The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 8, 1924, Page 4

= Page Four ‘susciscsesangiessineietenssueaineenseseiienseseaninimassiat init A nisi SOUTH SLAVIC SECTION, W. P,, IN CONFERENCE Ranks Are Consolidated For Communism By L, FISHER. Fifty-five delegates from all parts of the country gathered“at the Sec- ond National Conference of the South Slavic Section of the Workers Party here to review the work of the past year and to lay plans for future activities. The delegates realized the tre- mendous . tasks before them and ‘went to work in all seriousness, The problems before the convention ‘were: Vow to consolidate and strengthen the ranks of the South Slavic Federation; to determine: the attitude towards those that left. the party during the struggle within the the federation against opportunism and petit bourgeois ideology; in- crease the trade union work and carry out the party policy all along the line, et Membership Increasing. The report of the secretary show- ed an increase in membership. Over 200 new members were brought in since the last conference, and 24 new branches “were organized, The mem- bership is active in every line of party activity, especially for the Labor Defense Council and _ the DAILY WORKER. Great achieve- ments were made in the campaign for the vrotection of -the-foreign- born- workers. About 50 per cent of the members are in the labor unions, mostly in the U. M. W. of A. but that was not quite satisfactory to the conven- tion and effdtts will be made to get every member who is eligible for miecetuii into a unron, Comrade C. £, Ruthenberg, who represented the Central #xecutive Committee of the Party at the con- ference, gave a report on the party activity and explained the. party pol- icy that was adopted at the last party convention and at the enlarg- ed meeting of the Executive Com- mittee of our party. In the course of his speech he made it plain that every party member must engage in some party activity, otherwise he is not a good Communist. He traced the development of the Labor Party and our attitude towards it, showing that our Party had @ correct policy, which was ‘nothing else than the American application of the United Front Policy, adopted by the leader ‘of the World Revolution—the Com- munist International. He said that tthe members must not only carry the party policy into practice, but H saad also understand it. In ee ‘to the si le within the Federation, he ea it the bureau fought for Communism, le. the former editors, Cvetkoy and- Com- pany, represented an 0 ist tendency. “His speech was heartily greeted by the whole convention. True Communist Duties. Comrade Fisher showed in his re- port on the economic and political situation, that the aggression of American imperialism and the agri- cultural crisis in the United States gave, the Communists an extraordi- nary opportunity to work for an alliance between the workers, farm: ers and oppressed nationalities in the struggle xgainst exploitation, reaction and oppression. .In_ this struggle, the industrial proletariat must take the lead. This the Com- munists must not forget. — The delegates took a lively part in the discussion on every pvint on the agenda, especial interest being shown in the questions of the Labor Party, the Federated and*the third bourgéois party. i : A telegram expressing grief over the death of our great leader, Com- rade Lenin, was sent to Moscow. A dephtation from the “opposi- tion” came to the conference and submitted certain conditions for their return to the ranks of the party. The conyention elected a committee which, in conformity with the representative of the Central Executive Committee of the party drew up a reply to the effect that every expelled member, as well as those who voluntarily left the party, if they wer? sincere, should, go to the respective »ranches \and make To con- the an application fer srg aos ; “every such application spec! sideration will be given_by branch and by the Central Executive Committee of the party. The policy of the bureau in its fight against the former editers was. EDITOR’S NOTE:—Today we begin the publication of the famous report by Gregory Zinoviev, chair- man of the Communist Interna- tional, made to the session of the Executive of the Communist In- ternational held on Jan. 6. Zino- viev’s report deals with the main points of difference in the Russian Conmmunist Party, clearly crystal- lizing the discussion that has so far been published in the DAILY WORKER. In order that our readers may get a broader view of this discussion, we are publishing enlarged installments. Today’s in- stallment is a8 follows 33 Report by GREGORY ZINOVIEV. "To the Session of the Executive of the Communist International, held on January 6, 1924. ADES! Co san try to make clear the main points of difference. I believe the following questions to be most i nt. ge ag dispute with regard to the essential character of the Bolshevik Party, and, in connection therewith, the permissibility of the formation of fractions within our Party, 2. Party Apparatus and Party acy. y Be the Young and the Old in our Party. 4, The “degeneration” of the Old Guard, especially of the core of the Old Guard. — 5. Economic Questions. ny 6. Special Differences of Opinion with Comrade Trotzky. 