The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 29, 1924, Page 6

eee ee aes Vaciiheias i THE, AILY WORKER he DALY WorRkKE Published by the DAILY WORKER PU BLISHING co., 1640 N. Halsted St., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Lincoln 7680.) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $6.00 per year $3.50..6 months $2.00..3 months By mail (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50..6 months 2.50. .8 months By carrier: $10.00 per year $1.00 per month Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1640 N. Halsted Street J. LOUIS ENGDAHL... MORITZ J. LOEB Chicago, Ilinois Editor -Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Hl., under the act of March 3, 1879. << 1% ay Lost--Several Halos Two days ago THE DAILY WORKER pre- dicted. in this column that if the Teapot Dome investigation was allowed to proceed the en- tire Coolidge administration, including the president himself would be found to be in- volved in the most. odiferous affair since the rant administration peddled the public lands to the railways. Today Washington dispatches show that we were correct; not only has the whole cabinet been found to be up to its neck in the rich and oily ooze of the Teapot Dome but President Coolidge himself has been shown up as an unusually clumsy prevaricator—an individual who voluntarily makes statements in ‘direct contradiction with documents, which he must have known were extant, and which are signed by the now dead hand of his predecessor. Letters made public today, signed by the late President Harding, show conclusively that contrary to Coolidge’s statement, the matter of the oil leases was discussed not only once but many times by the entire cabinet and that no member of the cabinet is in a position to disclaim responsibliity. These are certainly tough times for the su- per-patriots like Daugherty, Denby, Davis and Hughes who have been throwing the crimson dust of the red menace in the eyes of the American people while the rest of the ang was quietly and efficiently gathering up and secreting everything of value left ungrabbed by previous administrations. Attorney-General Daugherty, who has been so assiduous in hounding workingmen harbor- ing unorthodox ideas and who spent many thousands of dollars out of the public treasury to railroad Communists to jail in Michigan, never has been moved by any suspicious cir- cumstances to use his high office to protect the Advertising rates on application. 7——~-~property of the United States stolen by his colleagues. Secretary of the Navy Denby, than whom there is none more worried over the helpless condition of this weak and unprotected nation in case of enemy attacks, complaisantly allows the oil for his dear navy to be peddled for a song to private speculators under conditions that make a sure supply of fuel impossible for the warships manned by his gallant gobs. Secretary of Labor Davis has been going up and down the land pouring into the ears of the shivering patrioteers his tale of the nefarious activities of the alien workingmen who come here not to build but to destr-r-roy by r-r-r-red r-r-r-revolution our free American institutions. During ‘the excitement occasioned by his ray- ings, with his knowledge and, it is to be sup- posed, his consent, natural resources to the minimum value of $100,000,000 taken from the public domain. 2 And what of Secretary of State Hughes, the white-petaled flower of everything respect- able, who, almost single-handed, has been keeping the Bolshevik hordes from descending on our shores? He, so his admirers claim, has one of the great legal minds of this generation. It is unfortunate but true that his master mind was so absorbed in combatting the efforts of Communists and other citizens to secure recog- nition of the Russian workers and peasants’ government that he had not the time—per- haps not the inclination—to point out to his erring colleagues of the cabinet a legal—and therefore righteous—method of acquiring the Teapot Dome swag. \ Yes, we think the collective activities of the members of the Harding-Coolidge cabinet in connection with the Teapot Dome steal merit but cannot stand further investigation. Our opinion of the bandit band behind which hides the Standard Oil Company and the House of Morgan, has never been very high. Caught this time before they could wipe off the oily smears acquired in their latest acquisitlve ad- venture they have done the American people a great favor—they have destroyed many of the illusions concerning the high integrity and purpose of American capitalist government and have placed it in a category that the American people are familiar with—the one that includes distillery robbers, prohibition enforcement officers, real estate sharks, oil-, well promotors and other shady enterprises. Without being unduly optimistic we believe it is safe to say Attorney-General Daugherty will conduct no more anti-communist crusades while the teapot continues to bubble. Join the ‘Workers Party! Second Week of Miners’ Meet Begins! Our Corres *‘Savior’s’’ Strike Snag The efforts of friends of the “peepul,” who have been rewarded for their expressions of sympathy. with positions of power in {Wash- ington, D. C., to postpone the Farmer-Labor cénvention, called for May 30th in St. Paul, until after the conventions of the capitalist parties, have not met with any great success to date. The conference of farmer-labor groups of the western and southwestern states meeting in Denver yesterday went on record emphat- ically as opposing any delay. In Minneapolis the labor forces have taken