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Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) | SUBSCRIPTION RATES | By mail: | $3.50....6: months $2.00....3 months By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....8 montis | $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE ) MORITZ J. LOEB... Editors Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <= 200 Advertising rates on application. Unionize the Western Electric Among the greatest trustified industries that have crushed out all traces of unionism stands the electrical trust, subsidiary of the great interests that control telephone and telegraph communica- tion in the United States. The Western Electric plants in Chicago, employing tens of thousands of workers, mainly young men and women, typify these industrial feudalist survivals. Labor will be forced to break down these walled cities of capital- ism before it can put up an effective fight against exploitation. The series of articles now beginning in the DAILY WORKER about conditions in the Western Electric plants will be of great help in rousing the consciousness of the enslaved workers therein. They will also help the labor movement in other industries to realize that these unorgan- ized plants are like pistols at the head of the trade unions of the country. From the unorganized in- dustries, such as steel, packing, and electricity, come the leadership and finances of the “open shep,” union-crushing campaigns of the employing class. Such pest-houses of anti-unionism must be wiped off the labor map. Readers of the DAILY WORKER should pay especial attention to the articles on the electrical industry, should pass them on to fellow unionists, and should assist in getting copies into the hands of every worker in the electrical industry. By all working together we will lay the ground for union- izing the Western Electric Company. Send in that Subscription Today! Fooling the Philippines Press despatches would have us believe that the Filipino independence advocates recently arrived in Washington are ready to accept the Fairfield and Johnson measures providing for Philippine ‘We are loath to believe it, unless such deter- mined fighters for complete national freedom as Guevara, Quezon, Osmena, Roxas, and Gabaldon have permitted the imperialist lackeys at Washing- ton to pull the wool over their eyes. If the Filipi- no mission will lend a hand in the passage of this measure it will be falling into a dangerous trap set for the independence movement by the General Woods, Colonel Proctors, the Firestone Rubber and the Standard Oil interests. Once the Filipino spokesmen admit that the American imperialists have a right to stay in the Islands even one day, let alone twenty-five years, they will be surrendering the cardinal point of their whole struggle, they will be surrendering the most powerful weapon in their hands—the fact that the American capitalists and their strike- breaking government have no business in the Phi- lippines and are there only to exploit the country and rob the native people of the natural resources of the archipelago. Besides, postponing the settle- ment of the question of independence for a quarter of a century—means depriving the great Filipino freedom movement of much of its present fervor and zeal. This is precisely what the reactionary capitalist government at Washington is playing fer. There is still another rub to this crooked mandeuver on the part of the Coolidge Teapot administration. During the twenty-five year tran- sition period the American capitalists will increase their investments in the Philippines and will make sure of getting a stranglehold on the islands. At present we are told that the Philippines can’t be freed in less than twenty-five years because it will take this period for the Filipino people to meet the obligations they have incurred to certain Boston and New York bankers. It is as clear as the bright- est daylight that at the end of the fixed period the Filipino nation will be more than ever in bondage tc our profit-hungry financiers. Thus, the reasons that are being given today against immediate Phi- lippine independence will be given with much more force behind them twenty-five years from now. The present “solution” is therefore no solution at all and simply serves our ruling class with an effec- tive ruse for denying the Filipino people their national freedom ‘which is long overdue them. We hope that the Filipino spokesmen will not allow our capitalist plunderbund to fool them. If Quezon, Osmena and their colleagues do not fight the Fairfield and Johnson measures tooth and nail, they will be guilty of striking a serious blow at ‘the cause of their people. We hope that the Fili- * pino