The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 14, 1924, Page 4

Page Four ‘THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill, (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.50....6 months $3.00....8 months y mall (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montus $600 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER WMS W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Illinois i, JIS BNGDAHL ) LIAM F. DUNNE ) MORITZ J. LOEB. Wditors jusiness Manager Bntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879, <P 290 “On the Cross of Gold” Coolidge and Dawes will be the standard-bearers of the reactionary Republican party. This choice is of monumental significance. Everyone expected Coolidge to be nominated. Many believed that a sham progressive would be chosen as “Cautious Cal’s” running mate. Others thought that if an out-and-out dyed-in-the-wool reactionary would: be picked as the second man on the ticket the honors would fall on a dark horse. Dawes may be as black as they come in politics, but there is nothing unknown or hidden about him. Coolidge and Dawes will be the gold-dust twins of the Republican campaign. The selection of this team to make the race for the party of graft, oil and polluted politics is of three-fold import to the working and poor farming classes of the country. First of all, the character of the personnel shows very plainly that the reactionary capitalist clique' intends to do no word-mincing in the coming! months. The powerful employing class interests have chosen the frontal, open, direct method of attack on the discontented masses. Coolidge is a perfect son of the financial alleys. Dawes is an old-timer at the game of serving the owning class. It was Dawes who helped Mark Hanna sell McKin- ley, the marionette of American imperialism, to the country. It was Dawes who opened the Republi- can party’s open shop campaign in December, 1922, before the Chicago Chamber of Commerce with the warning to the working class that “The politicians these days are afraid of the labor unions, many of which are headed by criminals. We need men who are not afraid of mobs—who are ready to fight.” Secondly, the selection of Coolidge and Dawes indicates that the American capitalist class is very definitely committed to an out and out offensive international policy. Little camouflage will be Advertising rates on application. jcountry. The sale of some of the biggest estates employed to hide the imperialist maneuvers. Plain alle auetsden “Neeac tor WOH wien Me ~“ mercial supremacy will be the pillars buttressing the diplomacy of Yankee foreign policy. The Dawes plan and the Dawes nomination are closely] Labor is the name of a weekly paper published linked. Thirdly, the choice of two such notorious spokes- men of the uppermost crust of the exploiting class shows that the capitalist class is going to invest most heavily in putting over its safe-and-sane president. Months ago we told our readers that the reactionaries were planning to invest $250,- 000,000 in the campaign. The proof is here in the person of Dawes. What the solons of Wall Street will do now is to invest a handsome sum in the Democratic ticket which will be permitted to take on a some- what more liberal tinge so that the masses will not go wrong in voting either way. All of this should only serve to instill the working and poor farming masses a desire to organize a mighty party of their own to fight the capitalist class. The employers have thrown down the gauge of battle to the ex- ploited masses. Resistance to the bitter end against oppression by the big business interests or crucifixion on the capitalist cross of gold—these are the only roads open to the working and dis- possessed farming classes of the country. Machinists Hit Collaboration It is significant of the growing revolt against the futilities of W. H. Johnston, with his fake progressivism and class collaboration, that the Machinists’ District No. 73 convention, covering the C. M. & St. P. Ry. system, meeting in Milwaukee, should overwhelmingly adopt a resolution that denounces the “B. & O.” plan in unmeasured terms. Johnston’s scheme for collaboration with the capitalists inevitably involves him in a_bit- ter struggle against his own rank and file. In fact, it arose out of such a struggle, and was de- signed to give the officials a new base of operations, independent of the membership. Along with the so-called labor banks, it is calculated to destroy the ability of the membership to control the union. It is the repudiation of unionism and of the class But the members of the machinists’ unjon believe in fighting against the bosses. They cannot be kidded, in great numbers or for long, by the John- ston-Beyer bunk. When they want a stronger union thru amalgamation, they will not be put off with proposals for joint meetings with foremen to convention is but the first registration of a great that is arising thruout the union against a is inyolved in the “B. & 0.” plan. the G. O. P. convention. constitute¢” is now the only grounds alleged ne Soe The Roumanian Crisis Roumania is in the throes of a deep-going social change. Little by little the last vestiges of feudal influence are being uprooted. The day