the standpoint of the next cycle of} Farmer-Labor Party of Missouri. He warned the workers not to be} misled by LaFollette’s promsies. “If | you are workers, support the Work-| ers Party, the qnly party in this coun-| try that fights for you and you only.” Elmer McMillan said that these meetings were the beginning of a} drive thruout Missouri to establish the | Workers Party definitely on the po- litical field. The local comrades were elated with the success of these two meet- ings and inspired to continue until they bring this campaign to a success- ful close by increasing our member- ship and getting our literature to the workers of Missouri. At both meet- ings DAILY WORKERS and LABOR Congress Gets Program Report The DAILY WORKER to. day prints the second Installment of the report given by Comrade Buk- harin on the question of the world Communst program at the Fifth Congress of the Communist Interna- tional. “The third installment will be printed in the magazine section August 16. Watch for it! * * & BY NICHOLAS BUKHARIN. COME to the second question—one of the most important. At the beginning of the war there were bourgeois economists who ac-| tually went mad in the effort to jus-| tify the imperialist war and invented useful thing from the standpoint of the| development of productive power. | The basis was that there was a| decided shifting of productive power| in the metallurgical industry, in the| war industry, in heavy industry. This great shift resulted in decrease of un- employment. Only very superficial “savants” failed to notice that from) capitalism, all these phenomena in reality indicated.a gigantic process of the destruction of productive power, | of fixed capital. Criticizes Boris. Arising out of the enormous in- crease of non-productive consumption, these imbecile illusions of the bour- geois economists vanished some time after the beginning of the war. Now, several years after the beginning of the imperialist war, the courageous Boris, who of course, is in no way crazy or absurd, writes the following: “He (Bukharin) asserts that the war led to the destruction of a tre- mendous mass of means of produc- tion.” The very opposite is true. And in another passage he says: “Neither can one talk of the de- struction of productive forces by the} war.” How is this to be understood? We all know that ten million people were killed during the war, but according to the deductions of the super-wise Boris, it means “that we have an in- crease of living productive forces; the destroyed railways mean an increase in means of communication, while the destroyed factories and villages in} Germany and Belgium signify an in- crease of the productive forces. This is sheer nonsense. War Does Bring Destruction. No sensible person can talk in this strain. One could say that the sores of the war have partly been healed. But this is not what Boris asserts; he claims that the war does not cause the destruction of productive forces. I will quote only the most glaring instances. Boris is not a bit worried by the question of prodtctive and non- | ism, constant capital increases in re- HERALDS were sold. Mexicans Demand Expulsion of U, S. Labor Mistreaters | (By Federated Press.) MEXICO CITY, Aug. 14.—More than | 10,000 workers of the Huasteca (Do-| heny) Petroleum company are raising a protest against the directors of that} company, who are maltreating Mex! cans in their employ. The employes are asking the government to expel) these directors from Mexico. Foster Speaks In Ohio. GIRARD, Ohio, Aug. 14—Wm. Z. Foster, leader of the great steel strike| and candidate for president, ‘will| speak at the International Picnic and Mass Meeting @t Avon Park, Girard, Ohio, Sunday, August 17, at 2. p. m. There will be an evening meeting | at the Ukrainian Hall, 525144 W. Rayen Avenue, Youngstown, Ohio. Party Activities Of Local Chicago ————_$- OPEN AIR MEETINGS. Friday, August 15. St. Louis and Roosevelt Road—D. E. ones Auspices, Rykov Branch Ni ve. and Rockwell St.—Aupsices, 4 . L. Speaker, C. Miller. Maplewood Y. W.'L. branch: Lawrence and Sawyer Aves., North— ker, Peter Herd. Auspices of Irving W. P. and Y. W. L. branches. Saturday, August 16. Milwaukee and Dixon—Speaker, D. E. y and Polish speaker. <Auspices, W. P. Section, d and Sherman (near Halsted i Island)— Speaker, Manuel and a Greek speaker. Auspices, 'W. P. Branch. ion and Washtenaw—Speakers, izman. Auspices, Northwest Jew- . P. Branch. and Michigan Ave., A Pullman W, C. C. Pullman— Cc BRANCH MEETINGS. . Friday, August 15. Scandinavian, So. Chicago—6i1 East ier ’ Class—1902 W. Division St. ranch—4359 Thomas St. =~ jovak, Hanson Pk.