working and farming masses who are the real driving force in the whole freedom movement and who will be the ones to bear the brunt of the suffer- ing and burdens imposed upon the archipelago will make their sentiment known in unmistakeable terms and will have the Indepefidence Mission em- phatically repudiate the intentions now being at- _ tributed to it. 4 them the leadership of the Communist Interna- ES a Thin about twenyaive vere 7 Bankruptcy of Progressives The recent pronouncement of LaFollette is the declaration in bankruptcy of the so-called progres- sives in the Republican party. These luke-warm opponents of the old guard in the Republican machine have been playing around with the aroused workers and farmers, hoping to divert them from their class aims, and trading upon their support for favors from the machine. Grow- ing presure from their bosses on one side, and more definite demands from the masses on the other, have finally forced their hand. The pseudo- progressives now announce which side of the struggle they are on. They are against the farmer- labor movement. Such rapid bankruptcy of the LaFollette group will doubtless surprise thousands of workers and farmers, who have had little opportunity to study, or political experience whereby to judge these political fakers.. The shock of disillusion will be a distinct service to the farmer-labor movement, however, and is all the more valuable coming so early in the game. It could not be expected that the masses would accept the word of the Communists and other class-conscious ele- ments who have been pointing out that just this must happen. It was necessary that LaFollette himself, and all of his kind, should, by their acts of treachery, force home the lesson to the toiling masses that they must depend entirely upon their own class power, upon their own organization, upon their own leadership, in the struggle against capitalist exploitation. The first lesson in the A. B. C. of polities has been given to the working class. The whole move- ment is strengthened and braced by the dash of cold water upon its youthful and misplaced en- thusiasm for the middle-class politicians. For- ward, now, to the struggle and to the further experience which will forge the power of working class emancipation! Send in that Subscription Today! Greetings to “Il Lavoratore!” Il Lavoratore, Communist daily paper in the Italian language, has appeared. The first issue was in the hands of its eagers readers yestérday. The energetic work and loyal devotion of the Italian Section of the Workers Party has been rewarded. Italian workers now have their own daily paper. The new daily is a weapon for the class-conscious Italian workers who, because of language, are not able to take full advantage of the DAILY WORKER. It carries the message of the Workers Party of America to the millions of Italians in this country who cannot yet sufficiently use the English language. It gives them the news of the revolutionary movement of the workers; it gives ORB tional; it joins them to the international working class. Ill Lavoratore is another gun jn the great battery of the Communist and working-class press. The DAILY WORKER greets its Italian comrade, and calls upon its readers to salute it with a bombard- ment of subscriptions. Send in that Subscription Today! The Place of Co-Operatives Co-operative organizations of workers, designed to take over distribution of the necessities of life by the workers themselves insofar as the workers’ resources may permit, have long occupied an im- portant part in working-class life in Europe. There is every reason to expect that co-operatives will de- velop more and more in America, in spite of the fact that in the past such efforts have led a pre- carious existence. Class-conscious workers should welcome efforts in this direction, should partic- ipate in them, and help to guide them along sound working-class lines. But those advocates of co-operative endeavors, who try to raise the co-operative movement to the position of a cure-all of social evils, who present it as an alternative to the class struggle, or who try to make of it an instrument of collaboration of the workers with the capitalist class, will have to be resolutely put in their place. There is a dis- tinct tendency in American co-operative efforts to make of the movement something exclusive of trade union and political action, substitutes for the more direct and far-reaching organs of struggle. Such ideas cannot be tolerated in a healthy working class. ks Send in that Subseription Today! A Valuable Lesson Announcements of their position on the June 17th Convention by organizations and prominent men, continue to clarify the situation for the workers. Against