Chicago Daily Tribune Newspaper, October 29, 1876, Page 2

THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE: SUNDAY, OC 'OBER 29, 1876—SIXTEEN' PAGES what I call the kes. An urfortupate individual arose from scat and looked around. And then, as the &now-flakes fall from the heary winter cloud,the paper peliets fell on that man's devoted head. Lookinz upon it as a huge practical joke, he tried to stem the torrent, but the peliets wure supplemented with 3 shower of sawdust. ‘There were ladies around him who did not ap- pear to appreciate the amuscment of the occa- &ion, but the assailants did not appear to care, and the assalled stood his rround much to the discomfort of thoze aronnd him until a police- Tnan forced him into his seat. As hewent down +the huze crowd howled and cheered and made warious noises, not the least of which was that of an ecstatic ass from Evanston who amused 2 flgrpnn by pounding it. hen came i MORE SONGS, i wnd the * Glory Halleluiab!*’ rang out again. i Atlast the galleries were opened and the erowds poured up. They couldsee there if they 'could not. hear. ern them it was some amase- ment to look at the surge and push below, if they could not understand a sentence the speak- er might say. At Igst the band came in, only to have every xz;m of its music drowned by the yells of ap- plause. ‘Then came the speaker, hailed with a welcome that was manifestly something new to him. It 'was impossible for him to diszuise the fact that e was nervous. As he looked upon his audi- ence and glanced through the, building and then up to the roof, he saw thawit was beyond the capacity of his own or any man’s lungs to make the whole of that assemblage hear all he had to say. Helhad been told there would bea b1§ crowd. He had been informed that he woul sce an outpouring that would astonish him, but he never had conw‘;nplfilcd #Ae p_oss;::}:iy“:sf such a gathering, and when he saw it, he . mggeg:i nndl:tgn‘:m instant he Lalf wished he had never ot there. Blaine came Wwith 2 mag- nificent reputation, and he had every enconrage- ‘ment to look for a large meeting, but the thou- sands of eyes that shot glances into his went, ‘pumericaliv, far beyond anything that his most sanguine imaginings had conjured. From the roof to the foor THE HOUSE WAS PACKED. Even the roof was crowded, and the skylights were filled with heads. By the time Blaine com- menced, the gallerics were bending, creaking, 2nd groaning. Down below there was no mov- ing about. 0 people were jommed together 50 that the motion of one was communicated to all. At the entrances ihere was no earthly chance to get through. The sidewalk on the avenuc was crowded, and, while hundreds went away, hundreds yet remained fu the vain hope that they might crowd {n and get some kind of a foothold instde the building. As at Inzersoll’s reception, four-ninths of the audience were ladies. A large number of them wereenabled tosecure seats, but almost an equal~ Iy large number were forced away. The number of scats had beea mented since the last speech in the bullding, but they only accommo- dated about one-tenth of the people in attend- ance., ‘As Mr. Blaine stepped upon the platform, he threw a glance throurh the building, and then looked around at the banks of faces piled up behind him. He was amomg:miwj by Mr. George M. Bozue, who had been seiccted to introduce bim, and room was made for him to eit down for a motment, ‘The bend clamored and the people yelled, and the good-natured looking geatieman ¥ho was to entertain that vast crowd rolled his head help- lessly around, and smiled a faint acknowledge- ment of the compliment paid him. THE SPEECH. ME. GEORGE M. BOGUE etepped forward and said: LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: 1 take plessure in ‘nawing as the Chairman of this meeting the Hon. George Armonr. - Mr. Armour was received with cheers, and sald: Tameare, Iadies and gentlemen, that itts en- tirely unnecessary for me to occupy any portion of this precions hour in trying to tell you who the gentieman is who proposes to address you this evening. Youall know him. Every Republican in Tllinois knows who the &peakeria. I now have 1he pleasure of introducing to you the Honorable Senator, James G. Blaine. There were cheers on cheers as Mr. Armour concluded, and when Mr. Biaine sppeared the applause was redoubled, and somebody near the vlatform proposed three cheers. Such cheers were given as were never before heard fn that ball. Mr. Blaine, in spite of thenoiss in the gal- leries, commenced his speech. He said: 1t has at least resched the ezrs of Samuel J, ‘Tilden that there are claims in the South to be pre- gented by tne Rebels, and Mr. Tilden has written a Iettcr on that subject. The nolsc had not yet wholly subsided, and Mr. Blaine was obliged to say: If the golleries can be quiet, I can make the crowd hear me, but no man can talk agamst a pass dromand = thunder-etorm. [L;m;w.v:r.]i I can moke this whole ares hear me the golleries will be qulet. [Langhter snd cheers. A volce—‘‘Clear the ealleries.”] After an interval of five minutes, Mr. Armour . rapped ona chair with & gavel, and, a lull in the moise occurring, he said: The gentlemen will endeavor 1o keep quiet. Mr. Dlaine cannot speak with so much noise gofng on. Be good enonzh to please keep quiet. [Applause, and crics of * Clesr the gallerics. ™| Mr Blainethen came forward and began again. He said: " - Lwas saying that it had at last reached the atton- tion of Mr, Samuel J. Tilden that there are certain claims of Southern Rebelsto be presented 1o the Conzresa of the United States, and, within ten days of the election, Mr. Tilden, who had for three ‘months been giving no attention whatever to the subject, comes outin a letter defining hie position on that’ question. Now if we were dien to concede to Xr. Tilden that his letteris m all re- Spects as fair and 28 candid and as honest-toned as his most ardent admirer would desire, I still think e ehould have very little Lo pin our faith to in ac- cepting it, because'it has been only one year since . Tilden gave just ns absolnte an assurance, just as Ppositive a declaration, that he wonld 3 ABIDE BY THE SPECIE-RESUMPTION ACT OF 1875. As soon 28 thot acl was passed in Congress Mr. ‘Tilden made naste_before the New York Legisla- ture to pledge the State of New York to stand by the Geoeral Government, and when some members of Congrees from New York hesitated and bolted, Mr.” Tiiden caused s resolution to be passed throngh the Legisiature of New York requesting them to take no step backward. Now that was his- xecord on the question of epecie payment; and syet he found it convenient, ~within than twelve months after he had made ont to cn- . tircly disregard it, to break it, to tramplc on it and 1o ignore it,and 1o urze upon Congress, throuzh the Convention that nomfuated him, £o repeal that act to which he had pledged his lasting fidelity. Now. ‘what more faith can ¥ou have in Mr. Tilden on this mew letter than you had on his old? But, gentle- - men, 1do Dot concede that Mr. Tilden's lctter, which Inow hold in wy band, alters his position one particic on this guestion of Southern claims, 1 ask your attention one moment while I read it. - The Foarteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States bars two classes of Rebel claims, —one the Rebel proper, the other, comyensation for elaves: and the amendment says that no debt or obiigation incurred in aid of the Rebzllion shall ever paid by the United States; but the amendment. does not say that any loss ‘saffered shall not be - paid. If the Fourteenth Amendment said that .2y loss suflered in consequence of the Renellion should not be paid, that would be a completc bar, bot yon will observe that that s the class of claims Which are now presented to the Congress of the Tnited States, and about which the issue is before the American people. That class of claims js for ~Josses suffe not for losses incurred. There i3 < 8 very strong differcuce between the useof the word" ‘*incurred " and the word **suffered." The word *‘incurred” implies an active intervention of the men who incurred the loss. The word . *‘cuffered " means that the loss— ., Here a band of music entered the hall causing temporary contusion, but a moment later the Bpeaker proceeded. Now, 1 want youto observe that in Mr. Tilden's letter he carefully confines himself {o the same . Ianguage that is used in the Fonrteenth Amend- ment, " and that is, that he will veto any il proposing to make good the losses *‘incarred” by disloyal people. 