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‘THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1640 N. Halsted St., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Lincoln, 7680.) SUBSCRIPTION RATES ° By mail: $6.00 per year $8.50..6 months $2.00.,3 months By mail (in Chicago only): . R506 months $2.50, .8 months $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1640 N. Halsted Street J. LOUIS ENGDAHL dit WILLIAM F. DUNNE { : Haier MORITZ J. LOEB...........- Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Pert Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. >_> Advertising rates on application. Chicago Labor Leaders and Injunctions Chicago, Ilinois vaca i acons bon The strike of the Ladies’ Garment Workers} continues with police and employers’ thugs arresting and beating up the strikers—both male and female. The injunction is enforced and the bosses are jubilant. The “Committee of 15,” appointed by the Chicago Federation of Labor, has done nothing up to date except to emphasize to the strikers the difficulty of combatting injunction processes. John Fitzpatrick, at a recent meet- ing of the committee, displayed none of the fighting spirit he has commonly been supposed to possess, but merely dilated on the possibili- ties of the militia being brought in if the fight against the injunction developed real militancy. Such may be the tactics of resolute leader- ship, but in our opinion they represent a spirit of defeatism wholly out of keeping with the necessities of the situation. . There is a way to defeat the injunction issued against the Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union and it consists of massing the entire available force of the Chi- cago labor movement behind the strike, mass picketing participated in by officials of unions as well as the rank and file, compelling the boss-controlled judges and police to jail, not only unknown strikers, but well-known and influential members of the Chicago labor move- ment. In this way.the strike injunction could and would be made an issue in every local union, and the injunction itself shown as a menace to all Chicago labor and not merely to the Garment Workers. The “Committee of 15” has made no show- ing at all. It is significant in this connection that the official organ of the Chicago Federa- tion of Labor, in its last issue, devotes a lot of space to the activities of the Church Federa- tion “Committee of 50,” but has nothing to report for the official committee of onganized labor. The American Federation of Labor and the units that compose it have always loudly pro- claimed their uncompromising enmity towards injunction processes and when an officialdom like that of the Chicago Federation of Labor which has acquired a reputation for militancy in excess of that possessed by the parent body, lies down in the struggle against one of the most vicious injunctions ever issued here, it is apparent that the local labor movement, hay- ing made a considerable step to the right in its fight against the Communists, is prepared to surrender all its class character and become just another Gompers’ legislative body with no heart and but little guts. If labor leaders, so-called, will not fight in- junctions, or even go to unusual lengths to cally the membership for a fight against in- junctions, there is nothing for which they will fight—except their meal tickets. A Day of Preparedness This year, May Day takes on special sig- nificance for the working masses of our coun- try. The celebration of this holiday of the international workingclass should reflect this added import. May Day, this year, should be-a signal for uation-wide preparedness by the city workers and exploited farmers to assume full political power, complete governmental control.. The workers can well afford to take a leaf out of the book of their employers.: Our bosses, sel- dom, if ever, get into a fight without adequate preparation. Experience has taught them that preparedness for wars, strikes, and other tests of class strength is the best guarantee for suc- cess in the struggle. The same holds true for the oppressed masses occupying the opposite line of trenches in the class war. No one can seriously argue that now is not the.time to prepare for a finish fight with the employing class. As a matter of fact the polit- ical and economic situations have taken such turns that the. city.and rural masses cannot avoid a fight without being doomed to abject sle~e conditions. The farmers are stripped to their bones... Their conditions are going from bad-to worse, and from worse to worst. The workers are confronted with renewed schemes for ‘economic readjustment” which, in the language of the pay envelope, means slashed wages, Politically, the capitalists have dropped all their sham pretenses. The bosses are now openly.employing the governmental machinery to crush the working masses fighting for the economic needs. The exploiters are now run- ning wild in their plunder of the natural re- sources of the country thru their iron control most elementary civil rights and the barest|Daugherty. His name was Fink. THE DAILY WORKER Wednesday, March 26, 192 conflict is the building up of a powerful Com- munist Party that will lead the workers and poor farmers into battle and will wage