Chicago Daily Tribune Newspaper, February 26, 1880, Page 9

qHe THIRD TERM. Jere Black in a Lively Arti- cle Against It. The Eminent Pennsylvania Lawyer's Reply to Ex-Senator Howe, Review of the Question from Washington's Time Till’ Now. : g Third Term for Grant Means “Any Number of Terms He Chooses to Demand.” sie Would Make a Tolerable King, put Is Not the Kind of Person Needed for President.” Joe Other Side—Mr. E. W. Stoughton in Favor of Grant’s Election Again. BLACK vorth American Review for March. ‘ cel "teat in the opinion, of this House -. preeedent established by Washington and te Presidents of the United States, in retir- gacom the Presidential offive after their sec ea term. hus pecowe, by universal consent, a oadttf our republican system of government, Pigihat ung departure frum this time-honored om would be unwise, unprtriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions. Thisisa resolution passed by the Douse of epresentatives on the 15th day of Decem- per, 1875. It was offered by Mr. Springer, of Jiunois, after consultation with leading friends of the principle, and was carried im- mediately and almost unanimously, being op- by the votes of only eighteen members out of 251. Itreceived the support and ap- probation of all parties. Men who quar- seled bitterly upon all other political subjects were of one heart and one miud when it came to be a question whether the custom es- tablished by Washington and other Presi- dents, of retiring after. their second term, ought to be respected or could be safely de- parted from. oy Bs And, now here, to wit, in the pages of this Review, comes Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, and ‘on the part of Gen. Grant, for whom he ap- pears, denounces the resolution aforesaid, impugns the docttine embodied in it, and assails the integrity of its supporters in the most violent manner. Iam asked “ Under which King, Bezonian?” Do I give itmy concurrence? If not, what grounds of op- position can I presume to stand on? Betiey- ‘ng in the resolution of the Representatives, and dissenting from Mr. Howe's article, the readers of the Rewlew shall have the why and the wherefore;-not because my individ- ual opinions are worth a rush, but because, ona subject so important, trith is entitled to every man’s defense; because this faith is shared, in our time, bythe most respectable citizens of all classes; and because it is de- livered to us from a past generation strongly Stamped with the approbation of the best men that have lived in all the ages. A President of the United States may legal- Ty be elected and reélected for an indefinit namber of terms; there is nothing in the Constitution to forbid it; but the two-term ; the Constitution, precedent set by. Washington, followed by his successors, consecrated by time, and ap- ‘proved by all the public men of the country, Tipened into a rule as efficient in its opera- tions as if it had been *. : APART OF THE ORGANIC LAW. A distinguished and very able Senator of the - Grant party, who had carefully inquired into ‘the state of popular feeling, told me in 1875. that the sentiment which opposed a third term was stronger than a constitutional in- terdict; the people would more readily as- Sent to a breach of positive law textually in- serted into the Constitution than to any dis- turbance of the unwritten rule which they Tegarded as so sacred. Certainly it was adhered to by all parties with a fidelity which some of them did not show to the Constitution itself, down to 1875, when the first attempt was made to contra- Yene it by putting up Gen. Grant for a third election. This was everywhere received: by the rank and file with mutterings of mutiny, and the most devoted partisans responded with curses which, if not loud, were deep. ‘The movement, as Mr, Howe tells us, was met by solemn warnings from the news- Paper press, by strong protests. from political conventions, and finally. by_ the resolution quoted at the head of this article, which was'a rebuke ‘so overwhelming. that the supporters of the third-term. candidate m him in fear, deserted him utterly, and left him withont a single vote in nominating Convention of his own party. x alt, Howe has no doubt that this resolution 35 ‘the sole cause of Grant’s defeat in 1876. iM 4s equally certain that it was all wrong. He rives the Republicans who supported it fo credit for sincere belief in the principle Wey professed. He says they were not brveand conscientious” enough to “stake 8 Dostoflices” on Grant’s election. He charges ins they: were moyed only by a base and dishonorable dread of Josing the spoils When they abandoned their chief in the midst of his strugele, It is not for me to say whether this imputation of cowardice and dishonesty is or is not stander on the Re- Publicans, but I think I know a good many, of the zentiomen accused who aré at least a3 rave and conscientious ‘as Mr. Howe him- self Itis doubtful if even the contractors and officeholders under Gen. Grant were Quite so godless a crew a we repre sents than tense ‘ew as Mr. Howe rep! ‘owever that may be.’ the present intent of i. Howe is to rally the routed third-termers, Testore the courage of the recreants by a assurance that the jobs and offices are fe after all. ‘To that end he tells them that “eit panic was caused by a “spook,” they Rere Trightened by a “strange fulmination,” ant Were “seared by a senseless clamor.” B iby “reiterqted vociferations,” and. the ringer resolution, he says, was “a_cham- on piece of chatlatanry enacted Jn the a Of Representatives.” This is loud filling to the fugitives, and perhaps it may nae. some of them back. But it proves othing axainst the Springer resolution, and Gestroy the effect of it is the task which Sian iene fing ae suinselt ais uldimats de- 31 © elect Gen. Grant, and no true lover of american liberty fH S CAN Vors FOR GRANT WITH A SAFE CON- tt : SCIENCE fhe believes that a departure from the Bye on precedent is “ fraught with peril our free institutions.” For this sufficient Teason, and with this end in view, Mr. Howe as Seriously about the work of blackmail- ain re hector of the Springer resolution, ing it i i ontem} and hares into public infamy, contempt, “arate wakes four specific and distinct charges ‘fe ist the “resolution, 2nd avows that the ch: and intent of his article is to make these ees good. He “thunders in the index” 4nd opens upon the resolution with these ap- me bgt £ this articl Js, therefore, the purpose of this article fo show that in those few lines quoted from e Journal of the House of Representatives ge comprised: (1) a grave impeachment of ederal Constitution; (2) a gross libel on its framers: (3) a base counterfeit of Ur political history; and (4) a wanton insult our common seuse.”” Intiong 27, Brave accusations, Tf the reso- ation is guilty of all this, it ought to be, not ouly expunged, but cut out of the record and burned’ bythe common hangman. tis forth while, therefore, to see_whether Mr. ens ‘S arguinents and proofs do_accom- Plish the declared purpose of this article: oe Tam not sure that I Inow whathemeans ¥ innpeachment of the Constitution, He cer nly does not mean the violation of it, ‘The Mildest orator ona Western stump would Rot say that we are commanded by the Con- Sptution to elect the same person three times. Howe himself goes no further than to that the’ tution * clearly permits it.” and confused idea in his fy hanor the Coustitution, or Y in the face af re fail to do whatev dows not fon ‘he fundamental Jaw, € says, “puts no limit to the number of erms for “Which the people may elect the fe has some mis head that we di THE CHICAGO” TRIBUNE: THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1880—TWELVE PAGES. Same man to the Presidency,” and from thi Proposition he jumps to the’ conclusion that ee Constitution is impeached (whatever at inay mean) when the representatives of pe people aflirm the danger and impropriety 0} ‘Riving more than two terms to the same person. A&.sentleman who has. occupied the seat of a Senator in Congress ought to know a iat the Constitution . clearly permits” many things whieh, nevertheless, ought not to be lone, Without encountering any prohibi- ‘on, We might make the criminal code as bloody. as that of Draco; or Keep a stand- ing arany of half a million’of men in time of beree: or starve labor by: taxation to stuit canital with bounties. But is it any impeach- ment of the Constitution to say that such ineasures would be ‘ unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our’ free institu: Mr. Howe alleges loudly, learnedly, and with great solemnity, that Gen, ne av eligible in 1876, ‘and. Shane yas Pe 1S NOW ELIGIBLE,— 3 at is to say, capable of be! elected, nat- withstanding his two previews elections. ‘To show this he has spread himself over many pages of dreary and commonplace writing. His success, is perfect, if* success it can be called to.prove what ho human being in the World’ ever thought of denying; but from this conceded truth, so elaborately set fort, he draws the absurd inference. that we can. hot refuse to elect him