7 7, The Provortion of Forces in the Party. I Shall now deal with these seven joints, Ks L Essential Character of the Bolshevist Party. This question forms the real cen- tral point of our discussion. — Our Party as a party which has already held power for over six lyears, possesses a number of pecu- liar features which we find in no other Communist Party. During the course of the discussion, one of ou? oppositional students observed that the whole misfortune of the Russian Communist Party consisted of the fact that it was in possession of power. In a certain sense this is right. But only in_a certain sense; for on the other hand the whole fortune of our Party lies in the fact that it is in possession of power. If we are to express ourselves with perfect correctness we must, there- fore say: The whole difficulty of the problem consists precisely of the fact that we have become a state gt history ef our Party is very singular; to 2 certain extent it is unique in the history of the Inter- national. We can look back upon a history extending over 25 years. or at least—if we take as 4 starting point the year 1903, the year of the first split with of the Party into Bolsheviki and Mensheviki—over 20 ‘years. Our history thus gocs very far back, 2 whole quarter of 2 cen- tury. But. the living inveutory of the Party, the majority of the mem- bers, have only belonged to the Party for a short time, two or three years. This is a very remarkable state of affairs, Other parties have developed organically, successively. But we have developed along entire- lv different lines. First, we passed thru a period ‘of 20 to 25 years of preparatory wor', of illegality, and then suddenly an immense influx of auite young comrades streamed into the Party who now form its bony framework. T shall now attempt to give you a schematic survey of the peculiar position of cur Party. The Various Factors. This peculiarity is characterized by the following factors: First factor: Territory of unheard of extent. The union of our republics comprises no more and no less than the sixth part of the total surface of the globe, with one united party for the whole of this territcry. Second factor: The national factor. Within our territory we have at least 100 nations, but at the same time one united party. tne national factor is not allowed to play any role in our Party. We thus possess a united international organization, Abe ee however, great complica- ions, Third factor: Russia’s ecoomic many sidedness. Lenin pointed out, in one of his dice that we 34 Russia possess ious systems economics; firstly, a te indus- trial economic system, which may fairly deserve the designation Communism and then a number deat sucy. Mashwesh) eomtadiog. we very us of conditions ruling in the ages. Thus the economic many sid- edness of Russia forms a factor ber of members who only belonged to the for a short time. This I can ite with the aid of a small table, At the present time we have 890,000 members. Of these 2,500 THE DAILY WORKER 63,000 new merabers; 1919: 107,000; 1920: 120,000; 1921: 400,000; in the year 1922 we resolved to admit no new members, As you will see, three-quarters of our members joined us in the year 1920 and 1921. Altho we can look back up a history extending cver 25 years, our membership is composed to the extent of three-quarters of comrades who have only belonged to the Party for two or three years. This is a most important fact, ana one which must be accorded duc consideration, if our Party is to be understood, To this, the fluctuations Party must be added. Nauvurally, every party is subject to fluctua- tion; members join, others leave. But in the in our case the matter is very dit-, ferent; up to the year 1v18 we had about- 50,000 members, as stated above, and then we had a tremen- dous influx pf rearly a million mem- bers. At one time we exceeded the number of 700,000 members. But after this the necessary purghg of the Party obliged. us to exclude about a quarter of a million mem- bers again, whilst a number ot others left of their own accord. Thus about 400,000 comrades were ments would perhaps join these, or take up a position between one party and another, In our present situation it is important to reaiize clearly that certain elements whom we have in our midst are only there because we possess a monopoly of legality. This, comrades, is the approxi- mate structure of our raxty, It is upon this structure that our attitude towards the formation of fractions is vased. You are aware that during the whole epoch of the Second International, practically every party had its fractions, Rosa Luxembourg, Lenin and Clara Zet- kin; what were they but a fraction of the Second International? They represented the left wing of the Second International, Every paity had its Left and its Right; everyvrhere there was strife. This is to be different in the Third International. Fractions can only be tolerated in exceptional cases, Other- wise the Third International cannot fulfill its historical task, We all regard the Third International as an organization which must be cast in one piece. Danger of Fractionism. Its historical mission is entirely ‘small holders, of } 4 four. left in the end. It need not be said that such an extraordinary fluctua- tion has never been observed in any other country. And it has been the| shades of opinions, etc. This would cause of great difficulties to us. be entirely unallowable for a Party To this raust further be added the | such as ouvs, ruling the state.appa- division of work in the Party. We] ratus as it docs, and possessing the must rule the country, the state ap-| internal structure which I have just paratus is in our hands. It is