the same position and it is probable that the whole campaign of vacillation and delay engineered by politicians will fall flat. The very strenuous attempts to postpone the conference, originating in Washington with some safely progressive senators like LaFol- lette, Shipstead and Johnson, raise the question of just how much longer the workers and farm- ers of the United States are going to allow gentlemen of this caliber to be the dictators instead of the servants of the movements that put them in office. : The delay urged is solely for the convenience of elected officials and not of the workers ana farmers who will have to raise the funds for, organization and publicity work and carry on the hard routine work of election campaigns. The proposal was to have made it easier for these officials to throw their lot in with the; workers and farmers without reservations or— if some risk seemed to be attached to this pro- cedure—to decide to remain safely ensconced where they are. The men who cling to this safety-first policy are not the type that the workers and farmers want to speak and fight for them. This does not mean that in the present stage of develop- ment of the farmer-labor political movement we may not have to accept such individuals for candidates but it does mean that we accept them for what they are’ and entertain’ no illu- sions concerning their essentially middle-class ideology and affiliation. LaFollettes, Johnsons, Shipsteads and other middle-class politicians of this type may fur- nish candidates but they cannot and must not be allowed to furnish programs and leader- ship. ‘To allow the control of the farmer-labor movement to be in the hands of this element means that it is ham-strung before the start of the race and never can be anything else than a feeble off-shoot of the capitalist parties. This is not the sort of organization that the workers and farmers of this nation want and need. They must have and they will have a mass political party expressing their needs as a class and with the control of the movement in the hand8 of the economic. organizations of the workers and farmers. This prospect does not please those middle- class messiahs whose political fortunes are their first consideration and whose yearning for respectability forces them to denounce as menaces to “peaceful evolutionary progress” the rural and industrial: workers to whom, however, they appeal for support when at- tacked by the spokesmen of the big capitalists. The LaFollettes, Shipsteads and Johnsons are quite willing to do a little something for the workers and farmers if by so doing the | workers and farmers can be prevented from doing something for themselves. The May 380th convention is an attempt on the part of the workers and farmers to do something for themselves. In this fact is found the explanation for the hostility it has aroused among the middle-class politicians and for the attempts to delay and | sabotage it by the exclusion of groups such as the Federated Farmer-Labor Party which wants and intends to have a party of and for workers and farmers and not a party of and for middle-class office seekers. Fall’s Mistake “If you have tears, prepare to shed them now,” seems to be the motto of the witnesses appearing before the Teapot Dome investiga- tion committee. E. L. Doheny, multi-millionaire oil operator, told of how, moved to compassion by the mis- fortunes of Senator Fall, he had loaned him $100,000 without security. Mr. Doheny wept, so overcome was he with heartbreaking sorrow. He expected to make $100,000,000 out of the lease Senator Fall gave him, he testified, so it would appear that in spite of his tears, his sorrow was only on a one-tenth of one per cent basis. Senator Fall is also on the verge of tears, according to Washington dispatches, and he, at least, has reason for sorrow. Had he in- sisted on at least a 10 per cent commission, he probably could, at prevailing Washington prices, have bought the entire investigating committee. Lenig, says the capitalist press, was a fanatic and a terrorist who did not let lives or any- thing else stand in the way of victory: Yet more than a million workingmen and women in Moscow stood in the bitter cold for hours to do homage to his memory. They knew him and loved him and somehow this | thi silent throng of workers makes the well-fed press agents of the system Lenin fought seem emall and petty. The Negro in the Industries By LOVETT FORT-WHITEMAN The Negro was brought from Africa into America, wholly because of the sore need of a ready and cheap supply of labor for the colonies. The master-class in the colonies pre- vious to the introduction of the Afri- can slave had depended on a system of indentured servitude, based on the importation from the British Isles of a very lowly element of whites. This indentured class were principal- ly made up of persons who because of some minor offense, had been con- victed to prison, but had the choice of coming into the American colonies and settling; bankrupted persons, who, in order to escape disgrace and often imprisonment, fled to the col- onies; and many from the slums of the principle cities, London, Liver- pool, Edinburgh, Dublin and others, who, as the result of a sort of a civic moral clean-up, from time to time were carried into the colonies. These persons placed themselves or were placed, for a number of years, in the service of members of the land-owning class in the colonies but no one could be indentured for life; and therein lay the weakness of the system. At the end of the period of service, servant could also become a