without an impeach- ment of the “Constitution. This kind of logic, if ‘we’. adopt it, will lead to curious consequences. one citizen must be elected because -he is eligibl what are we to do with the millions of others who are equally eligible? We cannot elect every male native over $0 years of age, but, if we'do not make them ail Presidents at once, we impeach the Constitution, which provides hat any one of them may be chosen. “The Constitution “ clearly permits? us to elect x’ third-terin candidate ora new man; but, if Permission implies obligation, we vio. lute duty. by ‘rejecting one as mucha the other. The Fifteenth-Amendment makes an african eligible; therefore; we impeach the amendment. every time that lect a white man, and we impeach the original in- strument if we choose a negro; ‘“éither way we're sped.” ‘The logic of Mr. Howe will apply to State officers and to subordinate officers of the United States with as much force as to the President, Mr. Robinson was .Governor of New ‘York,’ a candidate for reélec- tion, and clearly eligible; his defeat was, in the opinion o many good men, most im- prover, unwise, and unpatriotic, but neither his friends nor his enemies thought the Constitution impeached by the election of his competitor. Mr. Howe was a. Senator, and when his term expired he was anxious above all things tobe reélected, but for some ‘reason, of which I know nothing, he was rather badly beaten. He himself may have believed that the Legislature of Wisconsin impeached. the Constitution when it chose Mr. Carpenter in his place, but it is. very cer- tain that nobody else did. The friends of a third term may complain that Lam taking an unfair advantage of. Mr. Howe’ loose Janguage. Ferhaps his mean- ing may be more precisely expressed thus: The Constitution permits the same man to be elected three times or oftener; the Springer resolution declares it to be unwise, unpa- T langerons to elect any one more nd this is an impeachment of because, in effect, it affirms that the Constitution nctions ‘an act malevolent in its tendencies.” But, after all the help we can give him in stating and re- stating his view, it REMAINS AS PREPOSTEROUS AS EVER. The Constitution leaves to the people an un- limited diserction in the choice of their Chief Magistrate. To any man’s pretensions they have a legal right to say no as well as yes. They and their representatives may certainly deliberate and‘determine how that discretion shall be exercised, and to put their discretion into the form of .a. general rule or political rinciple which will exclude classes of men ‘rom their favor as well as particular indi- Viduals. Thus we might resolve against the propriety of electing a drunkard or_a gam- Dler, though there is nothing in the Constitu- tion which makes a sort ‘of blackleg_ iu- eligible. The Constitution “ clearly permits” one who is or has been an officer of the army to be made President; but, when Gen. Jack- son was a candidate, all the anti-Democrats of that day résolyed and re-resolved that the election of a military chieftain would be not only unwise, unpatriotic, and dangerous, but a calamity. to, the country worse than War, pestilence, and famine combined. This was false, no doubt, but it was not suspected then or.since of being an im- peachinent of_the Constitution. ° All, or nearly all; citizens of. the South who fought for their “Lost Cause” are eligible to the Presidency, but Mr. Howe would concur without hesitation in_2 resolution declaring the election of a Confederate Brigadier “un- wise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions,” and it neyer would strike him that he“ was thereby impeaching the Constitution “which sanctions an act so malevolent in its tendencies.” ‘This allegation that the Constitution ‘has been impeached is + SO WEAK AND 50 SHALLOW that it would not deserve refutation if itwere not the main objection of the leading third- termer to a wise and salutary rule, established by the fathers of the Republic and concurred. inby all parties of the present day; for this two-term rule is not only recommended by its intrinsic soufidness, it is orthodox accord- ing to St. Augustine’s definition of orthodo: “Quod ubique, mtod semper, quod ad omni- bus ereditum est.” ‘That which is believed to be right everywhere, always, and by all persons, must be defended by the faithful, even against the puniest assaults of inter- ested and ill-natured sehismatics. 2. It is asserted, in the second place, that -the resolution of Congress is a gross libel upon the framers of the Constitution: that is to say, it slanders the character of the men. who made the Constitution, and maliciously injures or attempts to injure their good re- pu : Who are the “ framers ” wronged by this “gross libel”? Gen. Washington, “the foremost man of all this world,” presided at their deliberations, and, next after Washing- ton, the most conspicuous member of the. body was Madison, who took so large a part in framing the Constitution that he has ever since been called the father of it. Those two illustrious men afterward became President under the Constitution which was'the work of their hands. Although they were not required to lay down their charge at. any ppeviie period of their service, yet both of them did VOLUNTARILY RETIRE AFTER SERVING TWO TERMS. During all their subsequent lives they, were followed by the a proving Denedictions of thelr countrymen, and their graves ure hallowed ground, They rested from their Invors, apd their righteous works did follow them, time- honored, through later generations. © A ‘When the Romuns desired to honor a deceased benefactor, they went up to the Capitol and publicly crowned his statue with laurels; the representative of the American people, in De- cember, 1875, did for Washington and Madison whut was more than equivalent,—they solemnly and with one voice commended their example ts worthy of all imitation. ‘This commendation, expressed in Innguage implying love and admi- ration as perfect as could be on this side of idol- atry, is what Mr. Howe callsa gross libel on them and all the framers of the Constitution! Can the absurdity of mortal man go further? 3. Besides this, the resolution, according to Mr. Howe, is a base counterfeit. of ‘our political his- tory. ‘He takes me entirely out of my depth. I cannot form the remotest conjecture of what he would beat. Ihave fairly tried to comprehend him, but I give it up. Congress expressed its be- lef in a certain political prinelple or rule of 2c- tion, and Mr. Howe calls the expression a coun- terfeit of history! When an ex-Senator under- takes to be a public tencher, his utterances ought to have sone kind of menning in them, ut this appears to be mere “sound and fury, signifying nothing.” 4. He has another objection to the resolution; he ‘says it is an insult to onr common sense. ‘This js the ordinary style of a disputant who Knows he is angry but does not know why; it is the usual explosion of rage without reason; it was Mrs. Moriurty’s objurgation upon O'Connell when he told her the fish was not sound; it is the commonest kind of scolding, for which there is no answer and no punishment except the duck- SI . it was the express purpose of Mr. Howe's ar- ticle to show these four allezations against the Springer resolurion to be good and true. He has ignominiously failed at all poi the article itself is such A MANIFEST ABORTION that it might be allowed to pass without further notice. Iut he bas other arguments for a third term. They ure not true, or powerful, or even plausible, but they are curious enough to invite attention, and, perhaps, to reward examination. From the conceded fact that the Constitution does not forbid redlection, he reasons that in practice reélections should go on without limit; and he thinks he screngthens this argument if he shows that recligibility was a pact of tho plan very much favored by the men who framed and adopted jt. Theretore he says: “No one idea was so prominent or so universal in the Consti- tutional Convention ns this: Presidents must. be re-cigible.” He emphasizes this in screaming italics, and follows it immediately by citing xt greut length certain proceedings of the Conven- Uon—votes, speeches, reports, and propositions— whjch, instead of supporting, flatly contradict the assertion with which he Started out. They prove incontestably that in fact and truth there was no idex about which there was so much difference, doubt, hesitation, and change of mind. The idea, supported for a long time, and “with great firmness, by a large majority, was exactly, the reverse. That Presidents must not be reéligible,~never at all ints, and therefore { —but confined strictly to one sinzle te Proposal not only made and ‘Achat, but ‘agate, ed and carried time and again, though earnestly PPPosed by Gov. Morris, Roger Shermen, aay Rufus King, It was ‘not until the very lose of the Convention, the Inst day but one Defore igs final adjournment, that the present plan of choosing the President. by electors coupled with reclfibilits was agreed to. And all this 1 nde inanifest by Mr. Howe's