1wish Mr. Tilden had said - that be was upposed to maling good any losses #guffercd " by disloyal persons. And I maintain - that there is a SR -VERY GREAT DIFFEEENCE IN THE LANGUAGE. 1 do not charze, for I do not knov, that Mr. Ti -.den meant this Qifference, but I do_charge this bat the Riadie bill now pending in Congress, pro- Tiding for the payment of every form of Relel claim, can go through and become = law and be sizned by Mr. Tilden without violating that letter, T maintain that; that in signing that bill he would “pot in the remotest degree violate the rl:dxe made . in that letter. Take the very literal meaninyg of what he has put there, and there would be 1o pos- + sible cungict between his sigoature of that bill and I Ahe sentiments expressed in_thut letter. Now, geatlemen, this question of Rebel elaims 1s one which has got frm poseession of the public mind, and 1 want to talk a littie abomt it, if I can be heard by fiftecn or twenty of this vast crowd. [Laughter.]* The question betweca the Democratic party and the Republican party has not ‘been whethier any claim srising out of the War should be pald, but whether War claims shoald be paid [confasion in the galleries, which necessitated a puuse of several seconds)—whetber the War eialme shoud be paid ess of the Ioralty of the claimant. Thatis the wholeof it. We have psid, ever since the War closed, dreds of claims growing out of the War, and the Republican party has held that every well- . based, honest chaim for anything furnished the armuy of the United Statea by a loyzl mon should ba u..d for, and the guestion now comes up whether Youare goinz to pay for all that the army con- sumed in the Sonth, of forage, corn, wheat, flonr, oacon, horses, mules; whetner all_the houses they occupicd, the farms, the fences, the railroads, the calvers, the bridzes, every conceivable thing that was destroyed In the walke of those great armies, — 8 the quesiion s whether you are going 1o Y gcr those, reenrdless of the loralty of the men who formerly owned them. And the two questiocs oo which Mr. Tilden expends four- less | fifths of his letter—that ‘is, the payment of the Rebel debt and the payment for slives—has never been urged daring the campaign, so far as I have heard. by any Republican speaker, or in any Re- publican newspaper. We agree, we are_ready to admit, althongh we might argne that the bill conld be evaded or avoided, yet for the sake of argument the Republicans during the whole campaign have odmitted that THOSE TWO CLAINS WERE BARRED, and conld not be psid. But when we make that admission we have always maintained that we hada't picked the shell of the agz of this contro- veray, for that which is_pending now relates wholly and entirely to another clasa of claims—to a clasa of clalms that were not prohibited by the Fiftcenth Amendment. Some gentlemen may as! *Why didn't yon prohibit that class of claims also? * Why, when yon were passing the Con- stitutional amendments prohibiting certain claims of the Rebels, why dida't you inclnde this other class of clims that is now giving so much trouble 1o the country’ by, my answer fo that is this: That, at that time, 1865 or 1865, it never lad en- tered into the brain of man to conceive the height, and the depth; and the length, and the breadth of the Democratic or Rebel impudence that could ask us to pay their Sonthern losscs in this War. ICheers and langhter,), Never! [More laughter.] It had pever been jmngined. If it had been im- agined, it wonld have been prohibited. Now, in recognition of loyal claims, in 1871 the Con- S "of _the Umited _States passed 5B “ectadlishing the Southern Claims Commission, 2nd ~ that Commission was instructed totske into zcconnt the cluims of all loyal men, rezardlessof where they resided, who hid made any logs in supplying the army of the United States. And then there was a revival of Joyalty fhroughout the South greater than ever DBrother Moody made & revival of religion in any of his preachings. mphnn and laughter.] You could not find anybosy down_South that was not loyal. Old Ben Wade, of Olio, told me that he ‘went through seven Confederato States just after that bill was passed, and he did not find “one man ‘but what had always been a friend to the Unlon— mot one, [Laurhter.] Pretty mach every onc of them had a claim and EVERY ONE OF THEM WAS TRULY LOYAL, And he caid he traveled through seven Southern States until he gotdown to Vickeburg, in the State of Mississippi, before he saw one man that had peen hostile to the Union; and there he mgt a Major and Licutenant-Colonel of a rebel reziment, and they, talked to him frankly, and told him where they had been, in what buttle where they enliated, and where they fought, an bow they had tried to aid the Confederacy; and Wade offered them his hand, and said: *‘Iam glad tosce you. It does my heart good to meet two such men asyouare, foras faras i can dis- cover inavery extemsive trip through this coun- try you are the two men that for four long yeara resisted the whole army of the United Stales.” [Langhter.] Well, justabout that time, 2e 2ood luck or the Providence of God would have it, we came Into posseasion of the Rebel archives, We bonght for the sum of $75,000 the archives of the Rebel Government from Gen, John T. Pickett, and these archives contain the entire muster-roil of the Confederacy. and the militia of the States, and all the civil oflicers of the Confederacy snd of the Rebel States, In short. it presented a perfect photograph of disloyalty thraughont tho Confeder, acv. We got those, and put them into a ire-proof building in Washington, pnt them in charge of a competent man, gave hima number of clerks, aud he went to work 1o analyze, index, and nlphabet- ize so that we might have a perfect rec- ord of the whole Scuthern country on the questions of loyaliy, and pretty soon, when_these men began to pat in their claims before the South- ern Commision, claiming to be loyal, we would get the evidence, or the Court would izct the cvidence, from thia Commiesion that had charge of the archives, and when Jones, of North Carolins, for instance, putin his claim and pre- tended to be a loyal man, he was at once confront- ed with the fact,”. **Why, Jones, you wmust ba A MOST PRODIGIOUS LIAR, becanse here is your mame #s Caplain in the Twenty-third North Carolina Regiment. and you are pretending to be loyal.” And ap wonld.come another man witha claim, saying, ‘I never bore arms against the United States.”™ *¢That s trae, my friend, but you werc Judge in the Sixth Judicial District of Georgia, and you took the osth to sup- port the Confederacy, and your decisions wereamong tho meanest and worst of the whole Confederacy, and you will please stand aside.” And g0 we had an mdex to every man that came forward; and those archives proved to bea perfectcheckon what might have been 2 most dangerous raid upon the Treasury of the United States throuzh the Sonthem- Claims Commission. Now this lnst Congress, or the present Congress at its last seseion, refused to appropriate the 6,000 which had been annually given to searcit thoee archives. They refused to sppropriate the $6,000 necessary to furnish the evidence from those archives to the Southern Commission, and they held off for four long monthe, and they never siclded that emall appro- priation until President Grant had called attention 1o the scandal of it in o public meseaze; and then, after having thia public scandal thus proclaimed, they fnally yielded tovards the last of the sossion in 2 compromise conference report, and zave the $6,000. Now why did they want to sithhold it? T enppose, becanse this s an economical Congress, And what was the use of spending $6,000 for the purpose of saving $6,000,000¢ The tried, gen- euwen, to suppress