the struggle of the oppressed without hesitancy and with courage. May Day shguld therefore be a signal for a huge drive to join and huild a mighty Communist Workers Party in America, Disturbed Washington Reports from Washington are to the effect that President Coolidge is “greatly ‘disturbed by the testimony of the past week” relative to the corruption revealed in the attorney gen- eral’s office and other official places. We are intrigued by the phrase “greatly disturbed.” It would be just about as correct to say that a householder was “greatly dis- turbed” by the impact of a burglar’s black- jack and the analogy is not so far-fetched as might appear on the surface. The only differ- ence is that President Coolidge was and is one {of the burglarious crew who, since falling out among themselves, have been cracking each other’s craniums to the amusement of the on- lookers. Attorney General Daugherty has dared the president to fire him and he has not been fired despite the accumulating proof that he has been levying tribute on every form of vice from bootlegging to white slavery in the in- terim between periods when he has been se- curing injunctions against unions. It is not the attorney general or the presi- dent as individuals in which this paper is interested, however. What concerns us and every member of the workingclass in the United States is the obvious fact that dis- jcredited and disgraced, proved to have vio- jlated a thousand tenets of bourgeois morality, \the Coolidges and Daughertys continue still to represent the government of this country and the edicts of the class they represent are still enforced by their agents. Today they are hated even by the deluded millions who voted for the Harding-Coolidge slate;. the issues on which they contested the election are as dead as the head of the ticket and yet we are told constantly that the Amer- ican form of government is a representative one. Just as a warning to those workers who may have been led to overestimate the sin- cerity of the democratic opponents of the Coolidge regime by reason of the phillippics delivered daily in the senate let us say that should the workers and farmers, tomorrow, ;act for a fundamental change in industry and government, both prosecutors and defendants would leap to the defense of American capital- ism; petty thieveries and moral turpitude of the present incumbents would be forgotten in the holy war against a revolting workingclass. Tariff and Wheat~ The high tariff is one of the panaceas fre- quently offered the poor farmers to save them from bankruptcy and stave off their complete financial ruin. ; Recently President Coolidge used the power which the last Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act gave him to regulate tariff schedules. The Chief Executive raised the tariff on wheat. This was an out and out attempt to stem the tides: of protest that are sweeping the wheat belt against the do-nothing policy of the gov- ernment in the present agricultural crisis. Of course, the poor farming masses cannot be misled by such maneuvers. In South Da- kota, Governor McMaster, who is playing to win the republican nomination for the senator- ship against the present incumbent, the reac- tionary Sterling, knows this very well. Mc- Master is running on a program definitely committed to repealing the capitalist tariff act, the Fordney-McCumber Law. But it was left to the market conditions to knock the very bottom out of this Coolidge farm-relief fake. No sooner had the raise on the tariff rates of wheat been announced, than the market began to react unfavorably. The break on wheat was so sharp, that a new dow, on the crop for May was reached. The price on wheat at the’ Chicago Board of Trade, the center of the grain gamblers’ activities, is now within one quarter of one cent of the lowest figures of the season. This is the sort of help that the bankrupt farmers can expect from the government con- trolled by the big employers of labor. The tariff is simply another method employed by the government to help the big grain distribu- tors and manufacturers. It levies a tax on the farmers and workers in a most burdensome and subtle form. Herein lies its danger. The present tariff law, written by the agents of Wall Street and put into effect by their ruling clique in Washington, must. be wiped off the statute books at all costs. Coolidge must be deprived of his autocratic power to raise tariff rates under the guise of helping the workers and farmers whom he is hurting. Roxie Stinson will not be the one to say there is nothing in a name after her experience with the gentleman who engaged a reservation for her in a Cleveland hotel, under an assumed name, and then attempted to compromise her, in order to choke off her coming expose of J. P, Morgan bought up France for $100,- 000,000 by biding his time. Now, the Uated of the government apparatus. _ Under these conditions it is next to impos- sible for the working masses to avoid a fight to the finish. Preparedness must be the cry of the workers and farmers today. The first step preparing the workingclass for this decisive States government that threw four’billion dol- lars into the French maw ig doing ion worrying. Morgan says it’s all right. The money will stay in the family, doin the Workers Party, The Pacifist as Imperialist Editor's Note.