The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 16, 1924, Page 6

aes | § 2: Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Distasi facten eaeeonecnjrinteninesrennsnceananytetom caper Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mail (in Chicago only)? $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 mont4s PSO eR ASSESS Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Ilinols PEER a ea J. LOUIS ENGDAHL Editors WILLIAM F. D VE MORITZ J. LOE: .Business Manager $6.00 per year op ESE ERARECE EESSRRERPEESISEEEE EN Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March’3, 1879. Advertiging rates on application. p> 250 The Capitalist International When the London Conference meets to discuss the application of the Dawes plan for settling the reparations problem, the problem that it has to solve is the healing of the split in the Capitalist International—which is another way of saying that it must find ways and means to bring the recalcitrant groups of national capitalists to ac- cept the hegemony of J. P. Morgan & Co. When that is finally accomplished America will enter the League of Nations, set up housekeeping there, and capitalism will be “tnified”—until it splits again. Just as the capitalists of Germany, in the worst hour of crisis, were saved by the Social-Democracy of Scheidemann, Ebert and Noske, so is the Capi- talist International finding today its ablest de- fenders in the leaders and parties of the Second International. Who is leading the fight in Lon- don to put the Dawes report into effect, a report that will enslave the German workers, and thru them, the workers of the world, for generations to come unless it is broken? It is MacDonald, the prime minister of the Labor Government, leader of the Labor Party, head of the Second Interna- tional. It is Herriot, who came to power in France thru the bloc des gauches and the socialists of the Second International. It is quite logical, therefore, that the capital- ists in the French and British parliaments (form- erly foes of Herriot and MacDonald) are reported to be handling their ministers “gently.” They should be gentle, for they will never get better servants than these two worthies. But there is no reason whatever for any who pretend to stand for the rule of the workers and the overthrow of capitalism to be gentle with these traitors to the working class. What is happening in London is that the “official” leaders of labor are trying to tie the working class to the broken down capital- ist system, and cement its falling stones again with the blood and sweat of the exploited masses. Czar’s Bondholders Still Hope Despatches from New York relate that a so- called “protective committee” for holders of Im- perial Russian government bonds issued by the press would not and could not turned against them as in the case of the working men on strike. Then the workers turned in despair to the courts. The lower branch of our judiciary aristocracy ruled that it had no jurisdiction. How illuminat- ing it is to note that the courts confess they have no right to make the employers toe the mark in questions of dispute with workingmen! The Ap- ie ai ce in the Keystone state, dominated by the Pehnsylvania Railroad, ‘then came across with a confirmation of the district court’s action. Here we have it. When the Railway Board de- cides against the workers, the courts leap to the defense of the bosses and supply the legal fiction and excuse for the mobilization of the strike-break- ing forces of the government against the employes striking in protest. When, perchance, the same anti-labor board hands down a decision not ad- verse to the workers, then the courts step in and nullify such actions. In a word, what one depart- ment of the government might fail to do for the employers, another is sure to make up for. This is capitalist justice with a vengeance. This is employing class democracy at its purest. The Employers Approve The country’s biggest open shop organization has announced its whole-hearted indorsement of the platform ,of the democratie and republican parties. In the July issue of “American Industries,” James A. Emery, the general counsel for this group of bosses, analyzes both platforms and shows how well they measure up with the demands made by the ‘open-shoppers in the matters involving the relations between government and business, the judiciary, taxation, foreign trade policies and the merchant marine. We are not surprised at the stamp of approval accorded the democratic and republican parties by the strongest organized group of employers in the country. Nor are we astonished at the frankness with which the platforms are welcomed. We have long ago been convinced of the truth that the don- key and the elephant feed from the same crib. Yet, at this time, the employers have-more than enough cause to warrant their jubilation at their complete