own citations from the debutes and journals. Other partisans beftce pater any have sean as celles in ussertion as e; but Lam not aware that any -" continentiy refuted himsct. Y PRE NES g0-it @says: “The records of that great do not preserve the name of 2 single, ae iydement 80 debauched is to object to the re- eligibility of Presidents, if only the choice cout be preserved.trom legislative control." Here he ts: i ane ee US worps with a caution he does not often use, it to be understood that the only Spoesaenss Tecligibility was grounded on the mode of elec. Hon by the Legisinture, und to mako this ime pression he declares that no other abjection was reed in the debate which took place while purt of the plan. ‘1 can be contradicted only at the expense of ae Speeches. But it is not worth a fontradiction; for the nllegution. even if true Hterally, is’ substantiuily falee.. That was nie the only nor even the prinespal objection. There Was A general desire to limit the time during Shieh the otlice might be held by the sume pers Hog teesgective of tho mode in which he should: be elected: Novady—certainiy no undebauched man of that day—professed ‘a wish 1o see the frecutive power in one band continual: iy. founding a free Republic. ra day, ‘but for nll: time, mew very well: ‘that a Republic with exceutlve power ‘and patronage perpetually’ Wielded by the same person would soon conse to ben Republic either in form or in substance. ‘That this was tho general if not universal sentiment is shown by the specifle declarations to thit ef- fect of the most eminent and best Informed among them, and by the practical fction of all in the formation of thefr State Governments, which uniformly provided for short limitations? “upon the tenure of their principal mugistrates, Besides all this, here is another fact which Mr. Howe ought to have known, but probably did not—namely, that the objection to retlij pibility Was kept up after the present mode of election had been agreed to and settled; New York pro- posed that the President should not he eligible i third time; Virginin and North Carpiina’ ox- Pressed their wish that he should be mude in- capable of serving more than eight years in any term of sixteen. Mr. Howe's allegation on this point is true so far, and xo fur only, that the opponents of re-~ eligibility ceased their determined struggle against it when the present plan of alecting the President became u fixed+ part of fhe Constituc tion. Their fears were in a great measure quict- ¢dwhen the power to control the choice was taken away from the Legislature and put into tho hands of Electors appoiuted by tho States; for that was virtually leaving it tothe people, and the people. under the great chief who had led them through the perils of tho Revolution, and surrenderéd his commission at the close COULD BE TRUSTED 'ro ACT RIGNTLY without being boitnd up by express legal oblign- tion. Washington, first. in the heages of is countrymen, would certainly be first in the ad- ministration of tho new Government, and sure to set an example which none of his Successors would ever depart from. The event justified their faith. Washington was the first President. He was elected and retiected unanimously. No name could stand fora moment before the competition of his. But, at tho end of his second term, he retired to private life. ‘This gave the crowning ‘glory to his character, called forth tho plaudits of the civilized world, and all mea with joint acclamation agreed that nathing in his great public enreer became bimbetter than the ending of it. ‘Those who succeeded him did likewise, and ‘strengthened the authority of-his example by repeuting it, So it came to puss that noPresident who reached aseeond term, from the organization of the Government to the centennial yearof independ- etice, asked for n third tern, oF suffered hitaselt to he named ns a candidate again, i But, in Mr. Howe's estimation, all these exam- ples 0 fer nothing. Nay, they ard accounted worse than nothing; fn his opinion they are per- nicions, and fit only to be the cause of senseless ‘chumor and popular panic. “His manner of de- preciating tho value of the precedents und be- littling the characters of the men who set them is worth looking at. , He argues that Washingtan’s conduct in re- tiring ought not to be imitated because bis ren sons were * not patriotic,” but personal. Wash- inystoa bad an intenso desire forthe rural tran- quillity of Mount Vernon, and Mr. Howe cites aginst him his passionate declaration, that he “ would rather be on his farm than be mude Em- perdr of the world.” A man af such sentiments, Mr. Howe thinks, ought not to influence tho be- havior of nnothor who has no taste for agricult- ure; and he professes his total inability to see why the refusal of 2 third term by Washington. who did not want it, should be quoted nearly century luter_ngainst Grant, wha dees ic it yery much. Washington longed to lay uside the trappings of pow “which galled him while they littered; but why should that balk the ambition of Grant, who would glailly wear them Lortife? Mes ‘ : Popular veneration for the men who built up gur institutions fs the strongest support for the [Miistrttitions themselves. It ig not. only a erent 3008 Intrinsically, but, xlso the motive principle to other virtucs which are indispensable ina Government like ours, Anything, therefore, which unjustly detracts from their reputation is A GRIEVOUS PunraAc INsURY. ‘This applies most especially to Washington, who is xcknowledzed, not only by us, but by every nution, tongue, and kindred wader heaven, to have been incomparubly the greatest man that any country ‘ever proditeed. “An indecent criticism upon him. shocks’ and shines us like blasphemy. "Nevertheless, we would not abridge the liberty of speoch, A raging third-termer has as good a right to sneer at the Father of his Country as an independent Hortentot husto beat his mother. But Mr. Howe's censure of the Washington precedent is based npona false mo- rality. It supposes that the virtuous act of a pub- Ne man is not to be imituted ff ‘the deer took pleasure in it; it may be treated with total con- tempt by any successor whose persona) inelina- tons are averse to it. ‘This leaves no distinction between rightand wrong, except what is made by the passions and interests of ech individual. Cincinnatms assumed the dictatorship of tome at the urgent call of bis country, | drove away the Gauls, and. relicyed the vity from- its “imminent: danger -as_ rapidly ns: possi- ble: then, Inying aside the lictors und the fas and the curule-car, and the purple robe. hastened immediately home to his plow! which he bnd reluctantly left untinished. the influence of this exumple the Romans wore saveil from slavery nscore of times, and their Uberties were finally:lost by disregarding it; but, aecording to Mr. Howe's notion. it was not bind- ing-upon ahy subsequent dictator, unless he was, like Cineiunatus, - particularly fond of lowing. Very probably the sycophants of Marius, and Sylla, and Cesar presented to them exactly this view of the subject. Gen. Grant muy accept it ut the suggestion of Mr. Howe, but the American peopie will hardly believe that a point has been made against Washington strong enough to do the cause. of third term much good. Mr. Howe appears to be under the erroneous impression that Mr..Adams the elder was twice elected; but inasmuch 2s nobody asked him to be ‘a candidate fora‘third term, his example “turnishes no more ‘sanction to’ the Springer resolution than docs thoexample of Mr. Wash- sington.” Br. Howe's.“ HABITUAL WANT OF PRECISION may sometimes make him seém to be ignorant awhen he is not; but, ff he had known that Mr. Adams was defeated-when a candidate: fora xecond torm, and, therefore, could not possibly be cited agan example for or aguinst a third term, he would certainly, have spared us the irrelevant and pointless assertion that the exam- les of Adams und Washington are alike worth- less as a sitnetion to the doctriae which favors retirement after », second term. Jefferscn niso comes under review. His prece- dent, whether good or evil, is at least “ to the purpose.” In letters addressed to the Legis- latures of Vermont, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- vanig, dated on ‘the 1th of December, 1507, and printed in the Aurora at Philadelphix on the 18th of the sume month, he solemnly and publicly announced to the country that he would not disregard the precedent of his illustrious prede- cessor by accepting another election, His rea- sons are brief, simple, and clear, like all the roductions Gf that master-hand. and expressed in language so transparently truthful ang digni- fied that no man of rightly-constituted mind canread the paper without being stirred by the strongest emotions of respect and admira- tion for its author. It compresses into a tew sentences all that needs to be said in favor of the two-term limitation, and is at the same time a perfect answer to all objections. Mr. Howe is fair enough to take a passage from it and incor- porate it with his article; it