The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 3, 1924, Page 4

\ THE DAILY WORKER FRENCH MILITARISTS AND GERMAN CAPITALISTS IN UNITED FRONT By ANISE ESSEN, Germany, April 14 (By Mail).—The three-cornered fight still drags its weary way along in the Ruhr between the French, the Big Business Interests of Germany and the German workers. It is a confused fight, but so far the German workers are having very much the worst of it. Under the pressure of patriotic feeling, they combined with their bosses to fight the French, and now the beaten bosses have combined with the French against them. Reparations, as far as may be, are to come out of the hide of the miners and steel workers of the Ruhr. In the past six years, they have sunk down and down. Not only are wages far below pre-war, while prices are fifty percent above pre-war prices. Not only are there a million unemployed i NT 4 Saturday, May 3, 1924 rupted the entire German nation to keep them for those owners against the French. - Revolution now in the Ruhr seems impossible, until the French workers are ready also. And that may bea long, long time.. And yet revolutions make their own laws, and I may be too pessimistic. It was well known last autumn that the Ruhr was looked up- on as a powder-magazine, which both the French invaders and the German Big Business interests were afraid to see explode. Meantime, it is a time of attribu- tion and hunger. The one bright spot I saw in Essen was at the Youths’ Hostel, where the International Work- ers’ Relief is feeding a few hundred cheerful youngsters from the nearby free schools. There is also a much Mobilizing The Liberals The Dawes plan has been swallowed hook, line and sinker by the little coterie that claims to up- hold the standard of liberalism in America. Just how approval of a plan promulgated by finance capitalists providing for the enslavement of the workers of a whole nation is consistent with the public expressions of sympathy made for the Ger- man workers and the fierce denunciation of the German exploiters is something that would require much explanation from any but a liberal group. They, however, are so anxious for the stabiliza- tion of fiuropean capitalism that they are quite willing it should be purchased by the deepest de- gradation of the working class. The Nation says in its issue of April 30: THE DAILY WORKER. | Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) AS WE SEE IT O’FLAHERTY By T. J. Judging from the reception the Dawes plan has received from Ameri- can liberals and alleged progressives we would not be surprised to see his name mentioned in liberal publica- tions like the Nation as a likely run- ning mate for Senator Robert LaFol- lette, on an independent ticket, pro- vided the Wisconsin senator makes up his mind that the irregular pas- tures are greener and sweeter and healthier for his political constitution SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE) MORITZ J. LOEB. wwe Editors Business Manager a — ———— Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- them. They agreed in the end to Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. produce one-fifth of their coal free of Advertising rates on application. <P 230 ————— — ————————————————————— Bosses Applaud MacDonald American workers who do their own thinking will not be shocked at the news that British capi- talism is almost unanimous in applauding the Mac Donald-Snowden budget introduced in the House of Commons on behalf of the Labor government. This news should knock another prop from un- der the unthinking who have unwittingly accepted the British Labor government as a 100 per cent victory for the working class. MacDonald’s government keeps on piling up the testimony that is needed to show the great masses of workers and farmers that only thru Soviet Rule under Communist leadership can they attain to full power. The MacDonald-Snowden budget wins the praise of “every section of the public, including the con- servative strongholds, represented by the old bank- ing institutions,” says the news report. The American capitalist, H. Gordon Selfridge, owner of a big department store in London, states that the budget is not only “sound in detail but in prin- ciple,’ while representatives of two American banks in London “predict immediate beneficial sale of British securities abroad and improvement in the financial conditions in the kingdom.” In other words the big bosses and bankers of Great Britain admit that their position has been strengthened by the financial policy of the Mac- Donald government. And why not? Among the Snowden offerings to the big profiteers was the complete abolition of the corporation’s profits tax, which means the loss of $51,000,000 yearly by the government treasury. Sops were thrown to the workers, in the shape of a few reductions in food duties, by this Snow- den budget, which bears the label “Socialist,” since its author, Philip Snowden, has always been considered one of the most outspoken