the cvidence, to murder the ‘witnesses, to let loose these claims withont the restraininz infuence of the evidence that comes from these archives,~and 1 here desire to eay thatif you will allow'the Southern Claims Com* mission to remain in session, and sgree that the doors ehall be locked and the key lost on the archives of the Sonthern Confederacy that are now in the possession of the Government, the Southern Rebels will not ask any better coances they will not ask any other legislation, or if they did they would eimply want one piece of legisls- tion, znd this would be the repeal of any poseiblo statote or limitation that may exclude them from theright to Lring suit; and, with that repealed, they woald be just as well off, for they conl SUPPRESS THIS TESTIMONY, as they wonld, by a partial statute in thelr favor. Now, the bill which is pending, and about which 5o much has been said, and about which you have heard often, is & very perfect Dbill. I exact copy of old an it in my hand. It is & bill that does mot take thirty seconds to rcad. 1Itisa bill that was refer- red last February and was held in the Jidiciary Committee without any report during the session. Now, if they had been opposed to this bill they ought to:have reported back and had it laid upon the table, but they held it for advisement, and that bill is now before the Judiciary Committee, and if Rutherford B. Hayes is elected President of the United States, 58 I believe he will be [ap- plause}, this Dbill will sleep tho -sicep that knows no awakening. But if Samuel J. Tilden shonld be clected President this wonld be the livelicst bill of the House. Now Iwant to read ittoyon: ‘‘That the Secrctary of War is ‘hereby anthorized to allow reasonabie compensa- tion to all citizens of the United States.” Now, that is the first time that any legislation since the War on the subject of Southern claims has 1znored the distinction uf disloyalty. Heretofore it hos ). ways been *Hloyal citizens, ™ now it i8 “‘ald citi zens." ‘*The Secretary of War is hereby anthor- iZedto allow all ressonahble compensation to all citizens,™ What for? For the occupation and useof their property in the late Ciil War by the_army of the United States, orany part thereol. Wherever the arny murched, fought, or_camped; whatevor railroad they passeéd over: whateier toll-bridge they went over; whatever honse occupied; what- ever they used of fuel and forage nccessary for the sustenance of the army, may be recovercd under that bill. And we see here a new law of evidence, and I want the lawyers in this company to particn- Iarly note this new law of evidence. ** Provided that the afildavit of theclaimant, sup- ported by the competent testimony of uny roputa. te citizen, shall be suflicient proof to establish the fact of such use and occupation of such prop- erty. Now. that s an_iavitation to the Sonth to hnnt in'couples on the Treasury of the United Statce. Any reputable citizen can back up any claimant, Now, ‘*reputable citizen," when you get outside of Chicago, is a pretty oose phrase llanghter], and when you get down into the Southern Con- federacy,a ™ reputable eitizen ™ might prove to be of a prefly Tow order or witnesses, and all you have got to do is for one man to put ina claim, and anctier fellow, who is going to iave 20 per cent of it, to swear that he Lkuows it is just, AND THAT 1S COMPLETE PROOF. Petroleam V. Nasby i3 now getting his claim ready, and all he has to do s to swearto it, and then get Bascom, who keeps a liguor store at the " Confederate Cross Roads, toswexr thatt {s just, aud the claim is paid. [Laushter and cheers. ] Now. I maintain that that bill is_not in conflict with’the letter of Mr. Tilden,—with the literal meaning of Mr. Tilden's letter, because this bill _refers cxclusively to losses that were suffered fn the passive voice, if yoa are Soinz to paree it, and not to losses that were **incurred. " And if to- night we had losses that werc suffersd unider the Fourteenth Amepament, there would he no need of suy azitation oa the subject: a:1if 3 Tilden does not steer clear of this distinc on and (£ck his oot ont of that for the benefiL of such billy as thot, then T don't understand plain English langusgo. (Checrs.] *-Ob, yew." says some gentleman, *bot there hoin't any danger. Here i3 the great Northern Dewmocratic party going ta be in Congrese.” Well, that i<a_safezuard that I had not thought of. [Laughter.] Did cver you, in your born days yet, gentlemen, hear of 3 Northarn Democrat resisting a Southern Democrat? [Cries of ‘‘No."] Did any man cver hear of thatt [**No, no."] Why the scvenir Confederate Tiemocrats not in the Honse_are a3 absolute mas- fers of the 110 Northern Democrats as cver they were of 110 of the slaves that ~ they owned in_ tho time before the War. [Laughter and cheers.] Frod Douglass used to have an amusing illustea- tion about the way the Sonthern Democracy ruled, and lived on and destroyed every Northera Demo: gras thac aspired to the Presidéncy. 1 have heard Fred Douglase relatingthat, and It strikes me as being applicable to the existing condition of things. Douglaed used o say that whenever any Northern Demacrat became particalorly induential, or strong, P ul, the Southern féllows bezan to tease him with the notion of the Presidency, and they alwave ruined him before they got through. And they likenittoa man training a dog. He holds mp 3 cracker, and the cracker in this case is the Presidency, and the Southern men 887 o this fellow, **Get op on your hind ey, snd up he gets. [T.anghter.] **Now speak, speak he did. [Great Inughter.] **Bark” and bark he would. [Lauzhter and cheers.) *‘Now lay down," and down he weat. **Now roll over, and over he went. Now roll back, 20 thut both sides may be equally dirty, " and be did it. [Great- Jasushter.] Andthen contemplate him in that position. The Somthern Tellow coolly pats Lo Cracker i his pocier, and says, **I think I will keep this cracker for another dog.” [Loud lanya- terand cheers.] And tnat is precisely the way it 38 $0-day. j Why ‘auybody that served in this Congress with those seventr_Southern Rebel Demozrats and those 110 “Northern Democrats _d ocs 1ot necd to be told that they took the leadand held | the Democrats of the North just where {ti‘e;llv?:l::ded them to go. And yon cannot put your hand on & measare, you_cannot put your linger on a single stand, that ihe Northern Deémocrats made during the whoic of last Congress agalnat the South- ern Democrats—not onme. [Cheers.] Why, the record of the cage is against it. The mere record of the casc is against it. ‘There were seventy only of these men. They had behind them only about 14,000,000 of _the people of this country. ~ There yere 110 Northern Democrate, and they had behind them 32,000,000 of the people of this country. ' And when they came to or- ganizo the- House, taking tbe thirty-one great standing Committees that represent the entire power of the House; that hold: within thelr grasp and in their cycle of influence all the great inter- ests of the American people, the appointment of the committeea being, as Ar. Clay, the greatest man who ever at in the Speaker's chair, declared to be the very easence of parlismentary and legis- lative (mwer; Lesy, when they came to take these Committees, the Southern members, upon any fair basis of partition, were mnot entitled to more thas mine or = ten, and the Northern Democrats onght to have . had twenty-one or twenty-two. But it just occurred to the Southern Democrats that they would BEVERSE THOSR FIGURES, and they took twenty-one and gave the Northern Democrats ten. The Northern Democrats said, when twitted with it—they said they were glad of it. Little Sammy Cox, of New York, when taunt- ed with it on the floor of the House, said, with a meck submission that did his Chnstian virtae infi- nite goodness, he sald—I say with great meckness —that he was glad jt was so. *‘Thank God, Bas- ter David,” said Uriah Heep, ‘I am ‘mmble;” and that should be engraved on the shield and crest of the Northern Democracy,—**Thank God, we ore humble.” [Laughter. ] And just as soon a3 these men took possession of these committees, and