June 17th are Gary, Morgan, Coolidge, McAdoo, Burns, LaFollette, Gompers, Hopkins, et al. For June 17th are the Farmer- Labor Federation of Minnesota, the Labor Party of Illinois, the Progressive Party of Nebraska, the United Farmer-Labor Party of New York, the Western Progressive Farmers, the Farmer-Labor Party of Washington, the Farmer-Labor parties of Oklahoma, North and South Dakota, Michigan, Montana, California, and innumerable cities and counties, When the organized workers and farmers find themselves so sharply at odds with the middle- class politicians and bureaucrats who have allied themselves with the exploiting capitalists against independent working-class organization, then they will learn the first lesson of political, power— depend upon yourselves, organize your own forces, crystallize your own leadership. HE DAILY WORKER By M. A. SKROMNY. It was fifty-two years ago, way back in the old Darkest Russia, in a little old Dithuanian-Russian village, when a youth of 17, made up his first revo- lutionary song. The rays of light and hope had just begun to break thru the heavy black clouds of the terrible reaction of czardom, Nobody dared to think, to even dream of freedom. A small handful of the Insazie Brave, as Gorki calls them, used to come together in the dark of the night at the grave yard of the old village church to dream their insane dreams, for it was noth- ing sliort of insanity at that time to dream of a Russia without a czar, or a Russia, where the Jew was not in instant fear of pogroms, where the peasant would not bend his knees before the pomjeschik (rich land own- er), would not kiss the hand of the pop (priest), would not be in mortal fear of the dvorjans (noblemen). “Insane Dreamers.” Among this small group of Insane Dreamers there was a nun, who kept the underground literature in the saf- est place—the monastery, a student of theology, a son of the village priest, who, while preparing to serve God, met a different god—the great suffer- ing people of Russia—and decided to serve this God, instead of the God of his fathers. And the young Jewish lad became one of them. A Jewish boy—the comrade of the priest’s son! It was a mortal sin for a Jew to touch anything printed in “goish!” It was as “thref” to the Jew as the Thora (Holy Scripture) was “kosher” to him. And the Jewish boy was the comrade of the priest’s son. The love for the great suffering masses—the Jews as well as the en- slaved peasantry—the Christians, the will and determination to fight and give their lives for the greatest of nothing but suffering and death was expected, Sings For Freedom. And death and suffering came. With the development of the struggle thou- sands have been smothered to death in the filthy jails, in the Katorga mines of Siberia, on the roads to Si- beria, where they had been driven on foot for thousands of miles under the convoy of brutal soldiers and officers, who would often shoot them down in cold blood in order to get rid of them and.report to the superiors that “they tried to escape.” Some lost their courage, others flinched—the Jewish lad kept on. Af- ter his first song of freedom, there came some more and more. He soon became the Singer of the Oppressed. In every shop and factory of the “cherta osedlosty”’—the Pale, where Jews were permitted to live— they were singing his sad songs of oppres- sion and freedom. The great mass of the workers did not know the author, they did not even know his name. Finally, he, as well as many others, was forced to immigrate. Forced to Leave Czar-Land. , When he came to Germany, he was arrested by the Bismark government and threatened with deportation to Russia. He attempted to go to Eng- land, but the British government would not admit him. Finally he suc- ceeded in getting into England. In London, soon after his arrival he be- camie the editor of a revolutionary publication, which they used to smug- gle into Russia. He kept on the fight. Later on he immigrated to the Unit- ed States. Here he participated in the building up of the revolutionary movement among the Jewish workers while keeping in touch at the same time with the revolutionary move- ment of Russia. Many of his former comrades with the advance of years became “re- spectful citizens,” lawful Socialists, or all ideals—the Freedom of the World, united these youthful dreamers in the struggle with the Unequal, where “Americanized” themselves by becom- Winchevsky, Singer of Revolution Goes to Russia But hé remained the Insane Dreamer, the Singer of the Revolution, the un- conquered rebel. While many of his former comrades forgot about Rus- sia, he continued to sing and write of Freedom, of a Russia without a czar, a Russia where the Jew was not in constant fear of