shines there like a iece of solid gold sctin a shupcless mass. of lead. Confined as am in time and space, and unnecessary as it may seem, Ucannot resist the temptation to adorn my own_page by quoting entire the letter of which Mfr. Howe has given a park 2. a " Feb. 3, 1808; he (Jefferson) told the citizens of Philadelphia, in town-mecting assembled: ‘Your approbation of’ the motives for my re- direment from the station so long confided to me is confirmation of their correctness.” ‘Gn the 16th of the same month he said to the citizens of Wilmington, Del.: “It is a consoia- tion to know that the motives for my retirement are approved: end, although Iwithdraw from public functions. I shall continue an anxious spectator of passing events, and offer to Heaven jay constant prayers for the preservation of our Repubiie, and especially of those its best princi- ples which. secure to all its citizens a perfect anlity of rights.” Similar expressions are scattered all through his correspondence as_long as he remained in office, and after he retired to Monticello he con- tinued to repeat them. His conviction deep- ened as the years rolled on, that the principle of two terms WAS THE ONLY SAFE ONE, “f and he constantl, ressed his. gratitude’ for fhe universal approval of bis conduct 1a adopt- It. i How ig this met by-the late Senator from Wis- consin? “Mr. Jefferson's reasons for retiring are opposed by objections none of which riecs to the dignity of a quibble. The best speciinen of bypereriticism that can be ‘selected from amonz s embodied in the charge that Mr, Jeffer- tion deprived the people of theright om they would for President. The Very words of the articleare those: “The peo- | Plehad not free choice hut restricted choice, fnd their freedom was impaired by th ol Mr. Jefferson.” If this orucular judumene Be correct, we must take it hereafter as settled law fat ehosoaver deolliiee being a candidate for i¢ Presidency commits © crime. ogains freedom of elections, Ratbat tbe Nevertheless, Mr. Howe fs constrained to ae knowledge it Mr. Jefferson's “rensons nre satisfactory.” Still he is not satistied. Having demolished Gen. Washington, be does not think it well to.let Mr. Jefferson stand, Therefore he sets about the serious work of making Jeffer- son altogether infamous. He avers (in-his own loose Way, of course, “but still, intelligibly enough) that Mr. Jotferson was an imposter, ut) terly faithless and insincere through all big business; that, so far from wishing to retire, According to the precedent he professed to bo: Ieve in, be was actually 2 busy candidate fora third term; that he enguged for thirteen months in un active canyass to get himself elected; that there was 2 Jefferson boom in which Virginia, his own State, obstinately retused to join: that he gave up the chase only when he found him- self. beaten by Madison, and then he fulsély pre- tended that he did not want u third term; that his tardy declination wes merely nn attempt to frame his disnppointment into a law which should. prevent any of bis successors from serve ity longer than he did. From these Ppreimises, if they were true, the conclusion would be natural and just, that ‘4 precedent made or a practice established by Jefferson deserves only the dis- dain of honest people. * 4 But every well-informed man in the country, Except ar. Howe, knows this whole accusation ‘0 be FATSE IN EVERY POINT : and circumstance. Mr. Jefférson’ never sought a third election, or engaged in any canvass with that ovjcct, or expressed by word or act any de- sire to be chosen ngain. ‘On the contrary, Str, Madison, then his Secretary of State, and always his devoted friend, was 0 candidate with bisfull- est upprobition, and’ received from him alt the support which he could becommply give. The cburze now made, that he was unfuithtul to his friend, his country, and bis own expressed con- victions of Public ditty, ig unsupported by a sin- Slespark of evidence. Mr. Howe's belfef. in it ‘pretends to rest on nothing except the naked and solitary fact that Mr. Jefferson published his declination, and gave tho reasons for it, onlya year before the election at which hig successor Wi the addresses the Legislature a year previous. est tendency to prove it, suspleion of it, in the mind of any fair man who considers how’ many and how proper might bo tho reasons for delicate silence about every- thing concerning the Presidential election of 3808 until the State olections of 1807 were oyer- passed. But the charge becomes a scandal and ashame when we look at Mr. Jefferson's own explanation of his delay, as given in that part of the Vermont letter which Mr. Howe bas not published, it is worse still,—it'is un outrage upon truth,—when it, is seen to be inconsistent With evory material fact which the history of the time discloses. bE: ‘This is a fresh calumuy upon Jefferson,—the Jatest of many thousands. _1dano impugh the » personal verucity: of Mr, Mowe when Tsay that his party nf lI tines, and under all af its -mauy names, has taken a fierce delight in defaming the great Apostle of Democracy. -It hus not forgiven, and it will never forzive, him for maintaining the rights of the States and the liberties of the people. while he preserved the powers of the General.Government in their Whole constitutional vigor: It scems a useless. htbor to vindiente him; forthe enemies of tha free system which he did so much to sustain are continunlly reviving old: slanders or fabricating new ones. The spider, whose web is broken by the broom, inyariably reconstructs it or spins another from his bowels: + Destroy his sib or sophistry—in vain; ‘Tho creature’s atits dirty work again. Dut Madison also! adapted THE PRINCIPLE OF HIS TWO PREDECESSORS, and retired at the end of his second term. Can nothing be urged ugainst the father of the Con- stitution to depreciate his authority or make his example worthless? Was wot he nlso unpatriotic and selfishly fond of his farm? ‘This could be as casily said, and is not harder to belicye of him than of Washington. The charge might also be mado thut he was an‘netual candidate. for a third term, declining only upon the failure of a Madison boom;.and history would not contradict it more emphatically than it contradicts tho story of Jefferson's boom. But not «word have the third-termers to say about him in the way: of detraction, except that be is libeled by tho praise of Congress. Except for that, wh are graciously permitted to take his precedent and follow it with respect undiminished. and there was Monroe, appzrently “so clear in, his grent office” that rivalry itself shrunk from his presence, and he was clected a second time without cffort, without opposition, without one vote against. him! Is it nothing to the pur- pee that he acknowledged the value of the Wushington precedent? Conecde that he, the most popular of ui] Presidents except the first one, could not have got third term if he had asked for it, then his retirement proves not only that the two-term practice was right in his indi- vidual opinion, but that the general judgment. of the Nation was in its favor. It is true, in point of fact, that nt that time, and for lung be- fore, the precedent act by Washington “ bad be- come by universal consent a part of our repub- lican system of government,” and the whole people, much as they. Joved Afr. Monroe, would have frowned him out of countenance if he had attempted to resist it, Still, itis cdd that the abuse by the Federalists of Mr. Monroe, or even tho vituperation of Rurr, should not: have been fished up and reproduced to show that his exam- ple is us worthless as that of the other Presi- dents. Perhaps Mr. Howe, as n matter of liter- airy taste, thinks it proper to deul only in original slanders. Gen. Jackson does not get off so easily. We are told that “there is. ground for believing. tbat if Mr. Van Buren had not secured the s1 cession to Gen, Jackson the Intter would baye been retained fur another term.” This is like the accountwe have of Jefferson’s boom. If there was any pryctice of Jackson's great pre- decessors in wHich he acquiesced with more deference than another it wus z THEIR VOLUNTARY RETINEMENT aftera proper period of service. He was wholly opposed to tho rudetinit continuance of power in the sume hand, aud ke expressed his opinions on that, as on other subjects, with an emphusi3 which Jeft no chance for misapprehension. The ground for belicving that “in a certain con- tingeney he would have been retained snother term” is not anything he ever did or forbore ta do—nothing that he ever wrote or spoke— nothing that ever. was authorized by bim or by the party which supported him, or by any representative of cither. Mr, Hawe has found somewhere an old newspaper, of date not given, but called the Herald, and printed at Philadel- phia, nu one knows by whom, which was so ob- Secure while it kisted. and _coused tu exist so long ugo, that nobody living recoilects anything about it; and this paper (a Denocratie paper, if Mr. Hav is correct) suid, 21 other, on its own irresponsible motion, and by way of prediction, that, if