Socialists of the British Independent Labor Party. The duty was reduced on sugar, but it still remains 14 times as great as it was before the war. The duty has also been reduced on coffee, cocoa, chicory and dried fruit. But they were also cut on automo- biles, foreign films and motorcycles, with which the workers are not generally acquainted. In fact, this is only pushing the British back to the pre- war free trade basis, and if British profiteers are anything like the U. S. variety, as they no doubt are, reductions in tariff duties will have little effect on the actual prices of commodities. The actual policy of the labor government to- ward the workers is seen in the taxes 6n admission to the cheaper movies. The tax on 12 cent seats in the movies and cheaper theaters has been abol- ished, but above that to the 18-cent seats the tax has only been reduced. Seats costing more than 18-cents will be subject to the same taxess This is in glaring contrast to the complete abol- ition of the corporation’s profit tax. The budget, therefore, makes no vital attempt to settle the housing and unemployment problems. The workers, due to low wages, will remain crowded in the same hovels, and when out of work, as one and a half millions of British work- ers are today, they will be continuously on the verge of starvation. In the hour that the workers’ and farmers’ revo- lution struck Germany, when the kaiser fell. the German social-democracy proved the greatest ally of Junker capitalism. So in England. When British capitalism faced a huge unemployment army at home, and discontent in all her colonies, the MacDonald labor government has come into power to save British capitalism by betraying the cause of the working class. The only result, in England, as in Germany, and everywhere else, will be a constant and steady drift of disillusioned workers and farmers into the ranks of the organized Communist movement. In the words of Nicolai Lenin, in his pamphlet, “The Left Sickness of Communism,” written dur- ing the early days of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, and years before the MacDonald govern- ment came into power: “The formation of the government of the Hen- dersons, which is continually approaching nearer, will prove that | am right, will draw the masses to my side, will hasten the political death of the Hen- dersons and the Snowdens, just as was the case with their like-minded brethren in Russia and in Ger- many.” The Snowden budget, applauded by the big em- ployers, bankers and landlords of Great Britain, should be a big factor in driving the workers into and thus helping to build a real mass Communist Party in that country. ~ , Coolidge may have dropped Daugherty from his cabinet. But it was the Coolidge-republican ma- chine that elected Daugherty a Coolidge delegate from Ohio to the republican convegtion. The thieves certainly hang together, size among the workers and farmers who are buay plauning for their own class party. There is some hope in the very fact that the Dawes plan depends so largely upon the financiers. They have a longer and a wider vision than the petty crew of nationalist politicians who have made such of things. If the plan is to succeed the will, for @ number of years, be turning to the international financiers for loans, and the financiers will not attempt to float the huge credits required unless they are convinced that the proposed system is economically sound. What they call "economic soundness” may mean a new kind of industrial slavery, but it is at least better than an era of new wars. . The endorsement of the Dawes-Morgan scheme by the most humanitarian group among the Ameri- ean bourgeoisie is proof that the working class of America is confronted with the most gigantic im- perialist conspiracy yet entered into by its rulers. Gone are the liberal insistences that allied and German rulers alike were guilty of fomenting the world war and now in evidence is the supine obedience to the wishes of the finance-capitalists that was the outstanding feature of the period pre- facing the entry of America into that struggle. The Communist press alone in America is rais- ing its voice in protest against this monstrous proposal to guarantee the loans made by the House of Morgan with the power of the national govern- ment. It is noticeable that the liberal press is silent upon this phase of the question altho it is the basis for the whole: scheme. “The Dawes plan,” says The Nation, “is at least better than an era of new wars.” This is not only slipshod but vicious reasoning, leaving out of con- sideration altogether the atrocious nature of the plan so far as it effects the German working class. The Nation knows enough of the causes of our entry into the last war to honestly say that just ? such loans as are now proposed caused our par- ticipation. In accepting the Dawes proposal The Nation, therefore, is committing itself to the new war that will, uiiless capitalism is overthrown before, bring on