of undis- puted capitalist supremacy, a dictatorship not marred by the challenge of the feudal land-owning class or disturbed by the rumblings of the revolu- tionary proletariat is now clearly in sight. The role of the capitalist class of Roumania: in the war was despicable and cowardly. It bore all the earmarks of the vascillating, floundering policy so charcteristic of the exploiting class at the early stage of its development. But goaded on by the allies and finally succeeding in winning over the landlord class, the Roumanian capitalists finally entered the lists against the German mili- tary machine. Then the Roumanian ruling classes were re- warded for their bloody work. Special recogni- tion was accorded them because of the dastardly role played in crushing the Hungarian Soviet Re- public. The allied imperialists aided and abetted the Roumanian seizure of Bessarabia while Soviet Russia was busy fighting back counter-revolution. This course of development lent tremendous im- petus to the enhancement of the political and economic powers of the Roumanian bourgeoisie. French capitalists did their bit to strengthen the Roumanian tyranny. But soon there was a con- flict in sight between the land-owning class and the capitalists. The recent menacing gestures of General Averescu at the head of the well-to-do peasants against the Bratiano government were manifestations of a brewing revolt against the hegemony of the capitalists over the land-owners. Now we are told that the Roumanian govern- ment is taking aggressive measures to. strengthen the grip of the capitalist class on the unfortunate. to the peasantry was only an attempt to “weaken the feudal overlords and get more revenue to main- tain the dominantly capitalist government in power. Then the great state resources, as mines, fisheries and forests were given away for a song to the capitalists. Soon a moratorium was de- clared against the debts owed to foreign govern- ments and foreign individuals by Roumanian debtors. Now the oil fields controlled by Ameri- can, French, British and Dutch interests are being confiscated. This is simply another step in the same direction. Of course, the Roumanian govern- ment will yield to foreign pressure and return the properties, but only after it will have secured pledges for huge financial assistance from the Paris and London bankers. The Roumanian capi- talists must have such big loans in order to be able to hold their own in case of a revolt against their tyranny either by the workers and poor farmers or by the slave-owning class. ~ THE DAILY WORKER THE WISCONSIN CRAWFISH ren, “ aa Yorn un Min E% v0 7% oy ue eel = cael CLEVELAND Au ola Bah atte Mb aw ay Dares Saturday, June 14, 1924 9° t8 Mae ome g e ’ pains EG aan y “ Shes tata eu an Heer aot Manuiine “oo nnn Fighting Leaders of June 17th The St. Paul Farmer-Labor conven- tion, which opens June 17, will be re- markable in many respects. Perhaps its most outstanding feature will be the number of workers and “grass roots” farmers’ representatives who possess in pronounced degree, the var- ious qualities necessary to leadership. Some of these—the men and wo- men who have built the Farmer-Labor movement, who have made it articu- late, who have given it political di- rection and furnished the general leadership that will culminate in the formation of a great class party of workers and farmers—are of more than passing interest. Because those leaders will be intrusted’ with this great task they may have to brave the jails and penttentiaries in these last desperate days of American capi- talism. Upheaval From The Subsoll. The coming convention is an up- heaval from the very subsoil of the American farmers and industrial workers, The more prominent figures in the convention have gained their standing by their ectual everyday struggle as a part of the worker mass- es in which they themselves func- tion. Speakers and writers whose er.” Walker is chairman of the new- ly organized Farmer-Labor party of North Dakota. He says that he has the reddest barn in the state, and that he’s not afraid of the “Bolshe- viks.” And we will see Dave Hamilton of North Dakota, who was a member of the state senate. Hamilton says that he is just an old flat-footed cow-puncher farmer, who rode the range away back when we slept under the blue dome of heaven for a tent, with our saddle for a pillow, and drank our coffee from atin cup. Senator Dave Hamilton is one of North Dakotas best orators. He learned to despise “pussyfooters” in 1912. William Bouck, Fruit Rancher. There we also shall find William Bouck, from Washington, He is a fruit-rancher and an old “Pop,” for years the master of the old Grange in Washington. He was sxpelled from that organization in 1921 because of his radical views. Today he is the president of the Western Progressive Farmers, the most progressive organi- zation of farmers in the country. Bouck thoroly understands the farm- er, his psychology and his problems. John C. Kennedy. words teem with knowledge of the stark misery of the oppressed work- ers, will be in evidence in this con- vention. Send In that Subscription Today. “Labor” Stabs Labor by the officials of the sixteen standard railroad unions. It is run by the same men who control