control of the big parties. The declara- tion of Emery is especially instructive as can be seen for the following: “Despite the alleged radicalism of the hour, despite the threatening insistence of powerful groups and the menace of a third party, both plat- forms are free from ambiguous proposals to impair judicial remedies or. power in ‘the interest of any class. Despite the demand, no pledge is given to enlarge congressional authoxity, to acquire and operate public utilities, to grant aid or relief from the public treasury, or any form of exemption from the general operation of the law. “IN THE PAST CADE, NO PREVIOUS PARTY DECLARATION HAS BEEN FREE FROM SUCH PROMISE. To this result the dis- cussion precipitated by the platform of Industry (the National Association of Manufacturers) has made a worthy contribution.” The above estimate of the platforms of both Czar in 1916, of which $25,000,000 worth were sold] parties is significant in two ways. First of all we in the United States, is asking the bondholders} are treated to a justified boast of the growing in- to renew the arrangement by which the committee} uence of big business on the deliberations and was organized, for another two years. It expresses|actions of the dominant political parties. What _ nates felt that there was no power that could com- the hope that by the expiration of that time the Bolsheviki will have been persuaded to at least begin paying interest on the bonds. Bondholders never give up hope. Once they have a set of printed papers telling them that the work- ers of such-and-such a country, or such-and-such an industry, are bound to keep them in idleness by the payment of fixed sums of money at regular intervals, they never rest until they have found some means of foreing the payment. That is what armies, navies, big guns, poison gas, death-rays, etc., are for. That is what the “mobilization” day, to be carried out next September by the -U. 8. Army, is for. Perhaps it is the mobilization pro- ject that gives hope to the Czarist bondholders that they will be able to collect. Unfortunately for the parasites, but fortunately for the workers and peasants of Russia, the Soviet Government is stronger today than ever. If the bondholders really have any expectations of get- ing a bit of interest payment on the old discredited bonds of the C: they should be preparing to help force the Government of the United States to give the Russian workers a quid pro quo. That .~is, the Bolsheviks may pay—but only if they re- ceive in return, not only recognition, but also very definite and tangible concessions in the way of credit. The Courts Again Another blow has been struck at the workers in the decision of the United States Cireuit Court of Appeals against the railway employes of the Pennsylvar em receiving the wages awarded them by the Railway Labor Board . Attacks on the workers are, by this time, second nature to our courts of justice. In this instance, however, the lengths to which the judges will tray- ~ el in under-mining the working class organizations are brought home very painfully. The shop crafts federation sued the Pennsylvania Railroad for fifteen million dollars of back pay due the workers on the basis of a decision rendered by the Railway Labor Bo: In addition to the enforcement of the wage ruling the question of working conditions was also involved. The Penn- simply would not listen to the Railroad Beers oisch almost always rules against the work- ers on important points of dispute. The rail mag- pel them to obey the Board’: decision. These is of most timely import is the positive evidence afforded to the truth that both platforms are dyed-in-the-wool reactionary, that they speak more decisively than ever in behalf of the exploiting class. The capitalist class has gotten splendid results thru political organization. It is high time that the workers take a leaf out of the employing class manual of polities. Only political and industrial class organization can spell success for the work- ing masses. Toward the Next War The Department of Commerce has just published figures on the foreign trade of the United States which reveal the forces driving us headlong toward another war. During the year ending June 30th, exports amounted to $754,478,000 more than imports, or an increase of about five times the balance of trade of the previous year. Of this amount, the im- ports of gold wene almost a half billion dollars, as compared with slightly more than a quarter billion last year; while exports of gold decreased from 49 millions to 10 millions. In other words, a constantly growing volume of commodities .are being shipped abroad from the United States, while of the decreasing amount of imports there is constantly a greater quantity of gold, which is not,consumed but is heaped up in the vaults looking for investment markets abroad. It is for the purpose of