they bad come into the Hoaso and assamed its lead, theéy proceeded ta legisite, 2nd they came to legislate upon one question hich ianiow creating sfme ntereat in_yonr Gvn city, as I have often related it before. When they came to legislate they fonnd in their way a greut body of tules,—~a body of rules that represented the ageresnaly wisdom of the Hanse of Reproscnti- tives for neatly ninety years; a body of rales that was derived from two centuries of previous prac- tice in the British House of Commans, and of those rules, the most important to you and your children, and toall whoare interested in the purity and Bonesty of legislation, was that rule which soys that upon that appropriation bill you shall not ENGRAFT ANY INDEPENDENT LEGISLATION, Let me he understood. - Here comes up the Post- Ottice Appropriation bill—333, 000, 000 or $34, 000, - 000 in it—for carrying your matls. It goes to the Comuittee of the Whole. You can't call the yeas and zays. You can't put anybody on record, and, while {t is there, 2 Democrat, under the inatructions of the secret party cagcus, moves to engraft on it Bome piece of legislation that couldn't go there on its own merits, but whick may possibly be forced throagh if you can get it In the appropriation bill. Then it goes back to the House to be voted on, and every member of the House is put in what 18 called the devil's cross-roads, It's a bad way, which- ever direction you take. You have got to vote for | this infamous lesislation, or if you vote against it, you have got to vote to deprive the people of & dollar for carrying their mails. That's where you'll be. Thersfore, the wisdom of Congress has said that upon these bills you shall not”ensraft independent lecislation. That has been & rale of the House for eighty-eight ears, and the first thing they did was to change t and putin its place a rule which said that you | might put anythinz you chose upon an appropria- tion vill, provided only it wasa measure of re trenchment. They tried to silver-line it, ors 2ar-coat it, in that way, but the Republican House Voted against it, and the Democraty for it, and it was the rule of the House. Under that rule we went on to legislate, aud pretty soon we came ta what is_known as the Sundry Civil Appropriation bill. That bill coatains the charities of the Government of the United Statcs; 1t contans the appropriation for the insane asylum, for members of the army and navy who have no Stato residence; it contains the appropriations for your marine hos- itals on lake, and gulf. and ocean, for sick and Dicliad samens It costatns tha ‘appropriation for shipwrecked Americans on_barbarous coasts or possibly begzing their bread in foreign citles; it containy the appropriation for your great light- house system that gives eyes to the occan by night and warns the mariner of the unnzers he mizht not otherwise see. Now when this bill, containing THESE MATTERS OF CHARITY, of benevolence, of beneficence, of kindness, and containing nothing else, was under consideration, up gets a Demacrat, ander instruction of the secret cancus of his party, a2nd moves to add to that a clause repealing “the Su\})er\'{nnx'fl law that regu- lstes clections when a National oflicer is to be chosen in any State, as there is to be one chosen in this State on Tuesddy week., He moved to repeal that, Now, probably, some of {nn_dfln‘t knuw ex- actly the history of that Supcrvisor’s law, or what ve rise toit. Well, Iwlll tel§yon in a minute ust what it is, but I must digress to doit. In 1868 the Democrats carried the State or New York Dy fraud. I belicye that is not now denied. Every- body admits it. It is ao open secret. They carrled it by frand. I do not pretend to be well — enough acquainted with New York politics to say who was the author of that fraud, but Ido say that Horace Greeley said—and he was the last candidate of the Democrats for President—I do say that Horace Greeley eaid that the present candidate of the Democratic party, Samuel J. Tilden, was the_on- thor and finisher of that’ fraud in New York. [Cheers.] And Mr. Greeley said that the founda- tion of that fraud, the entire fonndation of thut fraud, was in the lo\lnwl.n‘ille"cr written by Mr. Tilden,—a letter which you have all read, donbt- less, and all heard; bat it isa letter which you canuot hear any too often until you get it by heart; and it s 3 good thizg to get by hearb, for it con- tains the comple CATECHISM OF POLITICAL RASOALITY, and it is well to know that by heart, in order to avoid it. Now, Mr. Tilden wrofe on the eve of the New York election of 188§ a circular letter to all the rural counties of New York in these words: R00xS OF Tirk DEMOCRATIC STATE CostatTTER. OCE. My Dear Sin: Please at once commun! some relfable person [n three or four towns, and In each of thie principal citles of 50 ar county, and reques expenses duly sraaged for st tis ‘eud. tosefgray William M. Tweed, Ty mloute alung for the 4lt In your county. % Mr. ‘Tillen). amost {m: by th: elmaitancous NS ot QRLer e ot arg e padal bal ¢ losed before a-tial returns hegin to be transmitted $5 the Associated Press. Now itisavery dnil man that cannot read that letter between the lines. It is a very stupid man who is not able to unierstant Mr. Tilden nn- derstood his friend in the country wonld under- stand that he wanted understood when he got that letter. And that letter was just exactly as though r. Tilden had said: 430r Dean Stn: The rursl counties of New York ate nearly all Republican by large majoritics, and 1 geeatly fear they will be s little worse this year toan usual, and f at the very moment of closin the polls, without waiting for a count, you wil telegrapli your estimate of the majority %0 s to give wy Snperintendent, Willizm M. Tweed, at Tammony Hall, a half hour's start, he hae 2ot o voting-machine that can grind out votes cnouzh in New York to oftset all the Repnblicans can do in all the raral counties of this State. ™ And now that s just what Mr. Tilden meant by that letter, and Tsveed acted on it and gronnd out 30,000 frandulent votes, and the State was de- clared to be Democratic by 10,000, whereas it was actaally catried by 20,000 by the Republicans. As s0on as that frand had sunk into the public mind, Lorage Greeley, then in his full ‘vigor sad editing the Zribune, bogun to azitute in rogard to it, and bie opencd the agitation by an open Iottet to Ar. Tilden, in which he collared_him before the Amorican poople, and said to him, ‘‘Thod art theman. Youare en accomplice,” ond sxd to M. Tilden in s0 many words you are AN ACCOMPLICE. IN THIS FRAUD. ‘Without your respcctability, that frand could not baye been perpetrated.™ He went on to oint out to Mr. Tilden just how the fraud was perpetrated and the enormity of it. The letter is long and I cannot read jt, but one passage Iwill recall to you. Ue says: **Mr. Tilden, you 3nd I were yonng mea in 1840. You were & Dewocratand 1o Vhiz,” You were for Van Burca and I for Harrison. Yoo aud Tlived in the aame ward in New York—the lower ward next to the Battery. We canvassed that ward diligently, apd ui the time that ward was densely populated. It had hotels, and bosrding-houses, and residences, merchgnts and clerks and searacn and mechanics lived there, and 3¢ got out the last man, and yet the total vote of the ward was a little over 9,000 votes. But now, Mr. Tilden," continucs Gregley. .** you know lons gince that acd mas csased to be populuted. People have gone up-town ar over to Brookiyn, and 110~ Dody sleeps there of nights, nobody is found there of nights except night-watchmen ind policemen, and yet your friend Trvecd has ground out a Dem- ocratic “majority in that ward of 17,809," [Applause.] Weil, Mr. Grecley's remedy for these and all frauds of that kind " was thst the Government of the United Statea should pe cmpowered to send a xmgcrflsur of it3 own, to go in 2ad sit down with the State officers aud sce to it that there was an honest conut and fair declaration. And fow I ven- ture to say that any man who objects to that Su- pervisors' law rans & zreat hazard of being sus- pected of being a pohitical scoundrel. 