the Conference for Progressive Political Action and the July 4th gathering in Cleveland. And Labor is carrying on the same kind of sabotage, disruption and betrayal on the political field that split the railroad unions in the strike of 1922 and almost destroyed the shop crafts. In its current issue, Labor boasts that LaFol- lette, by his attack upon the St. Paul convention, had “won the applause of the nation.” And who does Labor quote to back up the statement? Not even ordinary official labor papers, but the capi- talist press, the natural enemies of the labor move- ment. The New York World, the Baltimore Sun, the Washington News, the Hearst newspapers— these are the sources of the “applause of the nation,” according to the paper that calls itself Labor. Such an effort to stab the Farmer-Labor party movement in the back is typical of Labor and its bureaucrat bosses. In the railroad strike they calmly applauded while seven unions helped the bosses to defeat the other nine. In the political struggle of 1924, they have calmly, and as a matter of course, developed two (or three) distinct politi- cal policies which will inevitably split even their own pitiful efforts in the old parties, in their dual movements for LaFollette and McAdoo. Now they carry disruption a step farther, in their slander against the only real effort at political action for the producing classes, the St. Paul convention on June 17th. “A rose of any other name would smell as sweet” and whether the sheet is called Wall Street Journal or Labor makes no difference. It is doing the will of the bankers in the working class ranks. Dawes Charles G. “Hell’n Maria” Dawes is a fit run- ning-mate for strike-breaker Coolidge. His Minute Men of the Constitution are the picked troops of American Fascism. His financial connections are of the best, the Central Trust Company of Chicago being a part of the Morgan system. But above all, Dawes is the exponent of the new plan to “pacify” Europe and establish American imperialism, in the second Versailles treaty of the Experts Com- discuss cinder walks. The action of the Milwaukee| mission Report. Now the only thing necessary to complete the the traitorous selling-out to the companies that)picture, establishing for all time the standard of 100 per cent Americanism in presidential candi- dates, is for the Democratic convention to nomi- Mr. Coolidge appealed for “reverence for con-/nate McAdoo and Berry. McAdoo, the financial d authority,” in an address delivered on the|expert and representative of Wall Street; Berry, The fact that it}the Fascist strike-breaker, “labor leader,” and home-guard hero of the world war—it sounds like the millenium of capitalism. women need ountry, tha lies east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio river. But all sections of the country will be represented in the St. Paul gathering and it is ap- propriate that mention be made of a few of these outstanding figures. Many others, with whom we .are not yet so well acquainted, will be pres- ent who will have their part in mak- ing this gathering a great historic event. Tom Ayres, Cattle Puncher. Among the foremost figures will be Tom Ayres, from South Dakota, the domain of the “Last Great West,” where cowboys still wear their “chaps” and ride the “range” as they did all over the west in the ’80s. Ayres is one of the last af the old cattle ranchers. He has led an adventurous career on the plains and if the Black Hills of South Dakota, his netive state. Always close to the pioneer farmer who battled both the wild country and the fast encroaching sys- tem of capitalist exploitation, he was at one time secretary of the first Pop- ulist Governor of South Dakota. Ayres, the old time “Pop,” after many years of service—some of which were given to the old Non-partisan League—is today a confirmed Farmer- Laborite. Ayres has not alone studied the farmer at the “grassroots,” but he has read extensively and written much. In 1921, he wrote: “Wall Street is the Government of the United States. The Offices of the Government are not at Washington; They are at 17 Wall Street.” Tom Ayres is the candidate for United States senator on the ticket of the Farmer-Labor party of South Dakota. And he is less anxious to be elected to that office than he is to build a permanent organization that will serve the workers’ interests. Alice Lorraine Daly. Alice Lorraine Daly, born on a Min- nesota farm, another prominent leader, lives at Mitchell, South Dakota. She was a high school teacher in South Dakota in the days of the war hys teria, and lost her job for refusing to line up with the old party politicians. Miss Daly is a graduate of the Boston school of oratory, and on many occa- sions has used her oratorical powers quite effectively to “clean up” on some of the fakers who attacked her leadership. In 1922 Miss Daly was a candidate for governor of South Da- kota, She went thru with a killing campaign, traveling hundreds of miles in the battered Fords of the poor farmers, on the hot plains, swept by swarms of mosquitoes, flies and other pests. She spoke to thousands of meetings, rolled up 50,000 votes and was beaten by only a narrow margin. “Dad” Walker. Then there will be R. H. “Dad” Walker, from North Dakota, ond of