another world struggle with the House of Mor- gan attempting to drive the working class of this nation into the trenches against the working class of Germany and other European nations to which loans have been made. All Cut and Dried Everything is being beautifully cut and tried for the republican national convention at Cleveland. Cal Coolidge is already going ahead as if he had the nomination stuck away in his pocket. William M,. Butler, the New England millionaire, and ©. Baseom Slemp, of Virginia, expert dispenser of political patronage, are to be in charge of the steam roller. It is very evident that the flattening out of all opposition will not be a very strenuous job. Coo- lidge now has 825 delegates pledged. All he needs is 556 votes to insure his nomination. So he has a walkaway. Butler and Slemp will not have the difficult task that Penrose and Smoot had at the 1912 republi- can convention in Chicago, when “Teddy” Roose- velt carried out his split. But this is not because discontent is absent among the millions of workers and farmers who voted for Harding on the republican ticket in 1920. It is because these workers and farmers have given up hope of getting anything from the republican party. Arthur Brisbane, editorial writer of the Hearst papers, for instance, laments that in the presiden- tial primaries, in the shoe factory town of Haver- trouble of voting out of 17,000 registered voters. More than 16,000 did not vote at all. primaries everywhere. It is an-indication that the Coolidge steam roller may triumph at the Cleve land convention of the republican party. Slemps and the Butlers will find that they have won an empty victory. They will discover that while they have been oiling up their machine, that the masses have been busy deserting to the stan- Party. Everything may be cut and dried at Cleve- land. So much the better. to put the republican party, as well as the demo- cratic, in cold storage, and there let them rot. Vie tories in the old party nominating conventions this year mean as little as hollow triumphs in the old party primaries. The presidential campaign jokesters are at work, the first act being a little fun at the expense of the candidacy of William Gibbs McAdoo, $250,000.00 oil baby. They are trying to find out under what conditions “McAdoo’ll Do” or whether the voters will make it “MeAdieu.” Even with this added attraction, however, we do not believe the old party circus will win an audience of any hill, Mass., only 693 men and 121 women, took the This is the story of the old party presidential’ But the dards of the mass, class National Farmer-Labor It will be easier for the workers and farmers, at St. Paul, June 17th, in this small concentrated re- gion, only a couple of hours travel north and south and east and west. But, step by step, they have lost all the gains achieved with their blood in the revolu- tion. It is easy to forget that™there was a revolution,—of sorts—in Germany. I forgot it all the time, for nowhere in the world is exploitation of work- ers more raw than in Germany now. Nowhere are they expected to live on such starvation wages. From ten to twelve cents an hour is the wage for a skilled worker of the highest class in the steel mills, and in almost ev- ery works there is much part time work, due to disorganization of trans- port under French attempted manage- ment. Krupps, with their old tradi- tions of paternal care for workers, have been parcelling out twenty-four hours a week to single men and thirty hours to men with families, giving thus a wage somewhere between two and three and a half ‘dollars a week. Yet with all this surplus of men, they are lengthening the hours of dai- ly labor. “They have established al- most every length of working day ex- cept eights,” said a member of the factory council in one of the big plants, to mie bitterly. “They have seven and a half, and nine and ten,— everything but eight. They are out to break in principle the eight-hour j day.” While I was standing in the office of another Factory Council, written notice was brought in from the fac- tory management that henceforth any worker wishing to consult the factory council, must first obtain leave of ab- sence from his foreman. The secre- tary of the Factory Council turned to me: “Step by step they have taken away all our power” he said. “Our workers’ council is nothing but a shell.” Yet he could look back to the thrill of the days when there was a Red Army in the Ruhr, and the miners seized and nationalized the mines, ap- pointing a “Commission of Nine” gele- gated from local trades cour, mine committees, to take ov: ie whole of the Westfalian Coal Indus- try and manage it in trust for the state. The Communists led the way, but the local Majority Socialists also took part in it, urged on by the spirit of the workers towards a new Ger- many. That was in 1919—the pale, disillusioned secretary of the Factory Committee in a big establishment, whose name I shall not mention be- cause it might