thus | briefly sketched, different to that of the Second In- ternational. It must not represent a conglomeration of tendencies, incumbent on us as a Party to find: This explains our attitude with the Red diplomatist, the Red factory| reference {o fractions. Try to re- manager, the co-operative, the econ- | alize the actual position. Consider, omist, the editor, etc. The Party has| for instance, e the younger members to provide ull these from amonzyst | cf the Party. Here we have five to its members. six Party geserctions: One genera- Our Make-Up. tion until 1905, one until 1917, one Consider the most important belonging to 1917, one belonging to strata of the Party—here I select | 1918, one belonging to 1919 and the most iriptitioid cones only—and | 1920; about 5 generations. If you you will find: 4 then add the division according to 1, A stratum, the best, consisting occupation, involving at least ten of the 56.900 to 60,000 comrades | 8TOUPS; workers, small holders, working dircetly in shops and fac- economists, | Red Army _ soldiers, tories, that is, plain workmen, ete., you will find that you have al- 2. A stratum, the second best, |7e@dy arrived at 50 possible com- composed of peasants; about 60,000 eras nag ie che gs ee am ~ $44 e el mi peasants with small farms, that is, single knot, the knot of Party discipline, If you allow these 50 combina- tions the liberty of forming frac- tions, you will certainly give rise to five further poxsibilities of sombin- ation within each of these 50 divi- sions, that is, you tfncrease tho dangcr five fold ana a general disso- lution woutd be the inevitable result, ~Thus the formation of fractions within our Party is a thousand times more dangerous for us than frac- tionism in any other party. And again, try to realize what the formation of fractions would mean in the Red Army, for instance. Two fractions in the Red Army signify that there is no Red Army whatever, two fractions in the G. 3. A third stratum, composed of members of the Red Army, rumber- ing at the present time 40000 in the whole army; the majority of these are no longer serving actively, but belong to the reserves, the army administration, commissariat, ete. 4. A fourth stratum, consisting of students, mostly workers, num- bering about 40,000 comrad: The temainder (is distributed among various small groups, as trade unionists, economists, etc.; there are ahout ten such groups, subdivided again into | smaller groups. If we analyze the structure of the Party with regard to the social ori- gin of the members, ‘we find that proletarians form the great major- te n ity, and that workers still working |P. “U. (Political / Administrative today in the factory as plain work- | Headquarters) signify that there is men are in the minority, numbering|no G. P. U, And yet even this has about 56,000 to 60,000. been attempted! It need not be said And this factor must not be over-| that the attempt was unsuccessful! looked, comrades, this far-reaching Can It Be Permitted? division of labor in the Party, for it In the course of our prescnt dis- is absolutely unavoidable. Without | cussion I was, for instance, obliged this division of labor, ‘#is impossible | to spend two nights with the com- to rule the state, and it is thus in-|Tades of the G. P. U at meetings dispensable, tho its strong positive | where 2,000 comrades were gathered aspects are opposed by strong nega-| together. And what was the ques- tive ones. tion in dispute? The question, com- Dictatorship: A Necessity. rades, was whether we were to pass Thus the state of affairs. And at|a vote of confidence in the Certral the same time you must recollect | Committee or nct. The same thing that we have in the Party a consid-| occurred among the military stud- erable group of members who once| ents in the Kremlin, the same in the belonged to other parties—anarch-| army staff academy of the Red ists, social revolutionists, Menshe-| Army. These are facts, The min- viki, and tie like. These comrades | 9rity fought for a vote of_non- number about 25,000 to 26,000, and} confidence. We were victorious! But many of them flayed active leading | just imagine the fact ot contests in parts in the parties to which they | these three institutions! formerly belonged. This again cre- If you really want to understand ates a most peculiar situation. To|Wwhat our Party is, comrades, I must be sure it is a positive phenomenon, | beg you to keep before your mind's showing that we have beaten all|eye the scheme of the Party struc- other parties from the fisid, and|ture which [ have here drawn up. ing, too, we hope, that we have| To be sure it is easy—enough’ to won the best elements of these par-| declare, like the Menshevil:i: “Just ties for our Party. But it is none|look at this party! What a number the less a fact that.thcre are still| of groups and sub-groups it has, elements amongst us to whom some| and how’ few workers from the ops’ and fuctories! This is no slight shade of the past still clings, and who have not qs completely | Communist Party!” This is, of merged themselves in our Party,| course, silly chatter. This is a factor which must also re-| We are of the opinion that for a party in possession of power, and ceive due attention, faced by cxtraordinary difficulties The final factor to be considered consists of our monopoly of logality.|and placed in an extremely compli- Consider for a moment tht condi.