following up this stream of wealth, secure “guarantees” for payment, seize profitable fields of investment for the proceeds and for the accumulations of gold, establish the he- gemony over capitalist Europe, and the colonial continents of Asia and South America, necessary for investment purposes,—in other words to estab- lish the power of the American Imperialism created by these forces of the capitalist order— that the hundreds of millions are being spent upon the Navy, the Army, and the Air Service, while the War Department organizes mass mobil- izations of citizens. The forces of Imperialism are driving us toward another war, in which capi- talism will destroy itself. The only power capable of carrying the working class thru this period to the establishment of a new society is the work- ing class. The only leaders that can show the way are workers organized in the Communist In- capitalists knew full well that the army and the |ternatiopal. 4 , .HE DAILY WORKER Who Owns The Democratic Party? By JAY LOVESTONE. The Two Parties. O one will take the democratic progressive pretentions seriously. The record of the democratic party is as uniform as that of the republican party in services rendered to the em- ploying class. \ At this juncture, it must be said that tho there is no fundamental difference between the republican and demo- cratic parties, yet there are differ- ences in attitude towards sunary dom- estic and foreign probleris. Now that the petty bourgeois, small capitalist element is more sharply apart from the republican party than ever, the republican party represents solely the interests of big capital, In the councils of the party of Coolidge, in the state as well as in the national bodies, there is today no longer any tangible conflict between the spokes- men of the petty owners and the big owners. Big capital is not only supreme but rules without the feeblest challenge. The acute agricultural crisis prevailing for the last five years, coupled with the increasing centraliza- tion of, state power, has driven what- ever small owning class elements there were out of the ruling chambers of the republican party. In the democratic party the situa- tion is somewhat different. First of all, there are still certain small capi- talist elements represented in its councils, As a matter of fact, despite the rapid industrial development of the South, cotton is still king in this tier of states. Then, there is some friction between the rising capitalist groups of the West and the ruling capi- talist clique of the East. Besides, there are numerous, so-called political- ly unattached elements, principally from the professional and other mid- dle class groups, that adhere with more or less regularity to the demo- cratic party. Furthermore, until be- fore the 1922 congressional elections the skilled layer of organized labor was almost solidly in the camp of the democratic voters, Thus, today, there is yet some basis of conflict between big capital and the small owners in the democratic party. Of course, big capital rules the demo- cratic party and the small owners take a back seat at moments of party decision on momentous questions. This conflict between the capitalist groups is reflected in the character of party deliberations, in the platform of the party and in its standard bearers. Anyone who has carefully observed the democratic convention at New York could have clearly seen the im- print of a wavering economic group, the middle class, on the platform adopted. The very form in which the democratic attitude toward the League of Nations was expressed, the taxation policy, the railroad policy, and the Klan controversy, all reflected the in- fluence and the interests of the petty bourgeoisie. At the same time, except for the tariff problem, and in a small measure perhaps, the Klan issue, the interests of the biggest capitalist groups were clearly dominant. An examination of the roster of leading figures in the democratic par- ty reveals the correctness of our char- acterization of the democratic party. Big Business Rules. When Pat Harrison, making his key- note speech at the last convention, proclaimed the democratic party a party of the downtrodden,” and when William Jennings Bryan, firing his blast against John W. Davis, echoed such sentiments, they were engaging in the crudest form of political dem- agogy and hypocrisy. If the republicans have their entry to the House of Morgan thru Dwight W. Morrow, a close friend of Presi- dent Coolidge, and a member of the f firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, then the democratic party enjoys the strictest confidence of the same royal house of finance thru Thomas W. Lamont, another member of the Mor- gan dynasty. Lamont is considered the second best brains, next to the master himself, in the firm of J. P. Morgan and Company. It will be re- called that Mr. Lamont