pogroms, where the peasant would not bend his knees be- fore the pomjeschik, would not kiss the hand of the pop, would not be in mortal fear of the dvorjans. , Dream Comes True. And then the miracle happened: the Bolshevik revolution came and swept away the terrible nightmare of Russia! His Insane Dream came true! And while the host of his for- mer comrades, the yellows of all na- tions—were crying that the thing that had been done—can not be done,—he was singing his songs to the rising sun, to the youthful builders of the new world of his life’s dreams. And the youthful builders: also heard his songs afd invited him to come to them and live with them, and rest there after his half a cen- tury’s work for the dream that now came true. The Soviet government in- vited him to come to Russia and live on government pension. But this youthful rebel of 69 years, decided to go there to work. He feels too young to quit the fight. As a matter of fact, at the invitation of the Young Workers’ League of Detroit, while he was there, he joined them as a mem- ber. There aren’t many such rebels as Comrade Morris Winchevsky among us—the younger generation. We are sorry to see him leave us, but the struggle is one and the same all over the world. And we know that he will be a source of new inspiration to our Russian comrades. Farewell, dear comrade. Give our greetings to the Russian Revolution. Tell our Russian comrades that while you are gone from these shores, we are still on the job. ing “successful” business people, edi- tors of yellow dog publications, etc. Send in that Subscription Today! Program adopted by the Central Executive Committee of the Workers Party: 'HE Central Executive Committee of the Workers Party adopted the following program for work in sup- port of Philippine independence and for the struggle in the Philippines against both the American and native exploiters of the workers and farmers of that country. Philippine Program: et Sen J 1.—That we foster an intense nation- alist spirit and a hatred of American imperialism in the Philippine Islands. In this propaganda it is our task to point out continually that the Amer- ican workers and farmers are the only friends the Filipino people have in the United States and that it is only the American capitalists who are the ene- mies of the Filipino people. 2.—That we endorse the Philippine boycott against goods of American capitalists and that we recommend to the Filipinos to organize their boycott in such a fashion as to hit American business interests where it hurts them most and is most effective, instead of a general boycott which might tend to dissipate the usefulness of this weapon. 3.—That we encourage the support of the popular freedom loan to aid the independence movement. 4.—That we encourage the participa- Son by the workers and tenant farmers in the movement for national freedom as members of the working classes. Here we must point out that the work- ers participating in this struggle are engaged in the conflict in order to enhance their own class interests and not for the sake of promoting the wel- fare of their native bourgeoisie as against the foreign American capi- talists. 5.+-That we encourage the spread and the strengthening of all mass or- ganizations of labor such as the three Jabor and farm federations, the Séciety of the Power of the Poor, etc. 6.—That we call upon the workers and tenant farmers to organize special class divisions of the loan campaign and to secure special working and farming class representation on (all missions and committees dealing with independence problems. This is es- sential because of the fact that the Freedom For the Philippines Workers Party into a Filipino Com- munist League as a step towards the organization of a similar body in ‘the Islands. 12.—That we call upon the Filipino workers and farmers to take steps to prevent native or any other capitalists from getting hold of the coal, and su- gar and other centrals now being operated by the government; that the same operation continue; and that in cases where the government is plan- ning to give up ownership and control, the industry or factories in question ilippines ~and|be turned over to co-operatives of in the United States for Filipino free- dom are the workers and farmers of both nations. 7.—That we draw the attention of the Filippine workers and farmers to the fact that they also have an enemy, the less dangerous temporarily, be cause of its present weakness, than the powerful American inperialist éx- ploiters, in their own capitalist and landlord classes. Under no circum- stances shall the waging of an intense campaign for national freedom serve as an excuse for not waging a relent- less class war at home. 8.