affect his job, told me with a tired smile that “those were good days.” The managers came to work or remained away at the per- mission of the workers’ committees. The output of coal rose steadily. But the coalition government of So- cialis Catholics and Democrats sit- ting in Berlin, declared themselves in favor of nationalization by their voic- es, but announced in the same breath that the act of the Ruhr miners was an act of war. They sent an army to take control, and the miners gave in to the will of their own Socialist rep- resentative in the Reichstag, trust- ing them to bring nationalization of mines in due and orderly fashion. A year later they were striking again,—not now for nationalization, but to maintain the six-hour day un- derground. And even while the strike -bfeaking corps and the armies, sent ‘by the Socialist government, was ad- vocating against them, the same So- cialist government was tifrown out of Berlin by the Kapp Putsch. The loyal miners of the Rubr rose at their call and joined a general strike to save Ebert, Scheideman and Noske. And within a fortnight, the Socialist lead- ers, back in their seats thru the up- rising of the workers, sent the same royalist troops who had just been fighting against them, to put down the “red rebels” in the Ruhr. So a dem- ocratic Socialist government was sav- ed to Germany, but the most active, able men of the Ruhr who helped save it, were slaughtered by it like sheep. When the French advanced into the Ruhr and the workers laid down tools. they played into the hands of German Big Business thru their patriotic feel- ings. They realize this now, very bit- terly, “It was not that we thought a German capitalist any better than a French one,” many of them said to me, “but we thought we could control our conditions better under our own German labor laws and with the protection of our trade unions.” It was a hard situation. They struck against the insolence of invading ar- the| mies; they carried on the greatest general strike known in history in the most complicated industrial area of the world. But all its result was to give German Big Business a superb weapon to use in making terms with the French. Even with this weapon, they did not make very good terms. The in- the old age pensions of the workers. down to potatoes and margarine; and tatoes. day. Big Business who were cheerfully de- claring that “at least the Ruhr War did one thing, ft smashed the non- representatives of the French, who po- costs from the German Government, or pay it themselves, or get it out of the German workers. charge for the French, to be charged against reparations, and to pay a tax of eight francs a ton on the remain- der, It is a tax under which the Ruhr can barely operate; the German industrialists declare, and perhaps truly, that it cannot’ keep on oper- ating under this tax. Some of the mines are losing money, they say, and others are only getting by because of the nine months of safety and ex- tension work put in during the “pass- ive resistance,” and paid for by the German people. But Big Business tn the Ruhr open- ly exults over one good result of the French pressure. It has abolished the eight-hour day. It gives them the threat of foreign bayonets behind their dealings with their workers. It gives them a vast reservoir of un- employed, hungry enough to break any strike. The catastrophic fall of the mark, which was directly caused by the Ruhr War, in its drain on the treasury of the German Government, has broken the trade union treasur- ies and the sick benefit funds and the They have nothing left; they are watching them are a million unem- ployed who haven't even those po- That’s the situation In the Ruhr to- I talked with representatives of sense about the eight-hour day and workers’ committees.” I talked’ to litely declared: “All that we ask is that they shall pay the coal tax that they owe us on reparations; it is noth- ing to us whether they collect the That is a mat- ter of German internal policies.” I went into German miners’ homes where they were sleeping in the cor- ner on straw under a ragged quilt. And these were not Russian peasants, but Germans, famed for generations d|of thrifty housekeeping and well ar- ranged homes. I went thru one ot the big dormitories—maintained by Krupps, with its roof garden, library, club rooms—all solid in enduring stone. And an irrespressible youth stuck his shoulders over the parti- tion of his cell-like bedroom, crying: “Long live the unemployed...” He was staying in bed thru the afternoon to keep down his hunger, for he had nothing to eat. I went into office after office of sick pensions, unemployment pensions, in- surance of all Rinds, and heard the sickening story repeated of how they were ruined by law,—the law that re- quired them to place their savings in municipal bonds «nd government loans, and that bankrupted, the de- cent honest people who obeyed it, while the men who invested in dol- lars and raw materials, got rich. I heard the secretary