was one of Wilson’s closest advisers while the peace negotiations were going on in Europe. In the powerful international bank- ing corporation of Kuhn,. Loeb and Company, two of the partners are re- publicans and two are democrats. Thomas Fortune Ryan, who is per- haps the strongest figure in the whole tobacco industry, who is the power behind the throne of many banks, trac- tion concerns. and other corporations, is still high in the councils of the de- mocratic party. MN Charles H. Sabin, chairman of the Board of. directors of the Guarantee Trust Company, which has total re- sources of nearly three quarters of a billion dollars, the largest organiza- tion of its kind in the United States, is a good democrat. Mr. Sabin is the president or director of at least thir- ty-eight banking, railway, oil, sugar, copper, telegraph, and steel corpora- tions, Among the gigantic corpora- tions, in which Mr. Sabin holds sway, are: The American Congo Company, The Asia Banking Corporation, The Cuba Cane Corporation, The Conti- nental Rubber Company, The Interna- tional Mercantile Marine Company, Midvale Steel and Ordiance Com- pany, Postal Telegraph Cable Com- pany, and Remington Arms Company. Barney Brooch, king’of the Wall Street speculators, has the vetoe power, rubber, banking, realty, and foreign trading corporations, is a full fledged democrat. At the head of the Texas Oil Com- pany which has close to four hundred million dollars in assets, is Judge Amos L. Beaty. Judge Beaty is one of the most prominent democrats in the country. The well-known shipping magnate, Mr. George Carden, who is also presi- dent of the New York Stock Exchange firm of Carden, Green and Company, is another influential democrat. The railway and power magnate, Benjamin F. Yoakum, is one of the guiding hands of the democratic party. Judge Robert S. Lovett, a director of the National City bank, Aominated by the Rockefeller group; a director of the New York Central Railway Company, controlled by the Morgan interests; and the president or direc- tr of twenty-three other railway, bank- ing, telegraph and trading corpora- tions, is one of the kingpins in the democratic fold. Among the other numerous million- aire democrats who occupy first row seats in the world of American finance and industry are: Samuel Untermyer, Henry Morgenthau, George Gordon Battle, W. M. Burrows, James W. Gerard, the sugar magnate Norman H. Davis, and D. F, Houston, president of the Bell Telephone Securities Com- pany, With such a galaxy of financial and industrail overlords in the governing circles of their party, the democrats need have no concern as to who’s who in their ranks. Thus, it is easy to understand why one of the leading financial writers of the country in dis- cussing the relations between the rem- ocratic convention and business, de- clared: “It is recognized in most trade quarters that no alarming proposals affecting business are likely to be found in whatever platform is drawn up. Nor are the available candidates regarded with any anxiety. More in- terest was manifested in the trade results to follow the present warm spell, than in political matters.” McADOO AND WALL STREET 'HE McAdoo forces are now blam- ing Wall Street tO? the defeat of their candidate at the democratic con- vention. , This charge is untrue. If Wall Street means the owners of the big industries of the country, the monoyed men who are high in the councils of finance, then certainly Wall Street was not opposed, as a unit, to McAdoo being the democratic standard bearer. The truth of the matter is that the McAdoo primary and convention cam- paigns were better financed than those of any of the other candidates in the field. The cost entailed in or- ganizing the McAdoo primary drives in the southern and western states and the expenses involved in holding the delegates in line at the New York convention run into millions of dol- lars. Only men of great wealth, only captains of industry and finance, can supply such huge funds for political purposes. These men are precisely the ones who are to be found in Wall Street and who, in the popular mind, are Wall Street. Barney Baruch, who invested heav- ily in the McAdoo venture, is an old- timer in Wall Street, He is one of the leading speculators in the money mar- ket of New York. Thomas L. Chad- bourne, another McAdoo backer, re- ceived his certificate of naturalization in Wall Street many years ago. To- day he enjoys the back door confl- dence of the clique that runs the street.” Nor have the McAdo forces ever challenged the widely accepted state- ment that the financial “angel” of the democratic party invested approxi- mately ten million dollars of 3% per cent tax-exempt government bonds in their primary and convention activi- ties. Who but a powerful figure in Wall Street could make such a huge investment? All this denunciation of Wall Street by McAdoo and his) allies is empty talk. If McAdoo is at all disappointed at Wall Street it is simply because he did not get as much of its support as he thought he was worthy of and because John W. Davis got more sup- port than he did. McAdoo’s latest anti-Wall Street fu- sillade is primarly an attempt on his part to continue his pose as a progres- sive. He will deceive no one, PARAS ss ela Send in that Subscription Today. Davis Getting “Coached.” LOCUST VALLEY, N. Y., July 15.