land- owner, The African could be bonded for life, and at the same time was easily adapted to the rigors of toil on the tobacco plantations. For 250 years, African slavery was maintained in America, The eman- cipation of the Negro was a mere transfer from_ chattel-slavery to wage-slavery. It is traditional to re- the indentured} gard the Negro as best fitted for heavy muscular labor, and effort is employed to keep him out of those departments of industry that require skill and intelligence. The Negro has been kept down as a ready source of raw elemental labor. It was primarily the recent war that brought the Negro into the big basic industries of the North. Dur- ing the war, Negro labor demon- strated with more vivid, reality its essentialness to_the capitalist system. The great mass of Negro labor is un- organized and every, mean is em- ployed to keep it thus. The capital- ist class thru its press and other agencies of public opinion succeeds in keeping up a feeling of enmity between the black and white work- ers. The white worker excludes the It is wholly to the advantage of the employing class that the Negro is, (kept out of the unions. The Negro as a Race in ‘America, gg yet, is not of great importance, but as an in- dustrial class, one of the most im- portant in the «world. And truly, his peculiar position today in Ameri- can life is such that he can be a colossal hindrance to the success of any working-class’) movement having a new society for its goal. The Negro constitutes more than one-third of the industrial strength of the South; more than one-seventh of that of the entire nation. In the South he is dominant. in the cultiva- tion of tobacco, cotton, rice, sugar- cane and in the production of mo- lasses and sugar. His industrial im- Negro from his unions; and in turn the employers use the Negro to break strikes when the white worker goes out on a strike, The Urban League is a national Negro organization supported by the capitalists. It is a huge labor em- ployment agency, supplying the Northern industrial centers with cheap unorganized Negro labor from the southern states. This organiza- tion does not encourage labor-union- ism among Negroes; it dare not; and probably no institution today in American life is more enimical to the development of a harmonious understanding between the working class of both races than this Urban League. The Negro worker, because he is unorganized, works longer hours and for less pay than the white worker. portance is beyond his number when compared with other races, ‘The social experience of the Negro in America, eminently fits him’ for a component and important part in any working-class revolutionary movement, At present great masses . of Negroes from the South are coming North, finding employment in the packing industries, mills, factories, and on the railroads. They are be- ing paid less than the whites, and this arouses the animosity of the latter, because it certainly tends to reduce his standard of living. And race riots have sprung primarily out of just such conditions. But by now experience should have taught us that bloodshed is no solution for this problem; only organization, wider or- ganization that shall include all workers regardless of race or color. The Worst Enemy of the Working Class By JAY FOX “IT heard a speaker say the other night,” said Henry Dubb, “that the capitalist press is the worst enemy of the working class, that it poisons the minds of the workers against progress and teaches them to look upon their capitalist exploiters as theit real friends, which the speaker said they are not. What do you know about that, isn’t it the bunk?” “If I needed any more proof than I have already that you are the bunk,” said the union man, “it’s right there in your question. You afe a full grown man of average sense, a native son and all that, and yet you think the wolf the lamb’s best friend. Where is your intelligence, my 100- per American brother? It is the in- telligence of the boss I see percolat- ing through your wool. How did it come about that you think the same thoughts and boost for the same ideas and the same candidates as does your boss? You certainly didn’t get the dope direct from him. He wouldn’t speak to you if you met him on the street, and you would be afraid to address him, anyway. What right has a boob of a buck private to ac- cost a general of industry? “Your boss don’t have to waste his valuable time talking to you. He has a more efficient method of innoculat- ing. He knows that you read the newspapers. standing with the newspaper boss— they both belong to the same amal- gamated union, the Chamber of Com- merce—and that worthy brother turns the trick for him, So you are doped, chloroformed, befuddled and made an ass of by the newspapers and you don’t suspect it in the least, because you have been fed on the drug from infancy. Before you were able to read the newspapers you imbibed the bosses’ dope from your parents and teachers, who were themselves well chloroformed before you were born and ready to take you in hand and begin your education the moment you arrived. “Take a look at yourself in the men- tal mirror and see what a perfect picture you are of your parents and teachers. It is, indeed, your boast that you have not departed from the beaten path of your sires. You would count it a disgrace to have done so. You never think to question the old dope and say to yourself, ‘maybe this isn’t so.’ You never put up your mental dukes to the infernal balderdash the papers pass out to you. You gulp it down even ag the hog swallows his swill. “And how goes it with you at home? You are pot feeling as well as you would like to feel. You lack many of the home comforts you feel | you ought to have. You don’t dress So he has an under-'as well as you might. And the car yourself.” WHAT, THEN, DOES COMMUNIST ACTION MEAN? Article No. 7 We Communists assert that the child must be enrolled as a fighter in the struggle of its class and must share the fate of its class. The petty bourgeois reformist pedagogues, the humanitarian Utopians, and the social reformers are shocked almost to the fainting point by this, or else they are outraged by the idea. Dogs may bark at a train, but the train goes on just the same. We have the more important consideration that Wwe must ourselves understand our aim and purpose. The inclusion of the working class child in the strug- gle of its class is our aim and goal. To attain this aim we do not ire academic theses or rules of juct, such as in England Thomas Ander- son issues to his working class schools in Glasgow. The class in- stinct is the first connecting link between young and adult workers, and we must first find this connecting link. Once found, all the other char- acteristic feature of the childish soul and mind will evidence themselves; will be easy to understand if we ap- proach the children as friends and comrades. No books can give us such live facts as the children them- selves supply. Only from these ori sources the Junior Group Leader learn what he needs to know and what he must do in his rk—and this only after he Hi of the children and become ir friend and equal. Blind respect for the adults is one of the first thi which we remove in Comm education, There will be another storm of indignation over this. “The Commun- ists want to destro: rents and cl any sucl real home existed in the the home sweet| of household for eating, sleeping, and living. (Watch for Article No, 8 “The new! th relations between adults and chil- dren.”) -_ * * Junior Section to Line Up Parents The peddlers of nationalist and re- ligious dope, the Public Schools of America, have long ago recognized the necessity of soliciting the support of the parents in the education of the young. For this purpose Parent- Teacher associations are organized in about 40 states. The Junior Section of the Young Workers League recognizes the neces- sity of gaining the support of the working class parents for the*Junior Section. Hence the children of the Junior Section are now organizing parent’s conferencecs, These par- ent’s conference will discuss the life and work of the children in the Junior Groups. At each meeting of the parent’s the children will arrange revolutionary entertainments with small playlets, etc. Many parents do not fully understand the role of the Junior comrades in the struggle with- in the Public Schools. These con- ferences will be the means of clari- fying the parents as to this important role. Working class parents! Line up behind the Junior Section! Back up the fight of the Juniors against Nationalist and religious propaganda in the Public Schools! Fight with in Juniors for the complete aboli- tion of child labor! THE MINER my mother, ly the son knows his father. We are alike—sweaty, inarticulate bending under thick knowl- edge. I drink and shout with brothers when above ae you have in mind to buy when your job is more secure and the boss ‘re- sponds to your mental suggestion and raises your wages, is a far off dream. Somehow you feel you are not get- ting a square deal; still you make no move to better your lot. Worse still: You are helping the boss to keep you where you are, You are acting as your own jailer. You join the boss in condemnation of those of your fellow slaves who wish to help yoy out of your prison house of wage slavery. “In the prisons of this country there are hundreds of your fellow slaves, sent there because they have raised their voices in your behalf; because they have said you should have better grub, finer clothes, a comfortable home, a car, and a job that would be your own, instead of being the prop- erty of the boss who can fire you at his pleasure. The newspapers told you these men are your enemies and want to take away frofm you that which you haven’t got. And you be- lieved the cursed lies, you rummy.” “STOP,” said Henry, “you have panned me proper and I suppose it is all coming to me. Now tell me, what do you want me to do?” : “T want you to read a workers’ newspaper whenever you can get one, so you can learn your own side of the great question of life. And, above all things, Henry, learn to think for Youth Views By HARRY GANNES Another Opium Dispenser. Exploitation of the working class is not base @ mechanical process. Tho the workers are treated as ma- chines on the books of the capitalists, ie bosses do recognize. that their ally, the Lord, has supposedly en- dowed the toilers with brains, The facts of life make these brains feel bitterly toward the exploiters; and were ‘y to be left to natural and logical development there would be little need for intensified agita- tion on our part. Experience has taught the beneficiaries of this sys- tem that mental poison is a neces- sary anti-dote to revolutionary thought. The young workers, flung precipi- tously into peecocien come up most ly against the realities of ex- ploitation and slavery. They feel it most keenly. Their minds are young and supple and their energy is not yet exhausted. The youth crave en- joyment and sports, When the Chicago Y, M. C, A. informs us that $1,108,307 was raised in one year for the expansion of its work, and that it al values its worldly possession in