—Here is an- other article on the nig develop- ments in Great Britain. It is by J. T. Murphy, prominent Com- munist and trade unionist, whose enlightening writings are already familiar to a large number of our readers, There will be other. ar- ticlés in the near future on other phases of the developing struggle in Great Britain. +e ee By J. T. MURPHY. HE whole labor movement of Britain was shocked on Friday morning, Feb, 22, 1924, when it read of the labor government's action with regard to cruiser building. Even the dock strike and the rent restric- tion bill were overshadowed by the amazing scenes of Thursday night. The pacifist premier had become the champion of the conservative pafty’s program of cruiser building. The first big storm within the ranks of the parliamentary labor party since taking office broke even into the debates in the House of Commons. Without discussing the matter with the labor members or even the new liason committee between the labor party and the government, the latter declared to the house their prepared- ness to proceed with the building of five new cruisers immediately the tenders had been given and the House had voted on the matter. Cabinet Divided. When this was announced even the cabinet was divided and the government benches were sounding varying notes in the debate. W. Hi. Hudson, the under secretary of the chancellor of the exchequer, was prepared to second a motion against the government moved by Pringle, of the liberal party.. The ranks of the labor party itself were in tur- moil. “What did this means? What the devil was Macvonald thinking about? We have preached disarma- ment for years and we have fought for our own distinétive policy for the treatment of unemployment. The government has throw: down the very foundations of our interna- tional policy and it has stamped upon our uncmployment program. It will pay a heavy price for this surrender to the admiralty.” Such were the outbursts of the labor men. The Times was more jubilant concerning the decision. It said, “It goes far enough to establish that Mr. Ramsay MacDonald and_ his {colleagues know how to appreciate the indispensable necessity of main- taining our first line of defense at an efficient standard. They have shown a real largeness ef view in rising above deep rooted prejudices of many of their adherents about “gnproductive expenditure” upon armaments, and a degree of moral courage, not common in any party, in acting upon their knowledge of what the interest of the state de- mand against the known wishes of a large section of their supporters.” The voting was also interesting. The motion against the government revealed a swing of the pendulum. Instead of a labor government bj. kind permission of the liberal party it was now a labor government by gracious permission of the Tory party. The motion was defeated by 372 votes to 73. Only one of the later was a labor vote, the rest were liberals. Two labor men, Maxton and Nichols, refused to vote. Altho Hudson, had spoken against the government he voted with it after MacDonald had had conversation with him. Hudson served two years or more in jail as a conscientious objector but now MacDonald explained that he was not increasing armaments but only proposing replacements so he suc- cumbed and voted with the govern- ment. . THE IRISH P! The March issue of has not the patron saint of i ois nationalists. it is red. So,much for the cover. Looking on the inside og thing to strike your eye is Irish Peo- green cover in honor of | by the editor in snappy editorial bour- There is it black, |by Michael. as the Papel “Wishbone” Policy. It was interesting indeed to see how MacDonald squared his circle. He first made his point against Pringle, the mover of the motion against the government and said “that not a keel would be ‘laid without the consent of the House. Replacements were not increases of armaments. It was the duty of the Government to replace wastage and no foreign government could com- plain about that. Besides when the government came into ‘office it found itself face to face with the fact that on March 22, 2,250 men. would |have to be discharged from the dock yards if no further construction was put in hand. Could we harden {our hearts against building those |ships and° allow those. men with | their wives and families dependent on them to be turned into the | streets?” A conservative government want- ed replacements because of the de- velopment in other countries. A Labor Government wants replace- ments’ to ease the unemployment situation. The net result appears to be the same whatever the argu- ment used The cruisers will be built. And replacements are always improvements and that means the effective armament value is in- creased. But of course we must not forget Mr. MacDonald says that all changes must be by common consent and whilst we can ‘moralize about the wickedness of it all we must carry on in the good old way. So the pacifist does the same as the imperialist. Mr. MacDonald does as Mr. Baldwin. One sings bass, the other tenor, but they are both in the same chorus, developing the imperial forces. Mr. Hudson put the question “Has the honorable member taken into account that when these oruisers are laid down, if