The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 3, 1924, Page 5

a _ news of the death of their “The idea becomes power when it pene- trates the masses.” —Karl Marx. HE way Soviet Russia paid tribute to the memory of Lenin during the week his body lay in the Moscow House of the Unions needs no recap- itulation. Even the capitalist press was forced to print. column long ca- bles giving accounts of the mourn- ing by the Russian masses over the loss of their great leader. The dam- age which will be paid to his spirit- ual heritage in the years to come will be just as profound and devoted as was the respect and love shown to the dead teacher during the never-to- be-forgotten last week in January. In reading the news from a!l parts of Russia, one cannot but feel that tens of millions of workers and peasants have made a place in their hearts for Lenin’s memory, which they will car- ry with them until their dying days. It is necessary to review the way the world’s revolutionary workers or- ganized in or in sympathy with the Communist movement received the great teacher and leader. The most illus- trious pupil of Marx, Lenin by his life and work, has left a_ heritage which will forever remain a source of enlightment and inspiration to the dis- inherited thruout the world. FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS ACT. The governments of the various countries which have diplomatic or trade relations with Russia have all expressed their condolences upon Len- in’s death. Premiers or foreign min isters of these governments sent offi cial communications to the Commis- sariat of Foreign Affairs. According to reports in the Russian press, 21 different countries have officially ex- pressed their condolences to the Rus- sian government.. These countries in- clude England, Germany, Italy, Aus- tria, Czecho-Slovakia, Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, China, Mongolia, Japan, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Poland, Finland, Lithuania, Esthonia, Latvia, Mexico and Chile. The official expressions of grief over Lenin’s death by the various govern- ments did not prevent some of those governments from prohibiting mem- orial meetings for the same man. While President Ebert wrote to Kalin- in that “the German people express their sorrow to the Russian people over the loss of their teacher and leader,” and that “the significance of Lenin and his influence upon the for- tunes of the Russian people and the whole world was so great that a true revelation could be given only by fu- ture generations,” meetings where similar sentiments were being ex: pressed were dispersed by the police in Dresden, Hamburg, Bremen, and other German cities. The fate of Len- in memorial meetings in Poland, Lat- via, and Lithuania was not better not- withstanding the warm sympathy ten- dered by these countries to the Sov- iet Government. Proper diplomatic usage required the dispatch to Rus- sia of messages of condolences upon Lenin's death, but his name could not be mentioned sympathetically without invoking the wrath of the govern- ments at home. “The conservative and liberal capi- talist press thruout the world gave much space to news from Russia after Lenin’s death. It has wasted so much space on rumors about his death dur- ing the past six years that it was will- ing to open its pages wide now that Lenin was really dead. What has oc- curred in Russia during that memor- able week in January was so spon- taneous and impressive that it could not be ignored. Besides the avalanche of news from Russia, much space was devoted to editorial comment upon Lenin’s life and work as well as upon the way the Russian people were pay- ing tribute to the memory of its dead RSS. queneeenststenseessensteseatieeesentet ee ‘SPECIAL MAGAZINE SUPPLEMENT THE DAILY WORKER. | What the World Thought of Lenin - leader. While disagreement was ex- hibited regarding Lenin the man and his aims, unanimity was reached up- on how well he built, for none ventur- ed to question the strength of the Sov- iet Government, which he left as a heritage to the Russian people people and the world. EASTERN PEOPLE MOURN LOSS. Lenin has given much of his: atten- tion to the problems of the East: His work in behalf of the national minori- ties within the confines of the Sov- iet Union has become known among the people of Asia. His death was received with genuine sorrow by the millions who considered him the emancipator of subject peoples. In India the nationalist press called attention to Lenin’s services in the interest of the Eastern peoples. The “Bombay Chronicle’ remarked that “Lenin’s name will live longer than the names of his opponents.” The entire PERSIAN cabinet at- tended the memorial services held at the Russian embassy in Tekeran. There was also present a large dele- gation