of the Em- Ployers’ Association in the biggest steel center saying: “The workers have become sensible; they see they must work ten hours .... ..” And I heard workers’ representatives say: “Not at any time has there been such hate as now against the bosses. We know that we have been betrayed: They told us to strike to save our eight-hour day and our German work- ing conditions. Now they have made terms with the French to kill all the gains of the revolution. If they re- fuse to sign the next contract with the French,—we will not do another passive resistance job for them. We will run the mines for the French, or for anyone who pays us wages. Un- | ed But that “until” is a precarious hope. It means until they seize the mines again with a Red army for a Soviet Germany. This might have been done easily once, if they could have held the mines. when they first took them, but they surrendered them day because there is always so much trouble everywhere on that date, = to the principle of political democracy again to a German government too feeble to know its own mind. A gov- ernment which gave them back to their private owners and then bank- The Poor Fish says he is not in favor of May Day as a workers’ holi- than the fodder to be secured regu- larly in the G. O. P. ideal farm, The Nation gloats over the Dawes plan and with the approval of the Berlin Vorwaerts and the British Labor Par- ty we expect the Socialist Party to numbers of adults and. children, es-| give its backing—such as it is. Mor- pecially among the unemployed. gan has seen worse days. Even in relief there are class lines. se 8 Not in the American relief; that is} American liberals held a convention administered impartially thru the |in Washington a few days ago and de- schools. But the German relief so-| cided to send a message to the “peo- cieties have drawn most of their con-| ple” of Europe, following the tactics tributions from timid capitalists of|so successfully used by the late the Ruhr itself, who wish to avoid} Woodrow Wilson in destroying the the smashing of stores and offices | morale of the Kaiser’s subjects in the which took place frequently last au-|late war. Blections are taking place tumn. They show a tendency to feed | very soon in France and Germany and “good ones,” especially those who have|it is expressed that liberals will be church connections and who come | victorious in the electoral struggles properly recommended; and to avoid | in Europe; that France and Germany the families of strikers. I heard many | will follow the example of England complaints of this, and of the difficul- | and give a pseudo-labor liberal party ties put in the way of the Workers’ In-| an opportunity to straddle the fence ternational Relief in their attempts |for a while and keep the capitalist to get dining room space and kettles. |robbers from quarreling over the But these are merely very small in- | loot. cidents of thé class struggle that still goes on, tho with banked fires, in the Rubr. larger Quacker Relief going on, which is feeding over one hundred thou- sand Ruhr children with funds from America; but I did not happen to be present at the schools where its work was done. The German relief organ- izations are themselves-feeding large se @ statement is coherent as the press interview given by Harry K. Thaw after his recent ac- quittal on the charge of insanity. It says the German people have adhered The almost as in- Views of Our Readers since 1917. What about the dictator- ship of Von Seecht and the murder and imprisonment of thousands of radical workers while the Hittlers and Ludendorfs who took up arms against the Reich are let off with a polite slap on the wrist. But perhaps capi- talist dictatorship as long as it wears the fig leaf of Republicanism is not immoral in the eyes of liberalism! The statement goes on to say that it fears the German people may at this critical juncture “turn away from liberal and enlightened leadership.” This is positively insulting. The leadership of Stressman, the mon- archist, Ebert, the renegade saddler whose hands are red with the blood of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxem- burg and the German Morgans of in- Commission Program, while we were pera Reda bi oe See Byes Ms hypnetized by Dome af.