there should be se- rious division in the Democratic ranks, the Na- tions! Convention would nominate Jackson for athird term. This prediction, which it is not pretended that Jxckson ever siw or beard of, is “the ground tor believing” that Jackson would have bedn retained, and constitutes the head ‘and front of that great man’s o; nding against the Washington precedent whieh he believed in so devoutly and acted upon so faithfully. It is impossible to take such idle trasn into serious consideration, We let it go for.what it will {ctch, assuring Mr. Howe that, though patience is not our special virtue, we are able, by the grace of God, to endure this harmless kind of nonsense about Gen. Jackson without losing our temper. -Sueh isthe outcome of Mr. Howe's assault upon the ine of our great retiring Presidents, from Washington to Juckson inclusive. It must be admitted that, if the predetermined object of the attack was to make himself ridiculous, it is a marked sneeess; but if it was an effort in real earnest to diminish their fame, lower their standing, or shake the confidence of the country in their virtue, then it {s TNE VLATTEST FAILURE IN HIS ESSAY,— and that isswying a greatdeal. It is not simply tho unworthiness of those Presidents who have adopted tho two-term prac- tice which makes it so odious in the eyes of Mr, lowe; their autherity, he thinks, is overruled by the different and inconsistent practice of oth- ers. He says that a“ majerity of our Presidents have retired after a first term,” and then puts the very pertinent question, “ Why should the two-term precedent become a part of our gov- ernmentul system more than the one-term syé- tem?” The answer is, that Mr. Howe is mis- taken about the fact. A majority did not retire {ter un first term. of Gen. Grant, fourteen citizens had been elected to the office of President. Five of them—Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe,and Jackson—were elected twice and re- tired after their second term. Two—Harrison and Taylor—were elected once and died in office. Onc—Lincoln—was elected twice, und died dur-_ ing his second term. Four—Joht Adams, J. Q, Adams, Van Buren, and Pierce—were olected only once. ‘They did not retire after their term expired, but were candidates for a seesad term. only ‘too of all the fourteen—Polk and Buchanan —retired upon one term without asking re@lec- tion, It is exclusively the last two named that can be quoted as examples of retirement after ‘first term. Where, it not in Louisiana, did Mr. Howe learn that two were a- majority of four- teen? i But, suppose it to be true that a majority of our Presidents had voluntarily and actually re- tired after their first term, setting aside tho two- term precedent, and substituting in its place the one-term principle “252 part of our gavern- mental system,” how would that help Mr. Howe's. argument? He is opposed to the two-term rule, and wants to prove that three terms are better+ thereupon he asserts that the highest authority is in favor of only one. He does not sce that this is a. LOGICAL CONTRADICTION OF HIMSELF, and cuts up his ease by the roots. In the article we are reviewing, the author, after denouncing the Washington rule, tries to eviide its operation upon his candidate by eay~ ing: “It only enjoins retirement after a second term. Grant retired at the end of the second term in strict accord with the precedents and on thé subject (that from of, Vermont) was dated ‘This has not the slight- ‘the resolution.” ‘This is a dodge. and nota yery. artful one either. Grant never retired. He was, according to Mr. How wn testimony, a candi- date in 1876, defeated by the influence of the Springer resolution and the. cowardice of his party friends; he has been a candidate ever since, and is a eundidate now. - Call you that re- tirement ‘in strict accord with the precedents and the resolution"? _Hewascpmpelled to fore- gohisclaim to a third term when his second to be chosen. although one of. or even to suggest a. Previous to tho. time | expired; but he stood back for the time, only to thrust himself forward again nt the tirst oppor- tunity. _ How does that accord with the prece- dents? “An obligution is not measured merely by its literal terms; it must be met in good faith ccordmg to: its sense, spirit, and equity.. It is ‘held under ev- ety code of morals and of Jaw, in all civilized countries, that a performance which keeps the Word of promise to the ear and breaks it to the hope fs no performance at all. ‘For instance, an agreement to discontinue a pending action is not complied with by formally dismissing the suit and then immediately bringing another; & contract to deliver a certain, quantity of cloth inpieces is broken if it be cut into pleces so smull as to make’ them useless; a eoyenunt to retire from tho ‘possession of land i3 not ful- Milled when the occupant goes out to-day and comes back to-morrow. This principle of private and public morality, which detests shams, might be supported by innumerable cases if it. were not too plain to need illustration. It will cer- tainly be acknowledged by overy candid man that, if Gen. Grant, after two elections, kept himself in the fleld asa persistent candidate for u third term, the pretense that he retired agreen- By to the precedents is untrue and fraudulent. THE IMPOSTURE is not chargeable upon him. He does not pre- tend to have retired. He is a candidate for an- othorterm in contempt of the precedents. He docs not evade, but boldly defies. the authority of his predecessors. He hus, and is entitled to, some credit for @btusencss of moral perception, but still be is conscious that. equivocation is 2¢ bad as direct falsehood; und we have no right to suppose that he ever adopted the know-nothing philosophy which teaches its disciples to Palter with us in a doubl % Andie ike truths (Ube sense ‘Thus far 2 have been answe objections to the two-term rule and to the charucter of the men who made it. Ithink it may be aflirmed with some contidence that Washington was not unworthy of the profound veneration in which he is held in this count and throughout tho World; that suceceding Presidents, when they followed his. footsteps, not only acknuwledged his wisdom and patriotism, but showed their own; that the American peoplo of our dey, when they refused = third term to-a cand). date ‘who had already served for * two were not behaving like cowards scared by a senseless clamor, but doing what a prudent re- gard for their ‘true interests required; that when the House of Representatives, in obcdi- ence to the universal sentiment of its qpnstitu- ents, unanimously and without distinction of Party, put upon its records and published to the World its solemn declaration that the example of Washington must be adhered to in the future as in the'past, they did not enact charlatanism or repeat a vociferation, or issue ustrangefulmina- tion, or impeach the. Constitution, or libel its framers, or counterfeit history, or’ insult com- Mon-sense, but spoke what they at least believed 10 be tha % WORDS OF TRUTH AND SOBERNESS. But perhaps itis notenough to have nega- tived Mr. Howe's allegations. We are not'to set up politics! dogmas or invoke a blind faith in the founders of the Republic. Tho mere au- thority of names, however great, ought not to command our assent. We should hue reasons for our belicf, and be instant in season and out of season to give them when- asked for. Buta fundamental doctrine, svif-evidently ‘true, though easy to defend, is the hardest of tl things to support by nflirmative argument. We cannot help but sympathize with the in- dignution of Pitt when he thundered out his refusul to look at books or listen to logic in de- fense of English liberty. Ina free country, the mun who would be faithful to his fellows is nec- essurily inclined to take a5 a postulate whatever munifestly tends to the preservation of the pub- lic right. * . In the matter before us, it should be plain to every “‘reasonablé creature in esse” that long continuance of supreme executive power in one hand is .not only perilous to free institu- tions, but. perfectly certain to' destroy them. Some: fixed time ‘there ought to be when the people willnot only bave the ‘right, but exer- cise it, to’ displace their Chief Magistrate and také another. If they do not possess this right, they are political bond-cervants by Inw: if, holding it, they forego the use of it, they make themselves, quoad ‘hoc, voluntary slaves, and they soon begin to'be governed in all things by the will of their superior. A Iease'for years, re- newable, and always renewed, gives the tenant aur estate without end, and makes.him the lord Of the Tee.