—Bohemian School Rovnost, Mansfield Ave, near Gran: Send in that Subscription Today. APARTMENT FOR RENT. Couple wanted (comrades) to share 6 room apartment. Latest improve- 33 Seminary Ave. Lake | ity theory? | upon this question. For instance, one | Productive consumption. This ques- | tion is far more important than the | question of destruction, of the loss ot | human lives, of which I have spoken. | What is the meaning of this prosper- It is a repetition of the views which existed among bourgeois economists, and which were accepted by the social democrats. . With these I dealt in my first r port at the Fourth World Congress. At that time I exposed the statements made by leading social democrats of thése gentlemen goes so far as to say that capitalism has emerged even stronger from the war. Thus you see the’ “theoretical proportions.” War Weakened Capitalism. The simplest liberals, the pacifists, the clerks, and the bourgeois econo- mists, nearly all of them see more or less the economic weakness of the capitalist world, and not one of them denies this. And then the social democrats, ostensibly Marxian, come along and declare that capitalism has emerged even stronger from the war. It sounds almost like clamoring for a new war. An ostensible Commun- ist chimes in with a similar statement. How can such things be taken up even as a matter’ for discussion, as Korsch says? If we are to take up a discussion on every bit of bourgeois nonsense (and such nonsense is pro- duced in abundance), what would be the result? We can very well say that super-profits and extra wages are the justification of the imperialist war. If the imperialist war is such a process that in the course of it we get an increase of the productive forces, then why should we raise the alarm? THEORY OF CRISES Trusts Widen Crises. The third theory is that of the cri- sis. ‘ Weare all aware of the great con- troversy between us and the social democrats on the question of the cri- sis. We all know that the revision- ists, led by Bernstein, were the first to attempt to prove that the trustifica- tion of industry, the creation of mo- nopolist industry, tends to enable cap- italism to overcome the crisis. There are different versions of this theory. In its crudest form it is represented by the pure and simple revisionists. At the time when the differences be- tween the orthodox radicals led by Kautsky and the ultra-revisionists led FURNISHED ROOM WANTED. Single room for man. Northside pre- ferred. Quiet. The Daily Worker, by Bernstein had disappeared, Kaut- sky, before the drafting of the Goer- lita program, wrote that in our pres- velopment of the capitalist system we may say quite frankly that the theory of crisis must assume “more modest dimensions,’ ‘What does it mean? It means that according to Kautsky the capitalist world has become more harmonized in recent years. What is our view upon these things? We have dealt with this question more than once and I think we have shown that in some branches of industry the state of an-| archy has been partly removed as a result of the creation of monopolies. But the creation of trusts does not prevent crises; ‘it rather them in a more extended and gradu- ated manner, Boris goes on to make the following “With the development of capital- lation to the variable capital, con- stant fixed capital in relation to con- stant circulating capital, and par- ticularly constant fixed capital in re- lation to the total capital. The sys- tematic management of production goes at the same rate.” Then he says: “The higher the organic composi- tion of an industry is, the more sys- tematic is the management of such an industry. Of course, increased systematization leads not to a slack- ening but an intensification of capi- talist competition. Systematic man- agement of production leads to sys- tematic curtailment of production, which partly takes place instead of, the crisis.” Revisionism of Boris. This amounts to saying that the growth of productive forces signifies the growth of the organic composition of capitalism; the ever increasing systematization in the management of production, instead of crisis, a growth} of the productive forces. What does | it all mean? Does all this represent a| Communist theory? It is pure revis- ionism, and a pure social democratic | theory. e There is yet another social demo- cratic doctrine which says that the! circumstances during the war and the period of revolutionary ferment are such that the revolutionary prole- tariat, if it wants to carry out the revolution victoriously, must con-| stantly bear in mind the necessity for the continuity of the process of pro- duction. This is what we are told by Kautsky, Hilferding; etc. In support of their opposition of the bolshevist interpretation of revolutronary Marx- ism, they say that if we capture the machinery of the State, we shall lose all credits and shall be obliged to close the factories, and so on. This is cer- tainly not the goal of our revolution. Revolt Halts Production. As I bluntly put it at the last Con- gress, the use of telegraph poles for barricades will not encourage the in- crease of