— John W. Davis, democratic presiden- left here in an automo- er 10 o’clock this morn- ing for New York. He was accom- panied by his body guard, “Bill” Nye, and by Frank L. Polk, former assist- ant secretary of state, Davis will go to Polk’s home in New York city to map out further plans for the forthcoming campaign. Sond in that Subsoription Today. 8 Introducing Mr. Davis. John W. Davis needs no introduc- tion to the workers and farmers. He needs even less introductoin to the capitalists, As a member of the law firm of Stetson, Jenings, and Russell, Mr. Davis has been serving as the per- sonal counsel of J. P, Morgan and Company. But when the democratic convention repected Doheny oil in refusing to nominate McAdoo, it accepted Stand- ard oil in choosing ee W. Davis. When the noted expeft on internation- al dilplomacy, John Basset Mopre, r signed his post in the Standard Oil Company, in order to become a mem- ber of the Hague Court of Internation- al Justice, John W. Davis stepped into his place and has since functioned as the ‘legal expert of the Standard Oil Company in all its international af- fairs. In attempting to hide his corpora- tions, Mr. Davis has laid particular stress on the fact that he was intim- AS WE The bear that followed Miss Nellie ‘Neilson thru the Adirondack moun- tains for several miles turned out to be only a poor animal looking for a drink. Nellie was ambling along peace- fully in a mountain climbing stunt when, on turning around, she saw a bear ten feet in the rear. Being a brave girl and having some experience withering mere man with a danger glance on the presumptious creature's first sign of undue familiarity, Miss Neilson turned her optics on Bruin. The latter betrayed only slight amuse- ment and licked his’ chops. Nellie thought his designs on her person would not be confined to a hug, for which the bear is deservedly notor- ious. So she decided that discretion was the better part of valor and turned on her heel. The bear evident- ly was going in the same direction. There was not a Boy Scout or a Min- ute Man of the Constitution in the vicinity, so Nellie’s heart began to beat faster and the bear began to run faster. As she was losing hope, she reached a rivulet almost simultaneous- ly with the bear. The latter stopped right there and slaked his thirst, after which, without even giving her a part- ing look he went his way. Miss Neilson was disappointed after a fashion. It was rather disconcerting to learn that the bear was not chasing her but just looking for a drink. *“* © The Emir of Kurdistan is ordered deported. This is to be regretted. The DAILY WORKER took official cog- nizance of the Emir’s arrival here and expressed the wish that he might live a happy and prosperous life, if he could only use his wits to good ad- vantage as secretary of the treasury Fall did. The Emir had everything in his fayor—almost. He had a lengthy title, left several wives in Europe and was prepared to take on as many more here, discreetly. of course. He stayed at the swellest hotels in New York and swelled the deficit of some of them. He caused a flutter in the dove cots of society's debutantes. An- other Count Malm Hoogvonstaten! *_e © People who live in luxury without having to work are interesting. They are even mysterious. The Emir was one of them. He claimed descent from one of the oldest families in the world and none of his ancestors ever sul- lied the family escutcheon by work- ing. The Emir announced that he had the friendliest intentions toward America and would accept hospitality provided it was of the right sort. But it was discovered that the Emir was having a pipe dream. He made the mistake of working for a living once and the New York 400 could not for- give him for that. He was an im- poster. They could never let a man who oncé pressed pants for a living to press his suit on any of the four hundred’s daughters who might like to swap a million or two for the thrill of being married to a man with a title. James J. Davis, Secretary of Labor, was appealed to and he decided to de- port the social wolf who was willing to become a social lion. The last time the Emir was here he had an audience with president Harding and slapped that kindly man on the back quite familiarly. Poor Harding was 80 easy. He had such a magnetic per- sonality for crooks that an honest man had a chance to get next to him. Au Revoir, Emir! eee . Because American boys