- & 5 Where the Chief Magistrate is vested, 1s ours is, with great power linble’ to gross’ abuse, if there is no lawsor-practice which forbids him to be rediected, he can remain in ollice for lite s for a term.” He has the appointment Lotticers, the making of al public contracts, and's-veto upon all legislation. besides the com mand of the army and navy. By an unserupu- toususe of. these Means he ean coerce not only his horde of immediate dependents, but he can control tho corporations and become the master of all' the rings, put the business of all classes under his feet, corrupt the ‘venal, frighten the timid, and check ail ambitions but his own. He can force tho elections of every State he desires tocarry by:the bayonets of hisarmy. If that fails, he cin order a false return, and pay for it out of thepublic Treasury. The people would soon as PERCEIVE OPPOSITION TO BR USELESS, and accept the situation; elections would be as mere 2 matter of form as they were.in Rome when such Consuls us Nero and Domitian were elected regularly overy year under the super- vision of the pretorian guards. if these were no more than remote possibili- ties, prudence should guard us agrinst them. Butthey ure near probubilities; the signs of the times warn us that the peril to our institutions isimminent; the danger is already on the wing. It is vain to remind us that the President swWeurs to preserve, protect, and defend the Con- stitution and see the laws faithfully excented. That is true; and it is also'true that, if there be no perjury in tho case, the Constitution, laws, and liberties of the country ure sufe. But the last twenty years have given us ample proof that an oath is not much restraint upon a Presi- dent who is incited by ambition, rapacity, or strong party feeling to brenk it. itis true that this presupposes a people much degenerated and » magistrate animated mainly ‘by the vulgar love of power for its own sak Dut exactly such 2 conjunction of things has a ways been feared with good reason, and hence comes the desire to. put every check on that tendency to “strong government” which is now manifesting itself in many quarters. What is the remedy? How shall wo avert the dire calamities with which we are threatened? The answer comes from the graves of our fathers: By the FREQUENT ELECTION OF NEW MEN. Other help or hope for the salvation of frée gov- ernment there is none under heaven. if history doesnot teach us this, we have read it all wrong. In the Fopublics of ancient and modern times the Chief Magistrate was intrust- ed with only temporary power, and alirays went out ‘of oflico ut the end of a short period, fixed and preseribed by law or custom. It was this, indeed, that made the’substantial distinction be- tween them and the monarchies around them. An unpunished transgression of the customary imitation was uniformly followed by destruc- tion. Everywhere and always it was the fatal symptom of decay,—the gure forcrunner of ruin. When Cesar refused to lay down his Con- sulship, as his predecessors had done, at the end of a yeur,and was reélected time after time with the acquiescence of the Senate and the people, all that was renl in Roman freedom ceased to exist. Two republics in France were brought to an end in the same way. Nupoleon begin by being Cousul for a term, thon was ~ elected for life, and finally beeame Emperor, with the-powers of an absolute despot. The last Bonaparte was President for four yeurs, was red ten, and ended, Iike his unele, in grasping the imperial crown. “May this be washed in Lethe and forgot- ten?” ‘Shall these lessons be lo3t? Shall the Jamp which guided our forefathers be extin- Suished? Shall the broad daylight of all human experience be closed up in a little dark lantern manufactured at Milwaukee? [think this can- not be done; “the eternal verities” nreugainst it. The most powerful third-termer may as well try to blow out the sun,as he woulda tallow candle, with the breath of his mouth. ‘Moreover, the two-term principle ought to be adhered toby usand those who come after us Gf there wore no other reason), simply because it was a PRACTICE OF THOSE WHO WENT BEFORE US. It is to the traditions of the fathers that we owe our civilization. All that we have which is holy in religion, pure in morals, or perfect in politics, isso derived, und so ttansmitted. Without that we could not be a nation in any proper sense of the term, but a mere colléction of barbarians, tame or savage according to circumstances. The ractice of one generation is and ought to be law for another. In England every custom favoring civil liberty, once adopted by gen- | eral consent, became binding upon Frince and people. These customs make up the body of the common law, and the English Constitution itself is but.a collection of them. “Honor thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be jong in the land,""—this command was addressed to a people, and it was length of national life that Gor promised as the reward of obedience. The Inter prophets spuke as they were moved when they- warned that same people that their institu- tions would perish if they were given unto change, and exhorted them to beconservative,— to “look at the old paths and stand upon the an- cient ways.” t tg Ido not expect anything I can say to be re- ceived as a vindication of the two-term rule. Nor is it necessary. All the support it requires was long ago furnished by another, the latchet of whose shoes Iam not worthy to stoop down and unloose. Jefferson, the stainless citizen, the sterling patriot, the unequaled statesman, — at once tho greatest. apostle and the truest rophet human freedom ever bad—gave his judgment not only at the time he acted upon the tule, but expressed his. convictions after they were strengthened by many years of Inter reflec- top. . . + time now that we come to the concrete artot the subject. The practical object of Mr. fowe's article istomake * GEN. GRANT PRESIDENT YOR ANOTHER TERM. It is not for an abstraction that he denounces the two-term precedent and villifies the Springer resolution. The rule might stand if Grant could be elected without breaking it down. But Mr. Howe thinks that the euperiority of bis candi- date is so very great that all authoritis which oppose him should be disregarded, and be sup- ports this opinion by assertions so extravagant that we only wonder how any man in his sober ted -senges could have made them. i Grint as “the foremost manof his nee? says be stands upon the mountaia-top,” and declares that “the eager world-hes set the 9 seal of its primacy” on him. . Pos, Bane. Conk ing, Bristow ae ptt A a calves oe are describedt as “mere metuilic original, though not hicht very gmicefuily turned. It is Bir Howes swat ‘of RA fog that he will be very wroth if Grant i$ tot mide President # third time, in spite of the saluc tary principle: which forbids ft. Rut wo nee more ifraid of: Gen. Grant than we are of Ste Howe: we would infinitly rather be scolded by tho one than scourged by the other: and there. fore we. the yeominry of the country, driven to a choice of evils, presume to withstand Mr. Howe, nnd tell him in his Senatorial face that Nig muster shall not bo outs if we can help it. When it comes to the tug, Gen. Grant may be too juch for the nation, but i€ shalt not be said 2 ighten is ofmcre win : ¥ this preliminary blast A third term for Grant does not m term only, but ie toe ANY NUMBER OF TERMS THAT HE CHOOSES TO DEMAND. The imperial method of carrying all elections corruption or force, or of declaring themes to carried when they are not, is to be perm:nently pd reae for the system of free, popular choice, ‘The figure of Grant standing with the seat*of, primacy on the mountain-top and looking down on the inhabitants of the plain below ives a jucasure of the elevation which his sycophants Hatter him with tho hong of attaining. They urge the necessity of u strong Government almost in the very words used by the adherents of Cresar and the two Napoleons. Strong Goy- erninent, in thefr sense, means weak laws and 9 strong ruler,—in other words, a substantial monarchy. powerful in its scorn of all legal ro~ | straints. “It Mr, Howe does not know this to he the design, he is‘ not fit toshare in the third- term movement, much less ta lead it, He should learn the views of his faction with all. possible haste. Let bim hear the revelations of Senstor Sharon, who js not a “metallic calf” nor a seared miner, but a worshiper of the man on the mountain ns eager as himself. Let him look at the idea of a strong Government as siven in the February Adantic Monthly; tet him listen to the dintribes of ull his associates, who speak with habitual contempt about the rights of the States, or Jet. him go up to the mountain and. usk His Primacy whit he himself thinks of a President who is tame cnough to keep his onth of fidelity to. an old Constitution which forbids him to trample upon the rights of the people. We the peopie,—I ‘do not speak by authority, but truly as faras T know,—we the people are now in every event, and in all possible contin- gencies, unaiterably opposed to a strong gov- ¢rnment with Gen. Grant fora monarch. If bis instatement can be accomplished. by the direct applicutfon of physical force, without any shums or false pretenses, It may be a comparative good forus. If, instead of swearing to preserve, pro- tect, and defend the Constitution, he will candid- ly declure it ‘abolisted, and have no perjury in the business, = WE MAY ACCEPT OUR FAre, and accept it uncémplainingly, lest