| cated situation, the Bolshevist core tions in any other country, in Ger-| of the Party—those workers who many for instance, and you will find| were maturing during the 25 years three workers’ parties; in other|of preparatory work, and were po- countries there are two, in others|tential members attaining actual Here the parties strug-| membership in 1917-1918—forms the 1 with one another, that is, every | element representing a cement hold- vidual finds his place in that|ing the Party er, and without ple Mae which he really feels the| which all the above named strata great sympathy, would fall to ‘pieces within a very In our case the matter is entirely | brief period, different. The dictatorship of the Our Problems. proletariat cannot be realized with- With such a constitution of the out the simultaneous annihilation ,of | Party, the demand is now raised all other parties, that is, the monop- | within the Party for the workers’ oly of legality must be secured, This | democracy. Workers’ dem: is monopoly thus represents a visible|a relatively simple problem as far fymptom of the dictatorship of the | as other parties are concerned. riat, And it is impossible fof | In Germany, for instance, it is a it to be ctherwise. But it has not| question of our legality. If we ate only its Li side, it has its shady | legal or semi-logal, we have to side as wel pt ourselves to circumstances Unity In Third International. and limit dernocracy somewhat, new generation is springing| We in Russia, on the other hand, ‘up, am the Red Army soldiers,| are faced Ly positive obstacles of ch Ness a 1 See, io belated quite bese pet. ae true that rd e_ pel bourgeois | we n not fear ice, but we elements, and the Youth. ‘These are| are confronted a number of ob- all seeking for an outlet for their | jective social ties, resultant powers, for a possibility for | on the fact that we are working in impulse towards ac-|a@ country in which the peasantry is no other ficld open|in the majority, and we have be- sfoa Ka aitisalton wileh hae alent Sess in culties w! iy no other] briefly described to you. » Bolshe- sm in democrats before 1905, Lenin was expressly anti-démocrat. At that time, Bolshevism defended the theses: We cannot develop a work- ers’ democracy in a country in which absolutism rules, we cannot elect our committees. In very bad. tir we had, for instance, a tradition tl not even the whole of the Cen Committee was to be elected. Three comrades were clected at the Party conference, but only one was named, in order to have an address. Not even the Party conference was to know who had been elected. he elected comrades were then given the right to co-opt further com- rades, The same applied to the local committee: The Me eviki, already at that time incli: to glorify democracy in its petty bourgeois sense, railed at Lenin as a “despot,” “bureau- erat,” ete.** Indeed, even such a fighter as Rosa Luxembourg once adopted this ‘tone with reference to this matter, and scoffed at Lenin.*** Even she rut the question: Where is democracy? She had not grasped the situation, The whole of inter- national Menshevism, even such par- ticipators in the International as Rosa Luxembourg, did not under- stand the matter at that time. Legality and Illegality. When the revolution of 1995 broke out, we began to reorganize the Party at once. But the period of legality was of but brief duration. A general differentiation into the following periods may be made in the history of the Bolsheviki: 1st period until 1905. Expressly anti-democratic, 2nd period, 1905 until 1907, Com- parative freedom, commencement of the introducticn of a certain democ- racy into the Party. 8rd period, 1908 until 1910. Coun- ter-revolution, no trace of dcemoc- racy. 4th period, 1931 until 1914. Re- vival of labor movement, publication of the “Pravda” in Petrograd, peculiar combination of legality and illegality. 5th period, complete illegality from August, 1914, until 1917. Dur- ing the whole of this time the ,Ccn- tral Committee consisted ot} two comrades only, Lenin and Zinbviev, who both lived in Switzerland. No trace of democracy. 6th pericd, 1917 until 1921, Civil war, general mobilization utmost exertion of powers. During this period a really military discipline existed in the Party. From the year 1921 onwards, the workers’ democracy is spoken of Formation of Fractions. At the Tenth Party conference in 1921 three grouns of questions were discussed, all of extraordinary im- portance: 1, The introduction of the New Economic Folicy. This question arose during the Kronstadt insur- rection, tho this broke down. Lenin gave the address. The Party con- ference resolved: unanimously on the transition to the New Economic Policy. be ictatac 2. The introduction of the work- ers’ democracy into the Party. The address was delivered by Bukharin, who spoke on behalf of the whole Central Committee. It was almost unanimously resolved to go over to democracy in the Party, 8. The question of ‘fe formation of fractions. Lenin again delivered the address. A resolution was passed against the permissability of the formation of fractions. The Party conference resolved to expel from the Party all those who formed fractions, After the resolution on the intro- duction of the workers’ democracy had been passed, Lenin delivered a speech which acted like a cold douche on all who had been too enthusiastic for democracy. Lenin, in the course of his speech, declared that: “It is not true that we do not call upon the masses to take part in the work. On the contrary, any barely noticeable