1 do not say that he i3 one; that would be a sweeping accusi- tion, But 1 83y any man who opjects 1o that Su- pervisors’ 1aw lays upou himsell the burden of Proof to show that he is not a political scoundrel. [*'Good,™ and cheers.| Because all that law Proposcstoda is simpls that the United States Bhall go in 2nd have their own sitnosses present, onc of each party. conscientious, npright men. _And that Supervisors’ law was care- ful not to tread on ihe delicate corn3 of the State's Rights theory, because we did not assume to sead Supervisors to any election except whese a national oflicer is tobe chosen. . Where a member of Con- grzss or & Presidentia] Elector—n other words— the United States d | any eiection except ¥ whore it bas a controll pervizors’ 1w wus passed, and jt has been'in opura- tion for one Presidential clection, aud we ot & reasonably fuir count toere in 1372, and the 2 went for Gen. Grant and defested Greele: Greeley was defeated by the tion ‘of the Jaw that he had fisst started himsclf; but Iamglsd alwaysto say over Mr. Greeley's grave, as I woald have sald to him alive, that I knew him for twenty-five years, and I knew him well enough 1o say that he wonld 2 thousand times over rather bave been defeated by an honest vote than counteain by a fraudulent vote. Well, Isay, we carrfed New York nnder it, and. the Demoeeats werg meértally in dread all fast winter that we woald carrs Sew Yors of his party caucus, stepped up and said, **Imove to amend that bill by putting in 8 clause REPBALING THE SUPERVISOR LAW." Well, some member of the [{onse—1 have forgot- ten who—rose immediately and said, **This is not in order. Even nnder your new rule that 8 not in order, because you said you shonld not graft inde- pendent legislation upon the Appropriation Bill unless it was a measure of retrenchment.” And then the Chairman of the Committce of the Whole. —whose nume I do not remember.—I do not want you to tell me who it was, because I do not want to remember his name,—I do not want to feel nunec- essury contempt for any man—I do not remember who it was, but he wass Democrat, of course— he was the airman of the Committce on the Whole, which any member might be—and he overruled 'this point of order. and sald this wasa meagure of retrenchment. *¢ Why, of course,’— and I want this large crowd, or as many asIcan make hear, to get this fine point,—he said, ‘' this is 8 measure of retrenchment, because, you 8ec, 83id he, **if you repesl the Supervisors' law, you won't have to pay the Supervisors.” Thatistheway the retrenchment element came in. Why. think of it! Ttcosts 340,000 to haveSuperyizors in New York in a Presidential clection, Think what an enor- mons sam (3 thus wasted in one clection of this gml nation. They spend $10.000 in New York tate for o -fair election, when they conld get & fraudulent election for bailf the money at any time. [Langhter and agplnnsm] And 20 they put this on to this bill of o it. arity, over every Republican vote, and carried T tiave had some little esperience in State and National legislation, and I said at the time, and I repeat and have repeated, that I never knevw, never saw, and never heard of, any praposition in a legislative body as infamous as that was; never in my life. “[Cheers.] What was it, my friends? Why, in the splrit of the corsair and the pirate, they coilared by the throat all the charities of the United States Government. ‘They eald, in words almoet, certainly in effect. ** You shall not have one solitary dollar for tho crazed of the army and pavy:” you shall mot bave one dollar to spread 2 cot in a marine hospital for & disabled and possibly dying American sailor; you shall not have onedallarto bring home & ship- wrecked crew exposed to the dangers of a barbar- Qus const, or possibly begging their bread in a foreign part: no, you shall not have ona pint of oil to light the Deacons on the coust. om Inke, or ocean, or rulf; you shall. ot have any- thing for all theve charitics until you agree thatin the same bill you will repeal the Supervisors® law of 186570 in order that we may cheat enongh in the State of New York to give the Electoral vote of thay State to Mr. Tilden.” [Cheers.] Now, that is just what they sald, and for sixty-four days they ~heid that - on that bill. in the vain effort to weary and worry and Dully the Semate of the United States into conceding it; bat, thank God! the Senato of the United States is' a Republican body. = [Cheera.| They have got & comfortable Chamber, and each Senator hos wot & roomy arm-chair, and they quietly sat back in their ‘arm-chaira and said, in effect if not in words, ** Gentlemen of the Honse of Representatives, YOUR PROPOSITION IS INFAMOUS, and we propose to sit here. Rather Lhan concede that, we will sit here until the sccond Centennial of American Independence. " [Cheers and laughter, ] And they had to back down, ~They had to give it up, and the Supervisors' law is on the statute- book, and we are going to have a fair count in Neiw York week after next. [A, plnuse.k And with o fair count we ate goln to sve the Elsctoral voto of that State to Rutherford B. Hayes. [Cheers.] Well, this mode of legislation on the appropria« tion bills procecded all throngh the session. £rot- 1y soon we came to the Army bill. ‘This is sn en- tirely new chapter in American history that I am relating to you. Idon't mean that my revelation is mew.” 1 have told it many times. Bat the chap- ter itself is new. We came tothis Army bill. Now, I don't know whether you arc greatly alarmed out here about tho terribloimpending militury despolism that is over yon, but, if yon read the Democratic papers -or attend Democratic meetings—I can't particularly commend _either form of employment _([laughter]—but if ou do, you will find ~ that your iberties 'are’ in serions danger from the vast standing army that the Republicns keep up. [Laughter.] It 18 frightfal, L know. Just think of itl_Woare a little bit of & dation, with thirty- eight States and eight Territorles, and the District of Columbia, and Alaska unorgsnfzed, and we stretoh from'the Dritish Provinces down on the Bay of Fundy clear off to Kamschatka, on the coast of Asia, and we have got more territory than all the nations and empires of Ruropc together, and we have got of those States in semi-disturb- ed condition, and all our Territories arc in dan- ger of Indian incursions upon the fron- tier secttloments, and all these vast areas with 45,000,000 people and 15,000 miles of open coast, with all these vast areas and vast population we are threatened in our liberties by a tromen- dous army of 25,000 men. (Laushter.] iWhy, did you never reflect that in the Democratic State of New York it takes 3,000 policemen—ons-cizhth of the wholearmy of the United States—to keep the Deomocratic pickpockets from stealing your urso-and mine between the depot and the hotel? Luaghter.] And then they don’t more than half succced. [Renewed laushter.) Joking aside, gentlemen, the army of tho United States as it cx- fzts to-doy is under the act of Jaly 24, 1866, When the War closed we had 1,100,000 men on the armyroll. They were mustered out. It looks to me a3 if S HALF OF TOEM WERE HERE to-night. [Cheers.] I doubt not a great man were, and yon are sl berter men for having aide in snving your great cowfitey.t [Applause.] When you were mnstered cat, Lho question came up, what e shonid. have for tho pedce establishmont, and we fixed that in the act of July 28, 1865, at 23,000 men. Dut, in fixing that act, we found an eutirely new condition of things in this country, in some respects. e found four millions of people that were elaves at the béginning of the War had be- come froe, and, being free, wore made citizons, And 200,000 "of them had fought in the Army ‘of the United States, and they fonght well. Iknow the Democrats liketo Snicer about the ‘‘nizzer soldiers,” but they did well: They fought, and bled, and died, many of them, ofers ing”the last sacrifice that' humanity can foruny cauge. Iprefer to take the opintons of the Gen- erals who commanded them, and I heard the gal- Iant Gen. Ben Harnson the other day fu Indiana, whers 1was at a mecting with him, say that the handsomest foot-race he