—That towards this end the work- ers wage a determined fight for the improvement of their living and em- ployment conditions for the extension of the suffrage, and for the right to or- ganize. 9.—That we ask the Filipino work- ers and farmers to strengthen the present organizations thru unifying their existing ones and extending them. wherever possible. 10+-That we recommend to the Fil- ipino workers and tenant farmers that they consider the organization of a class Farmer-Labor Party in the Islands. 11—That we, as soon as practicable, organize the Filipino members of the Ee A Pactra Anca ‘ Jennie Lind Revived By ALFRED V. FRANKENSTEIN. Frieda Hempel, soprano, was solo- ist at the so-called “Jenny Lind” con- cert of the North Shore festival last Tuesday night. Miss Hempel made the description good by being cos- tumed in a huge hoop skirt affair, and by singing with a glorious coloratura voice like that of the great Swedish singer. Miss Hempel sang a light and a quality that it is difficult to make music express. The suite takes epi- sodes from Lewis Carroll’s famous “Alice in Wonderland” story and paints tone pictures of them. The garden of live flowers, inhabited by such beasts as the elephant-gnat and tuneful aria from Mozart's “Marriage of Figaro,”’ and followed it with the “Shadow Song” in Meyerbeer’s opera, “Dinorah.” This “Shadow Song” is a brilliant example of one of the lowest forms of ing a soprano solo with a flute obli- gato, Trills and fast runs in the flute are imitated by the voice, And the logical conclusion is that the singer and ingtrumentalist have demonstrat- ed the superiorfty of the flute over the voice as a bravura instrument. But there is little necessity for such a demonstration. ‘The orchestral part of the program included an overture, two symphony poems, and a suite, “Thru the Look- ing Glass,” by Deems Taylor, directed by the composer. The is a real of humor {m musfe, and humor 1s musical quackery, fhat of accompany- | The Poor Fish Says: | some fellow is collecting money for the buildihg of a luxurious house for people who have once been rich, so that they may live well to their last days. That's a brilliant idea and should meet with the approval of all ers who know what it is to be poor and deprived of the better things of life, ' fay ra ‘ workers engaged in the same and to members of other labor and tenant farm organizations. - 13.—That we demand the immediate recall of General Wood and press for an investigation of his regime, espe- cially of the charges made against this administration and Secretary of War Weeks in the articles on this problem appearing in the LIBERATOR and WORKER. 14.—That we assure the Filipino workers and tenant farmers of our de- termination to fight side by side with them for genuine national freedom; that we denounce all measures aiming at misleading the Filipino people by granting fraudulent independence lim- ited thru preference to American busi- ness interests, and the right of the U. S. Navy to establish bases in the Island waters; and that we call upon all labor and farm organizations to force the government to drop its pres- ent imperialist policy against the Philippines. 15.—That in all our propaganda we emphatically point out that the only organization that is today fighting for the freedom of all oppressed national- | ities is the Comintern. Send in that Subscription Today! Tuesday, June 3, 1924 AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O'FLAHERTY Lieutenant Mike Grady of the Chi cago detective bureau was one of the most popular law enforcement officers of this city’s police force, among the capitalists, until a few days ago. Just now his stock has fallen considerably. He was called the “ace” of the force. He was the terror of law breakers and evil doers. The capitalist press, par ticularly the Herald-Examiner, which appears to have easy access to police force secrets, gave him and _ his squad plenty of advertising. When he fell from grace he was among those engaged in the task of unravel- ing the mystery surrounding the death of the Frank boy, son of a mik lionaire pawnbroker. * 2 8 Grady and his squad are now im dicted. Instead of being law proteo tors they were found to be law vio lators. Surprise was often expressed that Chicago gunmen, among whom the name of Dean O’Bannion frequent- ly figured, should cet away with their shooting so easily. Men were killed, sometimes in open daylight on the public highways, and the culprits es- caped. An indictment might be se- cured, but the necessary witnesses would not appear. It was mighty queer, to say the least about it, Grady’s men could get to the bottom of every mystery except a bootlege gers’ war, snr @ After an investigation lasting six months, agents of the government