the “old-timers” of the Non-partisan league in that state. He it™is who said that there are three kinds of Most of these men and John C. Kennedy, from Seattle, Wash., formerly a professor of eco- nomics, will be on deck. Today he is the able secretary of the Farmer-La- bor party of Washington. Kennedy got his ea ning in movement of Chicago, where he was elected to the city council as a So- cialist alderman. Later he left the Socialist party and “went west.” The state of Washington, where he now makes his home, has probably the best developed Farmer-Labor move- ment in the country—with the possi- ble exception of Minnesota. Green of Nebraska. W. H. Green comes from Nebraska as the secretary of the Nebraska Pro- gressive party. His home is at pres- ent in Omaha, where he is well known, especially for his writings. }Much that he writes curiously enough, appears in the Omaha newspapers. And when aimed at some old party politician, these writings are read as tho written with a pen dipped in vit- riol. Green is tall and lean and, like Cassius, he “hath a hungry look” that bodes ill to false leaders. The present governor of Nebraska, Charles Bryan, (brother of “Grape-juice” W. J.) has made great efforts to capture the progressive party—especially its secretary. But Green has steadfastly refused to be captured, and has stood uncompromisingly for the organiza- tion of a genuine Farmer-Labor party in his home state—linked solidly to a similar national organization. Beebe, a Fighting Reverend. And another from Nebraska is J. L. Beebe, chairman of the progressive party there. He is the reverend gen- tleman who was not afraid to speak at a memorial meeting held in com- memoration of Nicolai Lenin. Beebe is an authority on the federal reserve system, and is well known to the farmers, especially of Nebraska, He has spoken thruout the state on the deflation of the farmer by the federal reserve system. He has spoken before more local unions in Omaha than most labor officials. By his encouraging speeches to the striking shopmen he did more to hearten them in their late struggle, than several interna- tional officers. Lochray—Amalgamationist. Still another prominent delegate from Nebraska is J. A. Lochray, the fighting editor of the Mid-West News, mity of some of the labor fakers of Omaha, because of his uncompromis- ing attitude in favor of the amalga- mation of the craft unions, and the formation of a militant Farmer-Labor party. Loch is the type of uine progressive whom the worke) and farmers of Nebrasku—disgusted with the fake “progressivism” of Wil- Mam J. Bryan, are turning to. Montana Scrappers. Charles EF. Taylor, state senator and editor of the Plentywood Producers News, is a young scrapper from Mon- tana, He was born on a farm in Min- nesota, and his father is still one of the most militant Farmer-Laborites in that state, ‘Taylor is an orator, farmers: ‘The tired farmer; the re-|and in his political fights has cleaned ignatures are tired farmer and the rubbertired farm-|up on every faker in his home town |cally in the editorial columns of the|still coming in at over 100 a day, .|Greenwich Village wizards, for in- i of Plentywood. He will be one of the most aggressive figures in the con- vention. State Senator J. H. Anderson, also from Montana, is famous as one of the most eloquent’ campaigners in the state. He has a strong grasp of the many problems of the farmers. 2. Rs. Foster and Ruthenberg. These men and women, who come out of the great northwest, are the very backbone of the Farmer-Labor movement, that has been springing up. in the various states. In addition to them there will be present in the con- vention the representatives of the most militant section of the working class, William Z. Foster and C. E. Ruthenberg as the delegates of the Workers’ party. This is the foundation for the wide- spread belief that the present farmer- labor movement will become a virile AS WE E. B. Ault, editor-manager of the Seattle Union Record, resigned from his position. He gave as his reasons for quitting, the apathy of the trade unions in Seattle and their failure to support their own paper. While his criticism is no doubt justified—the nadlee tt ease A ship are apathetic and the leaders are worse—the Seattle Union Record has disappointed those members of the la- bor movement who are the backbone of every such venture—the radicals. & 0% The Record slipped rapidly from its original position as a fighting, class- conscious daily, until today there is nothing to distinguish it from a capi- talist paper. Only recently it boasted of its acquisition of the yellow Hearst features which that notorious dope- ster and journalistic prostitute injects into the brain cavities of his readers. But when it lost the support of the radicals, it lost the foundation upon which a labor daily could successfully withstand the attacks of the capitalist class who look with hate and sus- picion on even the mildest of labor dailies. When Mr. Ault was in the east re- cently he called in at the office of the DAILY WORKER. On his arrival in Seattle a news item appeared in the Record announcing the appearance of the DAILY WORKER but deprecating our insistence on playing up only such tional factor to the working class and