éver saw fa ni3 life was ab tho battle of Franklin, in_Tennessec, where Hood'sarmy was destroyed. -Ho said at the closa of that baftle he saw a colored brigade go aftera rebel brigade; and he says he never in i3 life saw men run o fast, get over so much ground in s lit. tle time, as that colored brigade o to. ““They failly flew,” he enid, “-sch was their rapidity, ™ but they, ddn't overtake the Rebels. [Laaghier.] Well, now when wecame to malce the peace establishment of the army of the United States, it would have been an act of infnite meanness not to have incladed these ne;ro men in the army. They had EARNED THE RIGUT < to wear the Umited States uniform; and in the Army bill we ordsined that certain' regiments of infantry; and cortain regimonts or cavalty, should be flicd with colored men, and they were, and they areto this day. And they are good regiments. and do tielr duty.” Now, iti3 almost inconceiva- Ble for.its meanness,’ that this Congress, on the Amy Aopropriation bill, enzrafted a clause, repealing those negro rogiments, absolutels drivinz the colored man out of the army; ind, at the same time, they put on the files of the House, and had it reported favorably by & cammitee, and it awaits the same action that the Rebel Claims bill does—that is, the fo-tuities and chancas of the political facure. They have a bill pendimg to-day_ropealing another ‘clause of the Army bill. The other clwse is that no man” who bore 3 commission in the Rebel sroy shall over bear & commission In the Urited States army. Never! (Cheors, ] and he 1ever ought to. Now, mark you, we do not say that a private in the Confedcrate service &hall ¢ do it. Many who were privates fn the Confedeiate army arc now good soldiers in tho Union amy. When you saw a private in the Con- federatebtmy you did not know whether e was canscripled, or forced, or driven, or kicked into theservize. But you knew when' sou vaw o man bearinga commission_that he did that voluntarily; that e was a volunteer truitor against the Gov- cinmen; of the United States om record. [Ap- plause.; And he should never be trusted to commard American_troops, Now, then, gentle- men, yot get two actions, one of which 1s 1o drive oat the mlored men who fought on the Union side, and theghor is to bring in the other men of ths Confedeates, who did their best to destroy the army of the United States. “laereis another thing why Ido not like the Democatic pacty. 1t has too large an_amount of the igngance of this country In'it. [Applause.] Now, ira conntry depending for its government on univirsal snlrage, it is o very sad thought that nearly dne-fousth of the voters canmor read or writ, fAvoice—**That's 0" applause.] But thatis a fact, and I am talking from the cea- sus. ‘Bere arc’ about 9,003,005 volers in this countryund there are 2,000,000 who cannot read or write, and 1,700,000 of these 2,000,009 are in the SuuL}em States. Now, { fancy my Democratic friends jway oil in the cfowd say this: *~That comes olnegro suffrage.” Yes, it does, in part. because there ace 600,000 negross who cannot read; by THE OTIER 1,100,000 ARE WHITE DEMOCRATS. every on of them [applause], aud if you take out the whit{Democrats toat cannot read "oz write ‘in tin:s couccy to-duy, Tilden would not be u candi- date twaty-four Bours longer. Tuey could not shile Southern State, and if you make an educationl test to-marrow; if yon put it in the Constitulon of the United States that no man shall vote whi caunot read and write, I will wagen prophesithatin ten years from this time there will notbe 50,03 cofored men in the United States (!r ded from suilraze, {that's so) and God kuws how many huadred thou- saad ol the = paor whites of the South would belxcluded from sullrage. The negro is a great ded mory advanced than the poor winte of the Soutt in this respect, for you cannot find a nezro in te United States who is” not- anxious to leara, nobme. {That's s0.] But the poor whites ofthe Soih are so absolutely ignorant and de- graded tir they do not kuow cnoagh to wish fo leara) [Langhter.] God help - them. I pity mq 1 do not speak of them with contempt. I tell you they are the paorest and most to b pitied, and the most needing help of any classithis United States this hoar. [Tha istrue.] fstead of sending 1 vast amount of for- eign missioary funds to the Fiji Islanders, we onght to sad it down South if those fellows wonld agrce Dot b shoot the missionarics. Yon may go right strait througl the South, yea, you may g0 thronsh o Norch, and sod "can ”infer the strenztn ¢ the Democratic. party just by the You can measare it as abso- Intely 28 yi can measure longth by the i You go infia comwmunity whsre yoa tind—as yo. do great kal In the South—where you tind three nlions of phisky to one spelling-book, and the Democratsare in on imwense majority. [Ap- lanse.] 4 then the wonder to me. in oniee: tion with is—the ome thing T could never understand js—that the Geomda voser of this country, the German voter whio has more causc to Do brond of the mmwersal education in' bls own couptry thsn any matfon op which the sun ever shono,—the great German natlon tuat is based apon nbsolutely universal intelhgence, that overran France, o8 with o besom of destruction becanss every musket had o man behind it who could think and read, that that German voter with sll these traditions, all those feclings of peide In intellect and coltare shonld come_£o this country aud_join those 1,700, 000 jgnorant Democratic voters, I can notunderstand it. my German friends, Yon may possibly be able tu cxolain it, but I can never un- derstand it alone. Well, snpposing that you take Mr. Tilden upon any test of what he has donc. Now Mr, Tilden {s 2 man who has not mot a great deal of public record. He has not been MUCH IN PUBLIC LIFE on any larse scale, but he has becn connected as private adviser and public sponsor for_twenty-five years with the Democracy ‘of- New ¥ork:- Thon arta ruler over few things, but thou shalt be made ruler over very many, But I want Mr. Tilden to show me the few things. I say that he has been ment of New York for the past twenty-ilve years, or ever since the Democratlc party took that State from the old Whigs. Isay here that there. is not on the footsiool of Gad—there never has been in history an instance of such bad government—sach thoronghly nnexceptionably bad tule as has been administered in New York and Brookiyn under the Democratic regime now. ([Cheers.] They took that city from the old Whigs nearly thirty years azo. It was then a city of going on towards 400,000 people.- . It had ail its preliminary improvements completed; it had its piers, its wharyes, ity docks, its streets, its pavements, ita g3, its water, Its sewers; and it had no debt to epeak of. It had some water-bonds, but tho water- rents more than paid the intcrest on the bonds and made @ sinking-fund for' their_redemption.- So, then, _practically, New York was - with- out dobt, and it afforded, with its magnificent future, a basls of taxation for yielding a revenuo outstripping the imaginations and promiscs all en- tire; and yet they have absorbed all that taxation and all the incomie that has come from its lastand greatest growth, and they have put on thosc two cities, New York and BmokB- , 2 dobt of more than $200,000,000. And the Democratic party in a quarter of a centary have pnt a heavler debton the two cities of this country where they have had undisputed sway than the United States Govern- ‘ment pald when thoy eersled the debts af tho Revo- Iutionary War and when they fousht Great Britain in the Warof 1812. The War of the Revolutiun and the War of 1812—I want to repeat that—did not cost the Government of the United States as much as the Democratic party have cost the Cittes of Brooklyn sna New Yorx in the Iasttwenty- five yours. Now, it would be -a handsome thing to trandfer that Government to Washington. The people of this country are hankering for just a lit- 1le experience of that sort. Why, there is no ench city in the world in the way of oppressive taxation as exists in the City of New York to-duy. You people in Chicazo can afford to_put your hands in your pockets and laugh at it. Itis a great grist to yourmill. If they are foolish :enough to’ destroy New York you can stand by and laugh. And they are doingit. They have mado taxation S0 heavy and rujnous, g0 high, and the expensts of doing busineas o enormous, that you cannot cven fm- port from New York You don’t to-day fn sour irect importations. ~ You do not dare to bring a cargofroin New York. Isn't that 8o?