| ‘hat country e hollow of eir fair. oa hand. If that be libefal leadership ‘The two incidents are connected in three cheers for Coolidge and his a way that, whether premeditated or |®*"5- not is enabling them to rejuvenate the Kaisers perfected machine, to pay the war debts including our own, which if it does, workers all over the “allied” countries will either have to work faster and more efficiently, also cheaper than Germany can, or sit back and starve, while Germany works. In the first instance we also will have to meet Russian, Japanese, Chinese and German wages and liy- ing conditions and go them one point lower, or, in the second case starve (or fight?). We scarcely expect to meet either of the first two conditions, con- To the DAILY WORKER: Dear Comrade: Before they stop our daily, I hope you can dope out and publish the facts, as I have, re, “The cause of the Teapot Dome investigation.” It began with your first editorial on page 6, April 18th inst. edi- tion. Also your third editorial, page 6, of the 17th inst. It’s as clear as sunshine to. me, that affair was brought out at a moment figured out years ago by the bunch, and all along understood by Daugh- erty ef al., Coolidge, wherein for the panning they got in the “expose,” they were to be allowed the privilege of robbing everyone and everything dur- ing their first term in office, and that they will be well taken care of again when after having put over the Dawes se The Mellon tax bill may have easier sledding now that Philip Snowden, Chancellor of His Majesty’s Exche- quer, has brought in a bill that cuts the shackles off British Big Business and gives even the long neglected workers cheaper sugar, tea, and abolishes the tax on his nine penny movie seat. Snowden was considered one of the most extreme socialists in the Independent Labor Party. When the MacDonald government was al- lowed to take office by the liberals and big business, a small section of uentl; “must” circumvent, in the British ruling class was in ter- ae oT poth. Perhaps the |Tor, but after the new cabinet had a means will suggest itself to you? If|chat with the King, their evil fore- bodings were dropped. They all kissed the King’s lower extremities, and even John Wheatley the Catholic ‘radical from Glasgow almost crushed the Royal knuckles, his handshake was so hearty. see Even at that, after they left, the King rubbed his hand across Adam's apple, to see if his windpipe was al- right, having in mind the disappear- ance of his Royal Cousin, Nicky of Russia, after the Bolsheviks came into powe! Such things don’t happen in, England. The socialists like their King nice and fat. They wear their knee creeches nifty. They fight for the honor of being appointed Pot Boy to His Majesty, an old and honored office and they delight in bringing in budgets that prove the Labor Party (Socialist) is not a class party but a party for all the people, except the working class. To favor the latter would be rather indelicate. The workers must show a spirit of gen- erosity and thus eliminate class rancor and class war. se © The Chicago Tribune represents Ramsay MacDonald, the — socialist, coming to the aid of British business, which is tied to a stake by a gang of scalp hunting tax inflicting Indians, The Indians run and Mac cuts the bonds and business beams like a semi- intoxicated Dem In the other hand American business is tied to the stake while the American Indians tickle him on the ribs wita vicious tomahawks, with the Congressional Tax Relief Expedition, represented by a Republican on an elephant and a Democrat on a jackass dickering in, the offing, much to the discomfort of so, you can understand why Daugher- ty is still a friend of Mr. Coolidge who knows they will have use for him soon again? Of course it is needless for me to say that you realize the Dawes agreement completes ultimate- ly the League of Nations plan. Re- gardless of how it came about, as it furnishes us, France, England, Italy, Belgium and the present German government all a common interest in seeing to it that no one shall inter- fere with the German machines work- ing to the limit and the rest of us taking our medicine? A perfect in- ternational capitalistic arrangement with every nation united “militaristic- ally” to enforce their League idea. For God’s sake get behind this idea, Get it to as many sources of dissemination as possible and do it now. Else, ‘I opine even the start of the June 17th convention will be fqrestalled for reasons of national safety. Yours in spirit, TOM MARX. Wants “Constantine” Published. To the DAILY WORKER: Wish- ing to offer my opinion as to what story to publish next in the DAILY WORKER, | think “Constantine and the Beginning of Christianity” by Tichenor is a nice little booklet. It will help to disperse many supersti- tions of the workers’ minds. The booklet is edited by Haldeman-Julius Co., Girard, Kan. —D. K. MINTILOGLI, P. 8S. Not very long ago a comrade from Pullman, Ill, suggested that the DAILY WORKER should have “a question and answer” column. Wha’ aboyt it? I think this, too, is a mighty good idea, To the DAILY WORKER: What do the workers have to say about those yellow socialist humbugs riding in and out of the Coliseum in the Yel- low scab taxis on May Day? These socialist sympathizers only stand in the way of a real Workers’ and Farm- ers’ government. , M. Frimel. moment may feel the sharp edge of an Indian blade. The Chicago Daily News is more than happy over Snow- den’s budget. Winding up a henge that would tax the euthiusianny Of James Oneal, it says “The results of the application of these sterling qualities cannot fail to be at's that, to the people at large.” Uncle Sam, whose jugular vein at any’