representing different Persian organizations. The Mesopotamian leader, Halesi, turning to Lenin’s por- trait during his address remarked: “The East which you have awakened is ready for the final struggle. It is only waiting for the proper moment to bring about the dream of your life ~—-the unification of all Eastern peo- oles; the establishment of the right £ self determination for ali peoples, 10 matter how small they may be.” The Turkish National Assembly at Angora devoted a special session to a review of Lenin’s life and work. When a Deputy referred to Lenin as the leader of the Russian revolution, oth- er deputies suggested the term of “leader of the world revolution”, which the speaker accepted as a cor- rection. Lenin’s aid and encourage- ment to tne Turkish people in their struggle for national independence was particularly lauded by the differ- ent speakers. The Turkish press de- voted much space to Lenin. The “Eni- gun” wrote that the death of Lenin was not only a loss to Russia, but also to Turkey. The “Ikdam” declar- ed Lenin one of the greatest men of the world. “Marx was for Lenin what the Koran is to the orthodox believ- ers,” opined this journal. The KOREAN Assembly of People’s Representatives adopted a resolution expressing “its great sorrow on the death of the world leader Lenin. The Korean people, like other subject peo- ples, lost in him their ‘staunchest de- fender. We are certain that the work of the emancipation of mankind which Lenin began will be carried to a suc- cessful conclusion”, The MONGOLIAN foreign minister who is also Chairman of the Peoples’ Party, wrote: “the death of Lenin is not only a heavy loss to the working masses, but also to the small nations of the world”. : THE CHINESE DEEPLY MOVED. Public memorial meetings were held in CHINA. Representatives of the various political parties and pub- lic groups visited the Russian pleni- potentiary Karachan to express their condolences. The Chinese press com- mented profusely upon Lenin’s life and work. The “Tchen-Pao” wrote: “Lenin is dead, but his soul lives in the Soviet order. The whole world is shocked by his death, but none are as sgrief-stricken as the weak and subject peoples. Our only hope and solace is that the subject peoples will fol- low in Lenin’s footsteps and will con- tinue the struggle for their libera- tion”, The “Tchen-Ben” wrote: “Peo- ples call many heroes, but really, few deserve that appelation. Lenin was the hero who enjoyed universal love. Lenin was the bright star of humani- ty, and can be compared to Sakia- Muni and Christ. The heavens are merciless. He went out from our world, but his ideas will live forever. The “Pekin Evening World” declared that the “news of Lenin’s death can- not be read without heartache. Len- in was a genius who knew not only how to destroy, but also how to build. China needs its own Lenin, i. e., a man with an eye for the future; a man with an iron will who could lead his people out of chaos. Lenin is no more, but what he has created will live forever. The ‘Pekin Leader” considered Lenin as “the most re- markable man of the twentieth cen- tury”. The “Daily News” said that “under the leadership of Lenin, Rus- sia passed from chaos of destruction to the road of rehabilitation. Lenin will live in the future as a man who has . dedicated his genius and his whole life to the work for the good of mankind”. THE SOCIALISTS ALSO LAMENT. The Social-Democratic leaders who joined the mourning procession of the revolutionary workers remembered only in part the old Roman adage to speak of the dead either nothing, or good. Realizing the esteem and love which Lenin enjoyed even among the Social-Democratic masses, the lead- ers felt the need of praising his devo- tion to the cause of the proletariat, not forgetting, however, to refer to “his mistakes” as well. Friedrich Adler, who once thunder- ed against the Social-Democracy of the Second International and is new doing business under that decrepit firm, sent the following message of condolence to Zinoviev in the name of the Second International: “Deeply shocked by the untimely death of Len- in. We are deeply moved in this tragic moment to tell the workers affi- liated with the Communist Interna- tional that, notwithstanding our differ- ences concerning the roads the work- ing class must traverse, we are cer- tain that Lenin traveled his way out of deep conviction, pure heart, and moved by deep devotion to the great cause of the workers of all countries”. Karl Kautsky thought that Lenin was poor on international affairs, but rather well-acquainted with Russian conditions. One wonders that Kaut- ski gave the man who called him renegade, as much credit for knowing the country which he turned into a battle ground for Socialism. Kautsky is forgiving and declares: “Our dif- ferences