- You: bring them aronnd by Philadelpnia, and Boston, an Beltimore, and throush the Canadas. Anythinz, any way to asold New York, It woald be bettor to send them around tha Cape of Good Hope and come by Sin Fran- clsco and home over the Pacific Raflway, ‘Thera is no instance in_history lilte it. Everyman, woman, aud child in that city has got a mortgage on them of 3175, and, as T have often said nofoe, siuce I have began to speak to this cnormons crawd, the little baby that has come meling and crying into New York, into this sinful world through that most sinful portal of it, comes mew- ling and erying with L. A DEMOCRATIO MORTGAGE AROUND ITS LITTLE NEG - of 8175, Tt will take more money to pay the mort- Eage on that baby for the first five yeacs of its lifo than itwill to buy the clothing. Well, Lsay, gen- tlemen, there is “no such instance. Show me ons place in tho world where the Repablicans have full sway,—show me onc instance where tho Repub- Lcan party have had all the political power in their hands, —give me one illustration to oifset this. Give me onc examole on the other side, wherein any State or city have been rained by Re- nblican misrule. Tdon tsay New York is rained. t is very hard to rain a metropolis like that. They have started in that direction. New York used to have 01 poc cent of the grain trade of the country. She has aot 25 ger cent to-day, aad the 30 she nas lost may ba reckoned up to the Democratic party 25 damages, althongh I'should hate to collect if. [Laughter.] It woald beashard as getting the income-tax out of Tilden. Now, this question of Southern _ Rebel claims comnacts itself, beside Mr. Tildea's letter, thut the ?uestion of the enerency in this couxtry directly tell you how when the special Resumption act of 1875 was passed, as Ihave often remarked, Mr. Tilden made grest haste to sacond it, to commend it to the New York Legislatare, and he mduced them to legielate in harmony with it, and pledged himsell tot1kz no step backward. 'Bat he vary #oon found that he COULD NOT GET THE ST. LOUIS NOMINATION if he stood on that ground, becanse he could not get the Southern vote. He very soon found that it was im(routble for any man that wanted the green- b:::‘k ollar te be the cam&:fleu: of the gold a o or dollar to et Southern veta. Why? Docause the Southern mea who ara interested in the Sonthern claims know that unless the greenback doflar 1s at par with gold and sitver you will never have enongh of taxes collectod in this countey to psy any claims of the sort. You wwon't have even taxes collected to pay even just claims, for they come very bard when you pay them ont of taxes. ~ But they also know that if you can keep the paper money Uag open at both ends that thev can ge claims through at one end and shake ont some form of paper money at the other end. They would rather have the mesnest kind of paper money ever heard of fimancislly tasn their * claims unpaid. There isn't any kind of “paper monmey in this world toat the United States can make that they would not take for their claims—cven dfty cants on the wdollar. And I say that is the opening road through 2 particulur channel. 1f there were no other indnce- ment of sound Anance to kecp the greenback dol- Iar at par with it, it woald be as fending off of all such raids as thaton the Treasury of the United States. 1knorw the minute you toiich specie-pay- ments’ for agreat many people in this country, T gaess nome in this audience, you give them & congestive - chlll. [Lanohten] Dut if T understand specie-pavment talk, or what it is, it Is Dothing motc nor less, than that the United States should get ready to do what you and I havo to do_every day with onr debt—pay our debt. That ls all.” [Applause.] And the United States to-night presents the most extraordinary anom- gl o this question of any nation on thic plobe. ‘e hiuve got two forms of oblization out, —time- notes, which are oar bonds, and dnc-billa, which are our greenbacks, Olr time-notes will 5o AT A LOWER RATE OF INTEREST in the markets of the world to-day than those of any other nation, Great_Britain alono excepted— Tower than the German Empire, France, or Russia, and lower than Great Britain if she ever gets into & hug with the Russian bear. At the same time oar due-bills are 10 or I1 per cent off their face rigat along, What would you think of 2 busineas man in Chicago if some one jn uired of Lis credit and your ‘ansier was, ‘'l know him well. Ho has 5ot blocks of atores, real estate, stocks, ‘bonds, and mortzages. [e is always ready. If you zet his note for four months, and at the end of the three day» of grace hie will be'in the bank at 2 o'clock with the inoney. Butdon't you takehis due bill Heisa careless man, and you will never got » doflar of 1t, except at the tail end of anexccation. [Laughter. | That is precisely the attitade of the United States. And yet [ know that there are 2 large number of gentlomen with whom L am lotn to aiifer who be- -in-glove—closely united—with the Govern-- 1ntely, and I meta great many of T batls | fratornity, —ond_ they malntain this: 1o bat "the. Uuited ~ States can _stamp & icce of their paper and make it money. {Hl, 25 nnother gentleman has well enid, it 13 one of the casicst things iu the world to make a one-dollar bill, becausc you can makea ten on justas small apicce of paper, ora hundred, ora million. Why notlet ns havea million apiece, and 'WAKE[UP RICH ) in the morping? Let uscarry opt the tneory in full. We would all be rich, And then tho counter- thoory of that is that the silver dollar (I thought I had one in_my pocket, but I do not seem to) ~that the silver dollar derives its value from the Govern- L stam] on it. That is = just :‘i‘l’:llI on pthc other side. The ~silver dulfnr has got & stamp on if, o in consequence of that stamp I can make you take itit Io\eu ou o dollar, because the Government has !umpaw{y it as sach.. But you may take it into a blacksmith's shop and putit on the anvil and bammer it until thero s nota frace leftof the superscription of Casar, and it i3’ just 83 valuable the next dny as it was the day before. Now I have often narrated an _historical instance that strikes me as vety conclusive on the question of the intrisic value of different forms of the cir- culating medinm, When Lord Clive conguercd British India, more than 100 years a2o, be came, after the battle of Plassy, to the most valuabie collection of coins, the most varied mass of coins that have probably ever been ecen in one pile on the face of tha globe, —coing that for twclve centuries had been going into the capacious and devonring maw of the East, that never gives back. There were coins there of the ancient Byzantine Ewpire, that hed perished cen- turies before in Constantinople. There were coina thera of the ancient Emoire of Charlemasme, going back to the eighth century. There Serécoins thero that went fown 1o the Capo of ‘There were Good Hope with Vasco di Gams. coins thers of tho Florentine Dukes of medieval Italy. 'I'hers were coins there that had crossed the Bosphorus in the pockets of the Crusaders. Lord Clyve seized it nlr, and it went to London to tl'::i coffers of “thu East -fl? mmpn:gfi and every solita icce o Blivor “of "a 'desd ‘and' forgotten and buried Emperor—every plece of it _had 8 absoluto and as gccarate and as determinate a valueas a British soverelgn that dropped from the Royal mint that day. _Just here I think I woald liked'to have seen the fond advocato of paper mones, to the exclusion of the metai basis, appear in Lombard or Leadenhall sireet that day with a paper promiac of an apcient Byzantine Ewnperor, or of Charle- magne of blessed memory, or of any Florentine Daiie of the Middle Ages, and sce what he would bave gotten for it from brakers in London. Itis all 3 delusion, gentlemen. You and X have mot Been” the child born et that will see the last greenback in circulation in this country. But the generation is born now and s before me {hat, willige greenbacks circulating in this conntry very soon ON A PAR WITH GOLD, and, after it raaches there, let it tako cate of itself. We will not meddle with it any more. Somo gen- tlemen say that is goine to be a great contraction. 