are ashamed to be seen kissing their mothers, a man from Kansas City, Mo. and a ganization is needed to popularize the kissing of mothers by their children, It might be called “A Society for the Advancement of Filial Effection Thru the Popularization of Kissing Moth- ers.” In fact there. is an organization fostered by the Free Masons with 150,000 young people in it and the kiss- ing of mothers is one of its cardinal principles, The Masons are not averse to kissing mothers or wives but only the recipients of their osculatory tokens of affection are not their own, according to law or heredity. If the fathers of the young Masons consider- ed it less of a duty than a pleasure to kiss their wives perhaps their children | By T. J. O'FLAHERTY. Wednesday, July 16, 1924 ately connected with the framing of the Clayton Act while he was Solicitor, General. Without delving into hii torical why and wherefore and the real value of this law, to the workers, one can easily puncture this election gas balloon of Davis by citing merely one subsequent event. It was the Coronado decision with which Mr, Davis was even more intimately con. nected than with the Clayton Act, that wiped outwhatever possible bene- fits the workers might garner from the latter law. And, it was the same Mr, John W. Davis who was responsible the Coronado decision. It certainly was no accident that Mr. Davis was hired in the Coronado to undo what the Clayton Act might, at its best, mean to the workers. No doubt, it was Mr. Davis’ acquaintance with and intimate knowledge of the Clayton law that caused his being hired by the Coronado Coal Company in its effort to wipe the law off the statute books. (Continued tomorrow.) ’ SEE IT might not consider the same kind of activity a violation of the moral code. Capitalist society is ripe for a de-bunk- ing expert. PAR. Ss Gompers is more than unusually ill. This is indicated by the growing speculation regarding his successor. Among those mentioned for Gomper’s Sceptre are Matthew Woll, the Crown Prince, George L. Berry, the strike- breaker, John L. Lewis, ditto, and Mr. Hutchenson of the carpenters. Bach one of these gentlemen would serve the capitalist class to the best of their abilities but none of them could fill the vacancy as well as the master. Gompers is worth his weight in gold to the capitalist class. In the event of John L. Lewis succeeding Sam, the other big international presidents would not be inclined to bury their Jealousy. of each other as they do now. Lewis would have the Federation “rope of sand” as Gompers called it, looking like a wisp of smoke inside of one year. It is not surprising that Calvin Coolidge as chief representa- tive of the capitalist class of this country should express his master’s regret over Sam’s illness. -_* © The socialist party merges itself in the LaFollette party. It is the old story of “The King is Dead. Long Live the King.” All the socialist party undertakers are injecting liberal doset_ of embalming fluid into the corpse Debs, himself in a sanitarium, added his mite to the efforts of Hillquit an¢) Berger to make it appear that the 50, cialist party is not dead but dosing or doting. Debs, in a letter to the faithful, waves the red flag furiously but- wisely. On the whole he think: the socialist party convention coulc have done nothing else but get behinc LaFollette, yet he says: “I have t confess frankly that with certai: features of the convention of the prog. ressive elements and with certain ac tions in their proceedings, I could no possibly under ordinary circumstance find myself in agreement. To yield t: the weakness and cowardice of ex pedience has always been repugnan to my nature, and especially since — pledged my allegiance to the socialis movement.” But Mr. Debs goes alon| nicely with Hillquit’s ambition to be © senator or perhaps attorney genere in the LaFollette cabinet, while th) socialist party goes to make up th LaFollette political omelet. { * * . The Prince of Wales is on the wate wagon. The young man did not fa) off a horse for—a long time it seem) He is a frequenter of a Paris cabare which penalizes the use of water. Prince drank Coca Cola. meal manager, just said, “I don’t care if b drank water.” The prince is coming America and perhaps is getting h’ innards in order for the ordeal. B the way, isn’t it amusing that whi Ramsay MacDonald. is worrying h poor head over the troubles of British Empire, the young king show! only worry about satisfying his anim appetites. Great age. But likes serving the king. The Poor Fish says: It was noble thing the Socialist Party | to go with LaFollette for the sak of harmony. And the only thin they got out of it was the honor o_ having Abe Cahan appointed to co lect the funds to pay LaFollette! campaign expens: To mak Such a sacrifice for a nf an exhibition of sterling Christian ity that even Jesus bean ef ashamed of, fli fi