production. Revolution, like war, entails loss of productivity thru the temporary destruction of the pro- ductive forces. Now, Comrade Boris comes along again and reconstructs the whole doc- trine of the community of production. He says: “I am going to put this in the form of a mathematical formula.” And so he does, for he transforms the transitory decline of the productive forces into an absolute process. He goes on to say that this indicates that Bukharin “is seriously of the opinion that the Communist system of produc- tion will have to start literally with nothing in the way of means of pro- duction and distribution.” .What a wonderfully clever fellow he is! He himself evolves the mathematical formula, and then he accuses me of it. If for instance we were to trans- form Comrade Boris’ relative foolish- produces | jeral. See what a rich bouquet of theory we get! Negation of super profits, nega- tion of the wage-relations of the labor aristocracy, a theory of war-time pros- perity, and consequently a justification of the social-patriotic attitude during the war; whole theory about crises, the social-democratic doctrine about the continuity of the process of pro- duction, It has quite a number of passages which sound very radical, but behind these radical words we have the foulest sécial democratic trash, And it is this thing that the super- wise Boris uses for his attack against us on the national question, on the colonial question, on the question of the united front, on the question of socialization and so forth and so forth. These are sufficient to illustrate what the discussion is really about. Why Boris Is Discussed. I repeat, I have dealt with Comrade Boris at considerable length, not be- cause I consider his arguments im- portant, but in order to show that even in our own ranks there are social dem- ocratic notions, which we must com- bat with the utmost vigor. If such things are written by the “Left” comrades, they are even more dangerous, because when the “Left” comrades, whose tactical and political orientation is quite proper, indulge in such foolish talk, they compromise the entire political orientation of the “Left” wing. We cannot be swayed by sympathy, we must protest in the most emphatic manner against such irrelevance, and expose the comrades in question. An- other reason why I spoke so much about Boris was because of the pecul- iar construction of his brain, and the crude form in which he put his theory. I would now like to touch upon an- other theoretical question which was omitted in our previous discussions, viz. the question of crises; not of cri- ses as specific phenomenon of the transition period, but of crises in gen- As you know, a theoretical dis- cussion on the theory of crises is go- ing on in Marxian circles. Anarchy of Production. There are two formulas which are fundamentally different (dispropor- tionality, and under-consumption). We must have a formula which will ex- press the contradiction between pro- duction and consumption as a com- ponent part of the anarchy ef produc- tion. I will deal with this more fully op another oecasivn. I believe that in our draft program we must be somewhat more cautious in formulating the process of the de- cay of capitalism. We already see the empirical fact that on the whole we are facing the process of capitalist decay, but within this great process we see also partial processes of regen- eration, . Proceed Cautiously. Consequently, the picture is more checkered than we have thot it to be, and the checkered nature of the pro- cess of capitalist decay should cause us to proceed more cautiously in our future formulations than we have done hitherto. For this reason we must give a somewhat more exhaust- ive definition and clearer description of the transition period. Without going into long coments, I shall point out a few things. . We must elaborate more clearly our ideas upon the period of the two processes, the fundamental processes of the pro- letarian revolution in itself does not yet constitute the world revolution, that there are also other disruptive processes which have a revolutionary sense, e.g. the national crises. Of course, if we consider these crises as isolated phenomena, they do not by any means constitute proletarian revo- ness into absolute foolishness by means of mathematical, historical, and logical reasoning, we would also ob- tain the corresponding result. But lutions. (COLONIAL REVOLTS | we are content with having to déal'|' with relative foolishness. Is Socialist Theory. It may be said, likewise, that colon- ial revolts, which are so numerous, do not constitute merely proletarian What is the meaning of the thing in"revolts, but that also revolts of the itself? It means nothing else than the restoration of the social democratic doctrine. For it is the best argument in the hands of the social-democracy against revolutionary