sum of $7,000,000 (in this city alone) we know that the bosses are foolish as we sometimes picture them, and can take advantage of a on : ative ¢ dach tent, They asa entative iscont pay the t bill, What harm is there in the Y, M. C. A.? is a serious question that union men often ask. In New York, the union railroad magnificent hotel built for them this organization. It affords tht cheap rooms and meals, Well, not so | can desiré; By H. M. WICKS Upon the oceasion of the deaths of men who have made their im- press upon history it is the cus- tomary thing to declare that their laces in the history of the world will be determined ‘only after the passing of time has given us @ clearer perspective of their work, This hesitation to pass final judg- ment has been correct heretofore. Its correctness was due to the fact - that until this, era, the era of the proletarian revolution, the prominent figures of history could not under- stand the significance of their part in the class struggle. Just as it is impossible to estimate a man by what he says of himself so it has been impossible to estimate the struggles of classes by what the dominant figures thrown upon the pages of history shave said about themselves, But this necessity for postponing judgment does not hold with Lenin as the embodiment of the proletar- ian revolution. The most striking difference between the present revo- lution and past struggles ig that the revolution by the working class fully understand its mission and its place in history. It neither deludes itself by concealing its real move- ment beneath a cloak of high-sound- ing terminology, nor does it drag its inspiration from the past. Its vic- tory depends upon a realistic view of the tasks of today. Thus Lenin, as the foremost figure in the first triumphant struggle of the prole- tariat, knew precisely the historical significance: of the victory of the Russian Botsheviki. Tho he prob- ably gave scant thought to his own individual role in the struggle, his colleagues even in his life definitely proclaimed his place in history. The comments of the. capitalist journalists upon his passing contain nothing but the old platitudes about the future determining his place in history and, with few exceptions, they convey the idea that they hope the passing years will diminish his importance. Intellectually bound to their past they cannot comprehend the significance of Lenin. One thing is certain and that is that none of the spokesmen of the ruling class will erect monuments to his mem- ory. As each ‘ruling class derives its justification from the past naturally it erects monuments to the reac- tionary. Its emoluments and praise are bestowed upon those who endeav- and slavery, The reward of most people into whose mind the light of a higher organization of society has penetrated has been the rack, the stake or the dungeon. Such would have been the fate of Lenin and the Bolsheviks had they failed. But his- tory was on their side and com- bined with the indomitable will of a leadership thoroly grounded in the fundamentals of the proletarian movement they won. Lenin, the foremost leader of this first movement in history that was fully conscious of its mission, has passed from the scene of action and the story of his life is now ready for definite telling. There is noth- ing that can be learned in the fu- ture about his activity that we do not know today. His place is defi- nitely fixed as the embodiment of the epoch of the world proletarian revolution. That the ruling class of today does not recognize this fact is of no concern to the prole- tarian historian, the historian who will write the history of the future. But what of those who strut the stage of history as the representa- tives of the dying capitalist order?, What of the pompous statesmen who revile the name of Lenin? In the future memory of most of them will perish in merciful oblivion, The few whose names appear on his- tory’s pages will be remembered only in connection with some effort to assail Lenin and the movement that he represented. Their children will bush with shame to bear their names, : But ten thousand years from now the name of Lenin will adorn the pages of the record of the struggle of mankind toward a higher form of society. The memory of Lenin will be the nearest approach to immortality that is known, The ( man who makes his impression upon + his own time as Lenin did has influ- enced all subsequent time. That is all the immortality that any one that is more than any of this age will achieve. Today his body lies beside Kremlin walls, There let it rest ever, while the path to it, is worn dee) and deeper by the feet’ of millions upon millions of the citizens of a future society who come to pay tribute to the memory ist i invincible revolutionist who 4 first great assault upon the last slave system the world will see in order to rescue hi —_ a hideous and debasing I~ Bars eam ace : ‘“ i Temien di, tacoma ter, te yaa: Let the Gods Laugh. coated opiates, Judge E, H, Gary of the Steel But we can still remember that tion has just left on 9 tour the British and American Y. M, C.|0f the south and before he started ted in furnis! ‘scabs | 2 intimate associate suggested to A. for railroad com dur- ing the shopmen’s strike. Ask the ioe in St, Lawrence, Mass., about Amalgamation means strength! ondent Is On Fh ge hap Street Journal, "Be Sure to Subscribe for the Daily Worker. It Will Enable You to Follow thie History-Making Gathering from Day to Day. Something You Can't Afford to Miss! { y \ { } ored to keep the world in darkness - j ( 4 \ { i i / the Job!.