talent, any quality, be it only the slightest degree above the working masses, has met with our sincerest sup- port. There is only one thing in which we are still lacking: a slight amelioration of our position. “We now need one or two years in which to recuperate from the famine, and a shorter time will not suffice. Viewed from the histori- cal standpoint, the term is exceed- ingly short, but for our conditions it is a considerable period. One or two years of recuperation from famine, one or two years of prop- erly regulated fuel supplies, in order that the factories may be set running again, and we shall receive 2 hundred fold more sup- port from the working class, we shall seo greater numbers of tal- ented individuals arise from its ranks. Nobody can doubt this.” Comrades, this is our position with regard to the questions of the work- ers’ democracy. You will perceive that many of the semi-bourgeois ele- ments which have found their way into our Party naturally regard the idea of di from the petty bourgeois riandpoint. Fiat demo- eratia, pereat mundus—that is their watchword, Let there be democracy, even tho the heavens fall. We on the other hand hold to the viewpoint formulated as follows in the year 1903 by the late George Piekhanov, at the time when he was still a revolutionary Marxist—and it is a fact that for a short time he was a Bolshevist: Curbing Democracy. “Every given democratic prin- ciple is not to be taken nbstract- ly by itself, but in its relacions to that e panciole which designat as the fundamental principle of democracy, that is, the bo begat Ligon pe words: us poputi, suprema lex, . Trans- fhe language of Zinoviev Reviews the Main Points of Difference revolutionist, this means that this supreme law ‘s the success of the revolution. And should the suc- cess of the revolution require the temporary limitation of the appli- cation of this or that democratic principle, then it would be a crime to hesi to carry out this limi- tation “It is my personal opinion, that even the ciple of universal suffrage is to be condemned from the viewpoint of the above men- tioned fundamental. principle of It is possible to imag- thetical case in which we social democrats would be op- posed to unis al suffrage. “At time the pbourjeoisie ian republics deprived ve3 of the nobility of It ssible that the r could limit 1 the upper in the same manner, The fitness of \sueh a measure could be judged solely from the standpoint of salus revo-. lutionis suprema lex, “We should have to be zuided by the same viewpoint in. the question of the maintenance of parliament Should the people elect a very good parliament—a description of chambre introuvable ——as the resuit of the commence- ment of revolutionary enthusiasm, we should have to make it our en- deavor to keep this parliament in office as long as possible. But should the result of the election prove ‘unfavorable, we should then have to make it our endeavor to drive out the parliament again within two weeks if possiblo—and not wajt for two years. Thus Plekhanoy in 1903. Ard we are still holding fast to this view- point, But there are many _semi- petty bourgeois elements, not yet fully freed from Menshevism, and still cherishing the idea of democ- Tacy as such. This can only be comprehended if we regard things from the class standpoint. The fact must be realized, that we are living in an agricultural country with con- siderable strata cf petty bourgeoisie. Why Fractionism Is Contested. I believe, comrades, that after hearing the above remarks you will no longer worder that the question of the formation of fraction3.is so hotly contested amongst us, We declare: Two fractions in the Party is synonomous with the germs of two xovernments; two fractiong in the Red Army is synonomous with the germs of two armies, The same applies to the G. P. U., and to the whole state apparatus. As you all know, the state apparatus is, of course, formally completely in our hands. The leading —_ positions everywhere are held by Communists. But as a matter of fact the leader- ship is still partially in the hands of the elements of the old regime ex- aggeratedly designated our state ap- paratus as an old “Czarist” ap- paratus, But in actual fact it is. still in part a Czarist apparatus. And this apparatus is new listening to our discussion with the intensest interest. All the specialists, the engineers, ete., the pricking up their ears and waiting impatiently for what is coming. It goes without saying that a fraction struggle in our Party, Possessing as it does state power, signifies the beginning of the forma- tion of two governments, If even in bourgeois countries, as in England, for instance, a contest within the Liberal party leads with the utmost rapidity to the formation of two governments, how much more certainly would this occur in our case, since we have no democracy, but the dictatorship of a_class, and this is a country whose population consists mainly of peaants. **N, Lenin. “One Step Forwards, Two Steps Backwards.” Geneva, 1904 (Russian), ***Rosa juxembourg. “Organiza- tion Questions in Russian Social Democracy,” (“Neue Zeit,” 1904.) (To, be Continued Wednesday) A Big Night at Friday Night, April 11 B Extracti: 8 It} Gas and, Oxygen X-Ra DO NOT LET THIS HAPPEN TO YOU— Come to my office and get My work and advice is absolute! the best—My experience is wort consideration—11 years on the same corner. Prices reasonable, 2000 N. 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