methods, If we say that the revolution can be based only on the growth of the productive forces, then we get the doctrine estab- lished by Kautsky. You see how tactfully we have established our theory. We have shown that the process of relative and temporary transition renders the de- struction of the productive forces’ ab- solutely necessary. We have shown by various Marxian quotations that this transformation, these critical cir- cumstances, serves as the basis for the revolutionary change, The social democratic doctrine, on the contrary, asserts the impossibil- ity of the revolution. They argue in this way: before the war the produc tive forces are not developed enuf for the realization of socialism; during the war the social revolution is im- possible because the productive forces are partly destroyed, and after the war one must want until they de- petty bourgeoisie and of the national- revolutionary elements of the bour- geoisie. Taken by themselves, these second- ary processes are not integral parts of.the proletarian revolution, In the majority of cases they are not led by the proletariat. Objectively speaking, if these processes were entirely iso- lated, they would play quite a differ- ent part. But they cannot be spoker of as isolated phenomena. In the process of world history, these phe- nomena have direct bearing on the world revolution. And if the proletariat gains the leadership of this process, it will lead also the other classes, because they are component parts of the world revolution. This may sound paradoxti- cal, but it is, nevertheless, true, Com- rade Boris absolutely fails to under- stand the subject, for he has no ink- ling of the objective meaning of these secondary processes, Two Simultaneous Forms, We should mention that during the transition period, two antagonistic forms of organization may continue to velop again, so by that time a new war will come. SOCIALIST STUPIDITY exist side by side for a long time, bourgeois and proletarian forms; pro- letarian fornia of economy and sur- vivals of commercial and capitalist-in- dustrial relations, and many other in- And thus the circle of stupidity runs|congruities of this kind; the whole merrily round. The expended repro-| picture would present a motley com- duction of Boris’ theory represents the | plexity of things. ent theoretical discussion of the de- expanded reprodugtion of this theory, en sna 0 lett f ae A ‘We should make mention of the an- tagonistic forms of organization, We should also mention the various capi- talist organizations, and the various initial stages of the socialist society that is being built up, We should point out that after the conquest of political power, a new law of social development will operate. In the first place, development would proceed amidst the flame of revolu- tion, and secondly, the law of social development would work concretely upon a new basis. Capitalist develop- ment is nothing but the extension of the capitalist contradictions; these contradictions will go on and lead to the collapse of the capitalist system of production, but after the capture of power by the proletariat, the law of social development will not tend in the direction of extending the contra- dictions, but rather in the direction of their gradual elimination. Let me give an illustration. Road to Communism. We have contradictions between the various forms of economy; if these contradictions were to go on in- creasing in acuteness, the whole or- der of society would collapse. But we hope that the process of competi- tion will enable us to dispose more and more of the economic contradic- tory forms in an evolutionary way. And the contradictions which will exist after the conquest of political power, considered from a definite his- torical standpoint, will steadily di- minish until they will finally vanish, and then we shall have the commun- ist society, Of course, conflicts of a catastro- phic nature may arise, e.g. revolts of the bourgeisie, of the large peasants and so on. Of these things I do not speak; I merely say that a certain historical period, when the proletariat shall have established his complete economic, political and cultural hege- mony, the law of economic develop- ment will work differently from what it did before. MAY FORM BLOC | We should mention further the idea that during the transition period there should be a bloc between the prole- tariat and some sections of the peas- antry. Here I would like to make a few remarks. Even in the ranks of the Communist International there is a dangerous tendency to ignore the importance of this problem, of the re- lations between the proletariat and the peasantry. : Everybody knows today that we want to go hand in hand with the peasantry, but this does not mean to say that we want theoretically to wipe out the differences between the proletariat and the peasantry. It is absolutely