se- cured the indictment of Grady and his squad for complicity in the Sibley warehouse million-dollar whisky con- spiracy. The withdrawal was on forged permits made under the leader- ship of Dean O’Bannion, and Grady’s men, in a detective bureau automo- bile, served as guard for O’Bannion’s rum runners. This is quite interest- ing reading for those who have had the privilege of spending a night in the foul atmosphere of the bureau as guests of the Chicago police. Those detectives who ostensibly protect the public from criminals are here proven large scale grafters and criminals. Unfortunate victims of police brutal- ity who are picked up on the streets on suspicion are taken to the detec- tive bureau and subjected to indignt- ties, foully abused in the most ob scene language and used as punching bags by the grinning gangsters who encircle the prisoner as he stands with his back to the cellar wall with the glare of many electric lights in his eyes. see No doubt Mr. Grady was one of those indignant lieutenants of the law who instructed his underlings at roll call to give some poor devil “a little medicine” after he got thru asking him why he was here and what his name was'and other equally super- fluous questions. It is rumored around the detective bureau that many police characters are picked up frequently, taken to the bureau and shaken down for graft. The capitalist system is based on robbery, and the government is becoming ’0 corrupt that its supporters no longer make even a pretense of respecting the laws made by themselves. "et © Ramsay MacDonald, the British pre- mier, will probably attend the open- ing of the League: of Nations assem- bly in September. He is tremendous- ly interested in restoring capitalist equilibrium in Europe, and places great reliance on the assistance of Herriot of France in aiding him get the tottering robber system on its feet again. The socialism of Mac’ and Herriot do not materially differ. Both stand for the capitalist system, but they would clip the tiger’s claws 8 little so that he would not scrateh the workers into rebellion. They both stand for the League of Nations and the Dawes plan. Oe et The Irish Free State candidate de- feated the followers of De Valera in the Limerick by-elections. Limerick was a Republican stronghold, but ow- ing to the abstention policy of the De Valeraites the voters came to the conclusion that it was futile el @ man who would not take his in parliament, even if élected. N the bread-and-butter fly, the mon- strous Jabberwocky and his hideous death, and the romantic white knight are some of them. Strauss’ tone poem, “Don Juan,” af- ter a poem by Nicholas Lenau, sug- gests a romantic atmosphere, but gets no further. . a The other works, the “Academic Festival” overture by Brahms, and Liszt's “Les Preludes” were so recent- ly reviewed here that further words about them are unnecessary. Everyone interested in the Chicago School of Social Philosophy is invited to attend the first banquet of the members, students, faculty, and sym- pathizers of the organization. The in- formal dinner will be held Friday, June 6, at 7 p.m, in King’s restau- rant, 160 W. Monroe St., and plates may be reserved at $1 each by noti- fying M.-C. Winokur, secretary, at 8286 Cortez 8t., phone Spaulding 1341. ‘The future activities of the school policy of boycotting parliament o1 inated with Arthur Griffith, the found- er of the Sinn Fein party, which rose in opposition to the old Irish Parlia- mentary party, led by John Redmond. ‘This tactic never made any impres- sion in Ireland, and only the Haster week rebellion, to which Griffith was opposed, saved the Sinn Fein party from extinction. With the signing of the treaty and the shifting of parlia- mentary activity from London to Dub- lin, the abstention policy held less promise than ever. In the first elec- tions after the acceptance of the Free State compromise the De Valera anti- treatyites won 44 seats, but did not participate in the Dail. Since then their stocks have gone down, with the result that, despite the blunders com- mitted by the Free State party and their murderous policy of suppression, they are now able to win the Repub- lican stronghold of Limerick from the De Valera forces, That is the result best a tactic of doubtful value, . Send in that Subscription Today! MeNary-Haugen Bill Tuesday, WASHINGTON, June 2—Oppon- ents of the McNary-Haugen farm re- will be the chief topic of discussion at the gathering. Dr. Carl Haessler, Dr. Leland Olds, and Dr. Robert Morse Lovett comprise the faculty of ef bill served notice in the house today that a final vote would be forced next Tuesday. e-tmicertbaltliaen Send in that Subscription Today! of making a principle of what was at \ \