a worse thing come tous. A rotten republic isan in- finitly worse thing. A free democratic republican system of gov- ernment honestly administered by agents of the People’s true choice; a government such as ours was intended to be, with the powers of the Fed- eral Government, the rights “af the States. and the liberties of the People so uarmonfousty ad- djusted that exch may check the excesses of the other,—such a government, scrupulously admin- istered within its constitutional limits, is, without doubt, the choicest blessing that God in his loving kindness ever vouchsafed to any peo- ple. On ‘the other hand, {t is quite as sure that the false ndministration of a government theo- retically free; which acknowledges tho rights of the people, and yet continually threads them under ‘foot; which swears to save and per- jurionsly works to destroy; which. receives and promises to execute a most sucred trust, accord-* ing to terms preseribed with unmistakable clear- hess, and theu dishonestly breaks the engaye- ment~sueh a government, so conducted, is an unspeakable curse. It isnot only an oppression, but a most demoralizing cheat; a base im- posture, more “dezrading to the’ nation which submits to it than the heaviest yoke that des- potic tyranny can fasten on its neck. TP, there- fore, x constitutional and legal administration of our National affairs be out of the question— if our only chofce lies between a perverted re- public and a monarchy—then stop this bypocrit- ial pretense of free government and give us a King, And who shall be our royal master but Grant?’ ‘That he will serve the turn ns well if not better than another will, 1 think, be admit- ed by all who atténd to the reasons now pres- ently to be enumerated. In the tirst place, a new monarch (that is, one who hus no hereditary, claims) ought tg bean approved good soldicr, with skill to enforeenbe- dienge, otherwise his sway could not last long over people disposed to be turbulent. All, oF nenrly all, the founders of Royal lines have been military men from Nimrod downward. Itis vain to deny that Gen. Grant's reputation for military talents is well founded. It is more than doubtful if any officer of our army could have subjugated the South so completely, even with all Grant’s advantages, or taken go many de- fears and still won a complete victory in the end. Itis not, however, what he bas done, but WHAT HE HAS SHOWN HIMSELF CAPABLE OF DOING, that’ gives him his leading qualification for mas- terdom now. The fear that goes before him will make actual violence unnecessary. His strength of character will frighten his subjects into submission jrhere a weaker man would be compelled to butcher them for insurrection. Gen. Grant is a good hater of those who thwart him, which {s nuturaj, and not a serious fuult; but he is not Nercely vindictive, and his eurcer has been marked by no act of suvage cruelty, He could not be an Antonine or a Ti- tus, but we can trust bim not to be a Nero. it may be objected thut his moral behavior and mental acquirements do not bring him up to the mark which ought to be reached by tho permanent ruler of @ great, intelligent, and highly civilized nation. But in this respect he {sas yood as the average of sovereign princes, ‘Tho present reigning family of England has never had a male member who was his superior. For centuries past the potentates of Continental Europe, with only a few exceptions, have had habits is coarse ‘as his, and he is wholly free from some terrible vices to which many of them were addicted. It seems to me that he will do well enough to “herd with vulgar Kings’ The nepotism from which our democratic tastes revolt is virtue in'a King. All monarchs are expected to Jook after their own families first, and all _bave their minions and fayorits whom they fatten, spoil, and corrupt. Who among thet hs not given his protection to a worse set than Grant ? The favor which Grant bestows upon corrupt rings is given for a purpose. Asn candidate he cannot be elected, as President he ean not sus- tain himself without their support; but en- throne him and HE CAN AFFORD TO DEFY THEM. - May we not reasonably hope he will use his power, when it becomes omnipotent, to make these bad combinations eease to plunder the eople? patie we call the greediness of Gen. Grant for the wages of officinl iniquity would ‘be en- tirely proper in the supreme ruler of an abso- lute government. It is not bribery to buy.the favor of a King with presents, ‘and a King is not quilty of stealing when he helps himself to pub- lie money without legal right. It looks to us like a terrible outrage for a President to have himself représented nt n State election by the bayonets of his standing army, to install Governors that were rejected at the poils, to tumble the chosen Législature of a tree State out of its hall. to procure the fabrication of false returns ‘and force them on the people. But Gen. Grant's lnwlesness would be fawful in a country governed by the mere will of a per- sonal sovereign. Where there is no law there can be ne trunsgression. But while Gen. Grant has somequalities which would make him a tolerable King, and none that would make him an’ unendurably bad one, he isnot at all the kind of a person that is needed us President of the United States on the assumption that our system of government fs to be continued. I think it is to be continuéd. Unlike Mr. O'Conor, I belive that the struggle to get it honestly administered is not hopeless. We are not yet reduced. to the necessity of choosing between a government wholly corrupt anda monarchy founded in pure force. ‘There- fore I conclude with Jefferson that, if any man (Gen, Grant particularly) “consent to be a candidate for a third election, 1 trust he will be rejected on this demonstration of ambitious views.” J.S. Buack. STOUGIITON. North American Heclew for March, It may, I think, be assumed that some mem- bers of the House of Representatives who, In 1875, voted for the resolution~* That, in the opinion of this House, the precedent estab- lished by Washington and other Presidents of the United States, in retiring from the Presidential office after their second term, has become, by universal concurrence, 2 part of our republican system of government, and that any departure from this time-hon- ored custom would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institu- tions”—had, read this (Washington’s fare- well] address, and knew the motives which induced him to decline a third term. They should have been aware, also, that the entire value of a precedent consists in the reasons on which it is founded. That which Washington established was founded solely upon his need of retire- ment and repose, and upon the fact that the state of the country did not then demand of him a further persona sacrifice; and not in any sense upon the notion thathis acceptance of a third tern “would be unwise, unpatriot- ie, and fraught with peril to onr free institn. tions.” ‘That is a view which modern patriot- ism hag discovered long since Washington wrote his celebrated “Farewell Address.” What, then, is the lesson taught by this precedent ?- Clearly this, AND TIS ONLY: that a President, anxious for retirement and repose, Shouhl net, unless his country needs his services, sacrifice his ine:ination, his cam- fort and happiness, by accepting either a sec- ! |. deed, most of the ond or third term. The Ifouse, when it passed the resolution I have mentioned, and in its excitement attributed to the precedent quored a paternity so patriotic, and a pu» bose so full of far-reaching wisdom, had iy view, no doubt, the redlection fora third consecutive term of a President who then had_ possession of a second; for its nem- bers could not have been’ equal to the double mistake of utterly misapprehending, Tedson of the precedent, and then of misapplying it to the case. not then be- fore them of reélection fora third term of an ex-President of whom it may be justly said that he does not desire and will not seek a reelection, and wonld take the office orly Epon the conditions prescribed by Washing- Tuat unanimity of the people in’ electin: Washington cannot be expected in behalf oL Gen. Grint. Washington led the armies of an entire people to secure their independence and nationality, while Gen. Grant led only the armies of the Joyal North to save and perpetuate what Weshington had transmit fed. Washington did more than auy other -man Eeomate: Saation of 4.050.000 of people,—Gcn. ‘ore thin any other to preserve a nation GF 40,000,000." Many millions uf those, and, in- emvcritic party, ABUSED AND HATED RIM FOR THIS GREAT SERVICE, : and strove to defeat his election and revlection, While there were no rebels or reucl_ sympth' £r3 to unite in defeating Gen. Washinton. ° To him the whole peopie were grateful, whilo only the Ropublican party testified gratitude to Gen. mint. “Many in the South have lately. leerned foregurd him with more favor, and as better Attod than any other Northorn Taan to bring ate ony, and pros; to all of our common'country. | esporiions External dangers do not, it is true, threaten us; and, in view of our isolation aud immense and growing power, are not likely to arise. ‘Internal iMicutties do exist, however, to be com only by great wisdom and firmness, when exer- clsed by" a President having the contidence, if not the good will, of the peaple of all sections of the country,—nequired, not ‘by attempted con-* ciliation of political adversaries, who fre apt to mistake this for weakness or fear, but by steady, Infexibie, and just rule, coustitutionally on.” ) When ne , @ united strength of n powerful party. 