clear, and strategic- ally as well as tactically necessary, that we must consider the peasantry as our allies, but this should not be misconstrued in the sense that we should transform ourselves into Work- ers’ and Peasants’ Parties. On the contrary, the more we retain our pro- letarian character, the more success- ful will be our policy in regard to the peasantry. In this connection we might draw a perfect parallel between our bloc and the bloc that exists among the possessing classes. For in- stance, there is quite a big difference between the large landowners and the industrial bougeoisie. Bloc Vs. Bloc. It is true that the growth of finan- cial capitalism and banking has en- abled the large landowners to obtain their revenues in the form of divi- dends; nevertheless, there are’ still large and important differences be- tween the bourgeoisie and the large landowners, particularly the so-called feudal or semi-feudal large landown- ers,—not the large landowners who carry on capitalistic enterprises on the land. But in spite of these dif- ferences there is a bloc between thee classqs, and constant mutual support. As against this bloc, we should establish the bloc of the workers and peasants. The differences’ between the proletariat and the peasantry have not vanished any more than the differences between the large land- owners and the capitalist bourgeoisie has vanished; but just as the whole of the ruling class supports the bour- geois bloc, so must we support, strengthen, and consolidate our policy during the whole of the transition period by this bloc between the pro- letariat and the peasantry. (To Be Continued) ROCHESTER BAKERS IN FIGHT ON WARD AGAINST OPEN SHOP ROCHESTER, N. Y., Aug. 14.— ‘When the Ward Bros,, Inc., bakery refused to renew its agreement with Local 14, Bakery and Confectionery Workers’ union, it drew a bitter fight. All union men walked out July 12 and since then made inroads on the strikebreakers. There are 110 bakeries in Rochester that signed with the union, Ward was union for the past 11 years, but since its absorption int othe $95,- 000,000 United Bake: corporation, which is nonunion nationally, it has had to go open shop likewise, Rochester union bakers are deter- mined to prove that nonunion bak- ing in Rochester is poor business. nine, PLAY SCURVY TRICK ON CITY EMPLOYEES OF SAN FRANCISCO SAN FRANCISCO, Aug. 14.—Em- ployes of the San Francisco city and county department of electricity were refused raises in pay for which they have been fighting. Instead of refusing them outright, the board of supervisors ordered a few raises to men whom the other employes des- ignate as “political pets,” and then announced that no other change in salaries could be made for a year, as the charter prohibits salaries be- ing fixed more than once annually, TECHNICAL AID SOCIETY MAKES GOOD IN RUSSIA Helps Rebuild Economic Life of Soviets NEW YORK, Aug. 14. — Thirty model large scale farms are now oper- ating in Russia as a result of the en- ergy and organizing talent in America of the Society for Technical Aid. A number of industrial co-operative en- terprises in Russia have also been es- tablished by the society. Soviets Give Grants, The Russian government grants the 2,500 to 3,000 acres that comprise a model farm and the society equips them with machinery and mans them with a technical staff recruited in the United States from sympathizers with proper training. The society has over 50 branches in the United States and Canada. The central bureau is elected at conven- tions at regular intervals. This bu- reau organizes the units of experi- enced agricultural workers for Russia. Each member of the unit contributes a certain amount of money. When a unit has been organized, a delegation proceeds to Russia for selection of the land. These tracts belonged formerly to the aristocracy. As soon as the first group moves in they clear the ground, plant gardens, introduce cattle, erect new structures and repair old ones, so that in a short time what formerly was a deserted plot becomes a model farm equipped with modern machinery, mills, shops and electricity. Communal Life. The-.communes have schools for children and adults, libraries and so- cial centers. There are theaters, dra- matic circles and singing societies. Since its organization the society has purchased and shipped {6 the com- munes in Russia agricultural machin- ery, tractors, etc. valued at over $5,000,000. The society’s central bureau is at 799 Broadway, Room 402, New York city. | YOUNG PIONEERS IN SUMMER Little Octobrina was named for the October revolution in Russia. The workers and people from the farms took the gov- ernment for themselves then. They made their own rule of the Soviets. Octobrina is a Young Pioneer. In winter she lives in a beauti- ful big home in Moscow. Once this was the home of a rich nobleman who used to beat the poor people