should not blind us to ac- knowledge the greatness of the dead. He was a collosal figure very few of whom can be found in the world his- tory”. The German Social-Democratic or- gan the Berlin “Vorwaerts” thought, of course, that Lenin was not a Marx- ist, but believed that he acted “ac- cording to his honest convictions and, guided by disinterested motives, has devoted his life to the struggle for Socialism. According to the “Vor- waerts”, the “Russian revolution was a peasant revolution, but Lenin cov- ered it with proletarian ideology to secure the support of the proletariat”. That the reverse was the case, was Lenin’s contention, but, then, he was not a Marxist of the Social-Democrat- ic brand. The SWISS Social-Democratic or- gan, The Berne “Tagwacht” does not share the opinion of its Berlin con- temporary regarding Lenin’s failure”. Under the title, “Lenin and Frogs”, the “Tagwacht” writes: “The Ber- lin Vorwaerts believes that Lenin reached other results than what h set out to accomplish. The grea work of Lenin is his destruction of the monarchy. If Germany had trav- elled the same road, Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Haase, Eisner, would SECOND SECTION’ May 3rd, 1924. This magazine supple- ment will appear every Saturday in The Daily Worker. By ALEXANDER TRACHTENBERG. be alive today and the Russian work- ers, whom the German proletariat were able to aid only two years ago, would not be helping the starving German workers today. But the ‘Vor- waerts’ does not care to discuss the results achieved by Russia. We do not doubt that the Russian revolution lives in the hearts of the workers thruout the world”. The declaration of the Executive Committee of the Swiss Social-Democratic party says among other things: “We recognize the historic greatness of Lenin, his character of an unbending revolution- ist and his imperishable significance as a fighter against the rule of im- perialists. Before his memory we, too, lower our banners”. Neiiher does Paul Levi, a Social- Democratic member of the recently dissolved Reichstag agree with his official party organ. “The collosal work of Lenin,” writes Levi, “will be realized only then when it will show its political and economic influence, not only in Russia, but in Europe and then the rest of the world. While there is still a subject and suffering proletariat in the world, the souls of all will be turned with awe to the first great experiment of liberation of the proletariat and the man who gave it his name”. The Austrian Social-Democratic or- gan, the Vienna “Arbeiter-Zeitung”, after comparing Lenin with Robespier and Cromwell, writes: “We shall not forget his work in 1917 which gave a great impetus to the labor movement the world over. We cannot overlook the fact that the state, which he hag created in the midst of incomparable hardships, remains revolutionary and continues to serve as a revolutionary factor amidst the chaos of the capi- talist world”. Otto Bauer, leader of the Austrian Social-Democracy and probably the best post-Kautskian Social-Democratic theoretician, says “me to” in discuss- ing the significance of the Russian revolution and Lenin’s_ role in it. Bauer develops the theory that altho there are differences (sic) between the Communists and the Socialists, the Russian revolution should be look- ed upon as the common achievement of both sections of the labor move- ment, just as the French revolution was the work of Danton, Marat, Rob- espierre, who fought among them- selves. “Time will come,” Bauer writes, “wnen our children will look upon the great revolution of our time as the accomplishment of all of us, notwithstanding the differences which divide the Communists and revolu- tionary (?) Social-Democrats. In the spirit of this community, we too, bow before the memory of the immortal leader”. The Austrian Social-Demo- crats like to distinguish themselves from their German brothers and refer to themselves as revolutionary So- cial-Democrats. Perhaps, that is why Bauer, in contradistinction to his Ger- man comrades in the Second Interna- tional, does not share the latter’s opin- ion about the Russian revolution hav- ing been an agrarian revolution with proletarian trimmings. Bauer writes “we, too, were his (Lenin’s) Pupils. The hegemony of the proletariat over the peasantry (as developed in the Russian revolution)—this is the only road to power. This Lenin taught us”. “| NEVER SAW THE GENTLEMAN” In answer to an invitation of the Moscow “Isvestia” to send a message concerning Lenin, Arthur Henderson secretary of the British Labor Party and member of the MacDonald Cabi- net authorized the following reply thru his secretary: “The Minister for Home Affairs asked me to reply to you that since he never came in contact with Lenin, he cannot, much (Continued on Page 8) C—O oR