ignoring the slush that passes for news in the capitalist pres: But it may interest Mr. Ault to know that even from the circulation point of view the DAILY WORKER policy is showing results. labor, Ce The DAILY WORKER manages to be inte: ig, instructive and educa- tional. has the support of the radi-| cals and the progressives whose pro- gressivism is of the forward kind. It has the open enmity of the reaction- aries in the trade union movement and it has earned the unplacable ha- tred of the capitalist class. We are satisfied, Our readers are satisfied. Mr. Ault has had the same experience the other “wise” Mberals had—the stance, who outdid the yellow social- ists who ran the New York Call into the poor house. He has learned that no labor editor can sink low enough to satisfy the capitalists and live an By T. J. O'FLAHERTY. news as had some value as an educa- * Its readers do not have to wade thru a sea of sex per- version, murders and burglaries in or- der to ferret out an item of news re- lating to their daily struggles and the movement to advance the cause of By Joseph Manley force in the struggle of the oppressed against capitalism. The great Ameri- can agrarian revolts of the past failed from lack of unity of the farmers with the industrial workers. Workers and Farmers Uniting. The St. Paul convention is the df rect result of the militancy and om ganizing ability of the most militant section of the workers. It is the rée- sult of the iron will and determination to unite and organize following the July 3rd convention—against the op- position of all the combined’ forces of capitalism, a great national farmer- labor movement. The June 17 con- vention will mark the end of the old fallacy that the interests of the ex- ploited farmers and workers are di- ametrically opposed. Out of St. Paul will march a class party of workers and farmers deter- mined to seize power from the com- mon enemy. SEE IT official organ of the Chicago Federa- tion of Labor, which for a long time had one foot in the Gomper’s camp and another foot in the radical camp, Mr. Buck had to take to movie re- viewing in order to express himself emotionally. His movie reviews will screen who hesitate tv take a chance on getting a sick stomach looking jet the tripe that passes for cinema drama. ef @ The New Majority tried to appease the Gompersian wrath in order to save the heads of the Chicago Federation of Labor from the consequences of their venture into the realm of pale radicalism. It tried to maintain the fiction of radicalism which it had won by being the official organ of a class Farmer-Labor party, now defunct but destined for reberth at St. Paul, and thru its defense of the political and class war prisoners and its gen- eral decency as a progressive labor organ. But it failed to satisfy ‘either the reactionaries or the radicals. It fell between two stools, It tried to ride two horses going in two different directions. Jesus is supposed to have said: “He that is neither hot nor cold I will vomit him out of my mouth,” The labor movement does just that. The New Majority is not yet vomited out of labor's mouth, but it is an undigestible piece of hard tack in labor's stomach. ft Among those who will be glad to see Mr. Buck leave the editorial chair of the New Majority is the gas pipe brigade that is not satisfied with the Fitzpatrick-Nockels repudiation of in- dependent working-class political ac- tion. The official organ of this gang is the Chicago Labor News, which cannot be secured on the newstands or in the bookshops. It is printed for private circulation and for the bene- fit of a list of business men who ap- pear in its columns until they do the right thing. When they do, their names no longer decorate its pages, The gang that runs that paper does not want Fitzpatrick in the chair as head of the Chicago Federation of Labor. What of it if he went back on his political principles and returned to the Gompersian trouble trough? He is not a member of the holdup bri- gade, and this gang cares nothing for principles. It wants a man in the po- sition of president of the Chicago Fed- eration of Labor who will do business as the real fellows do it. To hell with ethics and scruples. They are after the dough. 0 ee Therefore, the gentle hint is thrown out that new leader is wanted. independent existence, but in his! pown has left for Seattle. Buck is downward. dive he Jost the support Of saving tor Washington, ‘The dootis the workers, pala. fete. left invitingly open for Fitzpatri The New Majority is another paper that has suffered because its editor found himself intellectually hog tied, He was always between the devil and the deep sea, Intellectually he. int clined toward the left, but his official head depended on maintaining the proper equilibrium between right and left or perhaps right and wrong. able to express his real self politi- Vertly, the way of the revolutionist is strewn with thorns but that of the compromiser and renegade is dotted with the skins of over-ripe bananas, OKLAHOMA CITY, June 13.—By a margin of 3,000 votes over the 5,000 legally required the Farmer-Labor party of Oklahoma earns a place petition on the official ballot for November election. Sign Ay, All. SiN PAT IOV OTA, Of et RRs one