who had to work for him. One day in early June, Octo- brina and all the other Young Pioneers were told that in a few days they, would all go to the country for the summer. Octobrina jumped up and down and clapped her hands and then ran off to help tidy up the big room in which she and about six other children slept. She helped one of the bigger girls make the beds. She was only eight, and not very. tall, but she knew how to smooth out the covers neatly. al /For the next few days the Young Pioneers in this home were all talking about going to the country. Some of them had never been out of the city before. Some of them didn’t know what it would be like at all. Ne / The children who knew what a farm was like made little clay models for the other children to see. They made little houses and then trees and put cows and horses and a few\tiny clay chickens into the yard in front of the house, On the day the children were bo pry each packed his little Friday, August 15, 1924 CONSTITUTION SAYS EVERY TURK IS BORN FREE But Some Turks ‘Are Freer Than Others ANGORA, Turkey, Aug. 14.—Turkey has adopted a new constitution. Out- wardly the break with the old is typi- fied by the choice of Angora, in cen- tral Asia Minor, as the nation’s capi- tal. The German ambassador has simply reopened the old embassy in Constantinople and represents Ger. many from there, going over to An- gora only on pressing business. One of the paragraphs of the new constitution guarantees freedom of the press. Everybody may publish what he pleases, and only after publi- cation can laws be invoked making publication punishable. The paragraph regarding liberty says: “Every Turk is born free and is to live freely. Freedom consists in his being permitted‘ to do: everything that will not cause harm to his fellow man. Freedom, a natural right of ev- ery man, has its limits in the free- dom of his neighbor. The law fixea the limits of this fredom.” No person may be indicted for his opinions. All customs are permitted ~ within public order and decency. The new Turkey is republican in form. A president, elected for four years, is at the head of the govern- ment. Working with him is a council of ministers which can be removed by the national assembly, the supreme legislative body. This national assem- bly is the only parliamentary body in Turkey, and in it are united both the legislative and executive departments of the government. Deputies are not chosen by or responsible to certain districts, but are all chosen at large and represent the nation. The judiciary is independent of the national assembly. Education is com- pulsory. The sanctity of mail and tel- egrams is safeguarded. The president is commander in chief of the military forces of the nation, Bulgars Fear Communists. SOFIA, Bulgaria, Aug. 14—All Com- munists in government Gepartments are to be ferreted out and discharged the Bulgarian cabinet has decreed. Workers in the railroad, mail, tele- graph and telephone services will be particularly sought out. The But gar officials claim that they fear Com- munist activities here, Fewer Coal Jobs In Indiana. Indianapolis, Aug. 14—During the first half of the fiscal year there were 23,861 miners on the payrolls of Indi- ana mines, according to the report of chief mine inspector. C. Littlejohn. Wages totaled $20,932,231, indicating per capita earnings of $880. The av- erage number employed in the prev- ious year was 31,189. Unemployment is increasing. marched to the station, they all piled into a train and rode for quite a long time. The children who had never been out in the country before eagerly crowded to the windows to see. First, they noticed that the houses were farther and farther apart. Then one child cried out at a broad field that had a lot of green grass growing knee-high. One little Pioneer shouted when she saw a fat pig running into the door of a little house. When the children got to the station a big wagon with a shaggy-hoofed horse met them and they scrambled into it. They went to a woods where there were more trees nm most of them had ever seeh be- fore. There was a little stream of water where they could go wading. The Young Pioneers stayed all summer long in the woods. Octobrina and the rest of them © got rosy cheeks and tanned skins. They used to help the peasants in the nearby farms. The peasants’ children told them how in the old days be-— fore the revolution they wear such rags. T! | had enough to eat altho they © often helped their fathers work in the fields to raise and vegetables for. the rich noble-— man who owned the land. .The peasants’ children told Octobrina that now everybody, owned the land and nobody. could take it away from any- one else. They were very ha) and said that they had to read’and write, and their fathers and mothers had just learned to read, too. The noble- man who made them work be- fore never their parents peers fy