they are, it will lead to the laying down of further cruis- ers in foreign countries, leading to a possible catastrophe which will cre- ate bigger unemployment than ever?” Replacements The Wail. Mr. Ammon replied on behalf of the admiralty that “these are re- placements.” So the existing fleets and arma- maments we can take it are not a standing menace. The whole business is one big binff on the part of MacDonald and _ his colleagues and the rank and file of the Labor Party know it. MacDon- ald proposes to investigate the whole question of armaments and immediately he does so he will find abundant evidence'to justify a con- tinuation of, the policy already in cated in his concession to the de- mands of the Admiralty. He will tell us that the British navy is be- ing rapidly’ outdistanced by other powers exactly as his Air depart- ment has justified its building pro- gram by a comparison with the French, air equipment; and exactly as the Conservative government did before him. He will tell us that naval construction in this country came practically to a standstill after the armistice; fhat since then Ber- lin has only completed. such ships of the war program as were too far completed to be scrapped; that the only new vessels laid down since November, 1918 are two battleships, one cruiser-mine layer and one sub- marine. While dating from the end of the war the United States has built two battleships, 10 light cruis- ers, 73 destroyers, 27 submarines and two aircraft carriers; Japan within the same period has built or ordered for the Japanese navy 20 light cruisers, 70 destroyers and at least 50 submarines and two air- craft carriers; arid France since the war has laid down or voted 9 light cruisers, 57 destroyers and 51 sub- marines. The Liberal press already provides this argument. NEVER GOT TOUCHED i e fF me ‘ing for the use of his name ut whatever glory there was in it. Policy of Yellow and White. The sum and, substance of ‘the situation is, that MacDonald carries his pacifism in the same pocket as Lloyd George carried hit, and uses pacifist and ‘socialist phrases in ex- actly the same manner, for exactly the same ends, for nationalism ana imperialism. He conceded to the pressure of the Admiralty. when he appointed the old conservative Lord Chelmsford to the Admiralty, ne submits to tne Admiralty and its navalism when its programs are put up, and hides his concessions under the cover of alleviating. unemploy- ment and the unpreparedness of other countries to come to an agree- ment on disarmament. All of which of course is good liberalism, but poor pacifism, much:less good work- ing class policy. Having said A in the alphabet: of impenaliom he is having to say Band C very quickly. The rank and file. of the Labor Party are perceiving this and it was only strict loyalty to the party dis- cipline that got the major portion of the votes on Thursday night. They can see that so far as the workers are cencerned the same offi- cer class is in control, the same class ig in power, they are doing what, even ‘the Tories want them to do, and they are wondering where they are getting to. It is too early: to see how the storm in the Party is going to de- velop, there is so. much that is in- stinctive class revolt. without: politi- cal élarity ‘amongst the “left” forces that there sill probably be a series of crises before a new leadership is definitely established. Wheatley was certainly the man who could. have led them, but his membership of the cabinet rules him out for the present. Now there is established a Party leadership in the House as distinct from the government. On this committee are Smillies, Lans- bury, Wallhead, all of whom are cer- tainly anti-militarist and repeatedly thrown into class war situations but are so influenced by the personality of MacDonald-and the idea of Party ~|being gained in the way of conces- unity that they cannot be relied upon in a critical situation to throw MacDonald overboard. Maxton and Johnson are not big enough to take the lead whilst Neil MacLean has so compromised. himself with Mac- Donald on the question of his non appearance in the cabinet that he cannot do anything. Wheatley is gaining ground considerably against MacDonald. On every question where the Labor Government is compromisng itself MacDonald is held to blame. On practically every question where there is anything sions Wheatley is getting consider- able of the credit. That is the most that can be said concerning the leading personalities in the parlia- mentary situation at the moment. Workers Criticism Growing. * Outside the parliament amongst the workers, the voice of criticism of the Labor Government is gather- ing in strength every day. The tendency at first manifest even in the Communist Party to wait. and see and deal gently with the inno- vation is rapidly vanishing. Tha publication ef the manifesto of the Communist International on. Com- munist policy towards the Labor Government has come as a healthy tonic to the revolutionary movement thruout the country. Its publication this week coincides with the press announcement that naval ratings be used as blacklegs in the dockers’ strike, of the Labor Party storm on cruiser building; and the wran- gling tactics of the new ministry of labor, This week has not been a healthy week for the Labor Gov- is concerned, but it has certainly been a great week for driving home the revolutionary message amongst the workers. conquer Ireland in th f the lated on kee: ‘the e name o: Pert: 3 AMONG THE MAGAZINES | forthe svi jo.bs vided between Lord afloat it publication now in existen a special aj to Irish The situation in Ireland is covered 3 nd, since the W: ; Dwyer, Daniel Carthy and: Thomas at dah Quarles ia ol erry, ‘4 oreely, J. Be Mo. £3 ist: paper, § Irish People West Adams {4 Street, — ronment to make THE club, ernment so far as the working class. is published at Price is 1 AS WE SEE IT By T, J. O'FLAHERTY. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, antl John Quinn, head of the American Legion, have joined in an attack on. immigrant workmen, claiming that the influx of foreign workers would sully the pure waters of Americanism a4 make of this re- public a replica of the corrupt nations of Europe. “There are none so blind us* those that will not see.” We doubt if Mr. Gompers is pre- vented from seeing the waters of his so-called Whitechapel London Amer- icanism getting pollutea by the crude scandals of Teapot Dome, the Veteran’s Bureau, Bureau of In- ternal Revenue, The ‘Department. of Justice, the Prohibition Enforcement Department of the Treasury and the general corruption that. prevails in Washington at this moment, ad- mitted by even such an imperialist paper as the Chicago Tribune as being without equal in the annalg of American history. Gompers sees ing one of the corrupters he is in no hurry to draw attention; to it, 1 SAGA RRR RR Ct A this poisoning taking place but | -— * * » Tt is not surprising that Gompers should form a united tront with the head of the American Legion against the foreign workers. Both are lead- ing flunkeys of the capitalist class, The foreign workers have had plenty of evidence to prove to them that the ecuntries they left behind were owned by their rulers ane that they had but to do or die. And they find exactly the same conditions ex- isting in this so-called land of the free. The American worker is be- ing educated, in spite of Gompers, the American Legion, the Ku Klux Klan and other agencies of ' that kind. The Teapot Dome scandal is opening’ their eyes. Gompers and Quinn are silent about the Teapot Dome. Sinclair and Doheny, notor- ious strike breakers, can rob, bribe, perjure and even kill without arous- ing the wrath of the americanized, London Jew, Gompers, but let a rad- icat be arrested by criminal attorney” general Daugherty and the notor- ious labor faker will be immedi- ately before the public with a state- ment calculated to assist the labor hating Daugherty in securing a con- viction.. He has taken no such at- titude in the Teapot Dome scandal, The reason is that he is a kept labor leader. oo. @ The Citizen, a so-called organ of organized labor in Los Angeles, Calif., greets the arrest of several members of the Trade Union Educa- tional League in that city as an- other expose of the Communist ac- tivity in the unions. The sheet calls for a thoro housecleaning in the unions, that is getting rid of the radicals. The arrests were made by police and stool pigeons from de- tective agencies. But the labor faky ers are not concerned about who arrests the Communists. They are always glad when it happens. Most of the so-called “organs ‘of organ- ized labor” are the private property hold up business men for advertis- ing and in return act the role of finks against those members of the oe who favor progressive poli- cles. O09 Another, black Marcus Garvey in the person of Rey. Pau! Russel, D.D, has burst into the limelight and be- fore his flame flickers out we ven- ture to predict that he will attract considerable attention, He organ- ized _a colored Ku Klux Klan, called the Knights of the Loyal Legion of Lincoln and this organization held its first open ceremony in Youngs- town, Ohio. A gigantic “L” was burned instead of the fiery cross used by their white brothers. The rani flericog bisa that he lid not lieve in social equa! denounced the Catholic church pool] said that “the negro will develop. by co-operating with his white Protest- ant brothers.” The Rev. Russel de- clares himself supreme ruler and founder of the black Kluxers. sc 8 A sixteen-foot snake now the pro+ perty of the New York zoo is a sociable fellow. He takes mills baths, rides ‘in motors, sleeps in a regular bed and does other things that hundreds of workers in the slums of New York city would like be in a position to do. *._ * © Charles Evans Hughes is not say- ing very much these days about Soviet plots against the security of American institutions, Perhaps he is too busy covering his tracks, fearing one of the many investigat- ing administration crimes might get the goods on him. While a was Sepoueeing the Soviet government, ‘or alleged interference with the Lieb of eee States ment, an American warship entered the harbor of Kaluczimo, chatka without the of 1 Torin... Wal seis Eee was in Se; ry. 18 of thie ent of forei; M. Litvinoff, acting people’s com- a note to Satretaty pg ible hone of a few grafting labor skates who * Hughes Sed I the a, For the Me « iene into foreign bere | td ment o; ie tape hat is preaching the necessi 4 poor ex- pov itself set such a won uy ee —_