7?) he United it would not be difficult to find several Repub- Ucan statesmen quite tit under ordinary elreum- oon Hie: peri orm all the B duties Serolred bythe . Constitution upon the President of the United States. The present demand GOES FAt BEYOND TIUS, however, for, if. conflicting interests throughout the country are'to. be reconciled, a Provdent must be chosen trusted by the North to entorea phictical obedience to constitutional provisions lesigned. to secure the fruits of the War, and by citizens of the South belleved to bo re- sclved upon so doing in:a kind and Just spirit toward them, and by both North. and~South known to bave a fixed and ‘unalterabdlo purpose so to preserve our Nationalcurrency and credit that both may compass the carth without dishonor to our Government or Beople. Sec- tional differences cannot be permanently quieted by a soothing process the effect of which ends when adverse interests rise to the surface and demand a hearig;. ‘These must be disposed of by a firm and steady hand, or they will appear to vex the Nation for a geuerution tocome. Who isthe man best fitted to accomplish these re- sults is the problem oon to be solved by the Re- publican party,—always national in its purposes, and now seeking a candidate. capable, when elected, of securing great National ends. Tt will, no doubt, choose Wisely, for it bas within its ranks more than one to whom it may, without reproach, commit the gredt trust of the Pres{- dency,—a trust | If UST ADMINISTER FOR MANY YEARS, for its tenure of governing this Nation reposes not merely upon the wisdom and justice of its rule, but ‘upon the folly and wickedness of its adversaries, not likely to abate so long as am- bitious, riya}, and reckless: lenders continue to distract and demoralize the Democratic party. ‘There are, doubtless. worthy Republicans wh in view of the practice hitherto followed o: electing the same person but for two terms, wouid regurd his election for n third with a kind ef superstitious dread as presaging some Na- tional extamity. Eshail not sneer at or ridicule such a superstition, for I bave known few men of much capacity or strength of character who did not entertain and nurse one of some kind. A third-term superstition—even where the ob- jection ton third term is utterly inapplicable— is na solid and rational as that which Influences some men to expect bad luck from seciny tho new moon over the left shoulder, or to refuse starting upon a new enterprise or long Journey ona Friday. No better reason can be given for the prejudice ngainst electing a person for third term, where four years have intervened since his enjoyment of the second, than might be advanced to sustain either or the two inno- cent, but sometimes inconvenient, superstitions to which Ihave referred. If, however, there be afew Republicans incurubly aMlicted with a third-term superstition, they will be quite sure of such consolation as can be derived from the SUPPORT AND SYMPATHY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, the expression of which ‘will -be violent in pro- portion to the strength with the people of the Person denounced as an unfit candidate; fer T resume no ono is foolish cnoush to believe tho leaders of that party would object toa wen! Republican nominee. It will be well to ben thisin mind in estimating the sincerity and yalue of an objection to a third term preceeding from Democratic sources, especially when ut- tered by those who were’ more or less {n-sym- pathy with'the, Rebellion, and have heretofore opposed the cléction of Gen. Grant for a first and second term with all the bitterness with which they now assail bis nomitfution for a third. Their violent opposition but demmystratcs their fear of him as an opponent, and their con- gcidusness that the American people ean appre- ciate the meaning and value of Washington's example in declining a third term quite us well as those who were not unwilling to gce the nation he didso much to create dissevered and destrosed. Ido not believe that this objection ic AFACTOR OF THE LEAST IMPORTANCE, in the coming Presidential election. A little re- flection should satisfy the most prejudiced that just in proportion to the influence which enn bo exerted bya President and his olficenoldcrs in favor of his own nomination, or that of some favorit, may be the measure to which the will of the people can possibly be weakencd, inter- rupted. or thwarted in their choice of a candi- date. No one, I believe, pretends that any mem- ber of the present Administration is exerting his intiuence, through subordinates or otherwise, in fuvor of the renomination of Gen. Grant. If, on the contrary, this influence has been used to prevent it, it is the very mischief feured and de~ nounced by Jefferson and others, and affords an argument in favor of and not against the selec- tion of Gen. Grant ng the candidate of the people. Perhaps the Nation may without bis uid, and notwithstanding the inttuence of a policy which has not hitherto inspired thought- ful men with much confidence, . experience changes inticating a heakhier political tone, and promising grenter barmony of fecling between North and South; but this should hardly be ex- pected without the adoption of a more compre- hensive and positive rule, by an incoming Ad- ministration possessing such wisdom, energy, and courage as not to disappoint both of the great political parties uf the country. ———— Whe Chinese and the Sand-Lotters~ Outspoken Gpinions by Gov. Stan- pad San Franctsco Atta. Yesterday afternoon the Committee on Cor rations, uppointed by the unemployed work- Inzmen, received the following answer from tho Sfon, Leland Stanford in regard to the cfreular theysent him asking him to d{scharge thoChinn- men in the employ of the Central Pacific Rail- road Company: “Sax PRAxctsco, Cal., Feb. 13, 180.—z. G. Gannon and Peter Bell, Committce—GENTLEMEN? T have received yours, addressed to the Central Pacific Railroad Company, calling attention to Sec.2 of Art. XIX. of the Constitution of this State, and also note your request to dischargo the Chinese now ginployed by this corporation, and wo open a field where the people of our own race can honestly und honorably earn their daily Dread. There are now in the employ of the Company, within the City and County of San Francisco, seven Chinamen. There is also employed by this Company a large number of wenkte men. many of whom ure retained because thoy have been heretofore employed by this ror- poration, but whose services are not. ot ibis time, really needed. The Company will ever ba mindful of the laws of this State, and will en- deavor cheerfully to submit to them as it un- derstands them, or as the Courts may construe them. In the management of its business it will be governed under the Jaws of the Jan, en- tirely by a consideration of what it shail deem, in its own judgment, to be the wisest policy, havinggjue regurd for the rights and interests of its olders. Respectfully, a, i ‘“ LELAND STANFORD.’ ‘This is about as‘decisive 2 reply as theCommit- tee could ask. That Leland Stanford is a man of more common sense than the Sand-Lotters seemed to pave orcam, of, 13 svidetioed by the following tele; ic jondence: =" Sew vote F ‘eb. 12.—To Leland Stanford: Would you give us something for the Irish Re- Hef Fund? ‘The interest on the loan Is deferred, ‘but the security is good. Dion~ Borcicat.t- “SAN FRANCISCO, Fob, 13~—Dion Boucieault, New rou Ne For the watering, poor a ate: Jand I have the sympathy of a common = ity, but there fs an ample fleld nearer home for all that Ihave togive. Lzcaxp STANFORD.’ : King Alfonso. Avtiter inLondon Truth, telling stortes of King Alfonso, of Spain, in his early days on the throne, says: He got into scrapes, tumbling healong out of one into another; forhe was in the first tlush of bis hot youth, and ho had never been taught todent himself anything or any- body he fancied. ‘Then there was a tengedy. An Ollicer who was fighting the King’s battles on. the frontier, before Don Carles was definitly beaten, came home in feverish haste without leave, ‘for he had heurd something which touched his honor nearly. Whxt happened need not here be told, but the nextday he wos dead. He had fallen at his own hearth, In a hand-to- hand fight, and it is said that there was bicod on the sword of the King, ‘My poor bor has been very stuplilly udvised, said bis mother, when she beard the urly tale. He should never have trusted himself from home in any Juve affair. ‘There was every convenience for flirtation in the palace-’”