1 think (¢ il loosen pud release s vast amount of coin: an ventarc another prophecy, that six months after resumption there will be 350, 000, 000 more carrency in_this country than thera was six months hefor2. I venture that. One thing, gentlemen, about the greenbacks. I believe it Is true of the greenback what is true of 1o other war money. 1 believethere is noinstance on record in which & war cmrency, issued in 8 great crisis where & mation's faith was rocking i the balance, has ever been redeemed. The Revolutionary carrency, the French assignats, all the paver money of the Revolutionary era in Europe, went by the board. Let us remember that the srecnback i3 tho one grand, glorlots exception; that it saved us in time of war, and we will honor it in time of cace, PXow I have mot been shaling the bloody shirt any. [ bave been trying to - pieture w you mow, imn a recble wanner, what "I find the Democracy to be now at this _day, without going back, withont calling up our war Scenes, Iwant fo prescnt to you their animus, thelr intent, their purpose, theif inspira- tion to this hour. Ithink, in connection with the bloody shirt, o little chapter of the present rule may be recifed. There was an eloction in Missis- sippi last year—a peaceful clection, they say. Missiesippi “is Republiean by 40,000 majority on any fair vote, and thoy say that they took it irom us and tared it overto the Democrats ina peaceful election, Now I want to say, and L say it from oficial data, ond T say it not 1ooscly, but I malke statements Suscep- tiblo of proof, and that wonld be good evidence in any court—I want to say that, at that peaceful Democratic victory in Mississippi, there were more men mucdered on that election-day, or four or five weeks preceding ond preparatory to the elec- tion Jduy—thers were more men murdered than bave Jost their lives at all electious, municipal, State, or_national. in all of the freo States from 'Maino to California, at_every election that this Government has neld since Georze Washington‘s Administration began in 1789. Now you kmow that we occasionnlly have excitement at the polls, and men get knocked down and some- times injured ond sometimes killed, unbappily. Dot you may tage all these sporadic cases that have been in the free States since George ash- ingion's Administration down to this _hour, and they -will nol agsremate one-half - tha number that wore mardered. in that peacefal elec- tion in Misslasipoiin iwhich the Democrats tri- nmphed last year. God save the mark!_A peace- fol election!” e don’t want them up North; we don't want them. There were Tore than 250 men maurdered fn that State. Now, Illinois has zot a Jopalation, three times and s 'half, probably, as arzc as Mississippi, and_that would “involve in a One of the postulates of “their creed lent, or inactire, or seck b petty local quarrels to gratify pcmnnynl }:;13:{, instesd of voting for the men_ that yon Lnow s be loyaland true on this question. (Applagss,] 3 eaid that on this negro question, which fsa ag von of thu right of buman natnre, it down or sncer it down, and attempts to do it igmores history apg the philosophy” of history. “And, while we have gop great many questions fo be voted on-in Congress of virious degrees of importance, I tell yogten there are two qaostions before the Ameritan pra ple to-night that indnitely transcend fn Importanes: all other. questions, and tho . mmp oy these “{s, that the men who have n '| steadily Toyal to_this Government, and who go ported it against Rebelllon, shall continae to gur. ernit i i ¢ B'Gmd,x de‘oylod!ufl. es of **Gao good,” and appla LA el e M it that every man in this country who o right o vote—high and low, rich and paor, -born and rnrelimhorn. Jew Gantii, " “Catbolh b entile, olic rotestan mon that " hus got & Hight to sen shall exorcise that right freely withog} molestation or _intimidation throughont - the United States. (Cheers.] Aud there will not ', any peace in this country antil that thing jg o) complished. You may cfy ‘*Peace, Ppeace, ™ bng there will Be mo peace until & Repabiios mass-meoting can .assemble in the . of Loulsiuna or Alabama just as peacefully gy the heart of Iilinois or Maine. Never! (Ve apy citizens of this country, gentlemen. And T want to eay here, for the credit and lasting honor of the Repabdlican party, that {t was thatparty which detined and gave you your charter of citizenshy For before the Republican party spoke the worg. the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution ot the man who and the United States there was mot® o man’ o 4 conntry, _native-born - op foreign-born, that could pat bis hand on & clause of any law, organic or statyts, and tell what it was that constituted him a cjf of the United States. Practically, thers way oy citizenship of the United States thit gave you 1o right to go. and claim that citizenship, "regarge ‘lesy_ of. State lines—none whatbver qugy the Repablican party. in the third clausa of jhe Fonrteenth Ameudment to the Constitution, put. it in_imperishable lotters,—and I want every mag. in this andience, that is 8 naturalized citizen; fo remember .thiy: that ~ you derive your it to e secure ‘azainst ail possible persechtion foo Kuow-Nothing Aliiances or any other form of po. litical hostility—you derived it from the Repub. lcan party. " [Cheers.] Tho Ropublicun party gy in the Constitution of the United States in words that mever can be obliterated~ words that I want -to repeat to yop —worda that you ought not to want any man o repeat to you, but you onght to get them b beart and ‘teach your children, s you' tea them the Ten Commandments, and those words are these: “*All persons,”—mark yoa, ‘tall persons,"—that is & pretty - broad hrose—¢“ All persons born or naturalized ‘In the United States are citizens of the United States, ang of the Statc_wherein they reside.” And you can choose that Statc yourself, [Cheers.] Thatsword Was never epoken OSTIL THE REPUBLICAN PARTY SPOKE IT. Nevor! Never! Sonth Carolina disdainfally drove borders for pretending to raise on her royal sofl tho. question of Citizenship. Soath’ Caro. lipa said, “‘That it was one of the re. served rizhts of the State to determine whg shonld be a citizen of the State, and we just knockeq that reserved right whero 1t hus never been heard of since. And we caid aggin, that, **All persons ‘nxzxan on ujn!t e native man—*¢ Al reons Lorn or naturalized in tho United States are ott. zens thereof and of the State wherein thoy re- side,” and that is the poaitive, afirmative But the Republican party, not content with put s newatlve upon the State, and it said **Noj State eball make any flaws abridging the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States.™ [Applansc.] When that ‘was befors Longress every Democrat in the House and every Democrat in ‘the Senate voted ogainst It. My friends that vote the Democratic ticket, remember that every ' one, of them, cvery mother's _son _of them, in ths Senate and in the Housc Icheers], ufi when thas amcadment went to the States where it required three-foarths of the States to ratlfy it, every Dem- oorat iu every State Legislature ‘th. waghout thy length and breadth of the United Ststes roted agafust it, and they claim to be the friends of elsll and personal liperty on this continent. I tell civil and persomal liberty on this continent was never g:rfccted and embodied in the organic law until the Republican party spoke the wor Never, gentlemen! [Applause.] Well am against Tilden. I forgot one little thing which I want to say about Tildem, for I am against him, as yon polsibl{ have per. ceived from what I have ecn gaying. I am aganst Mr. Tilden because he is an-un. atriotic man. I am against Mr. Tilden because e was aguinst the Fourteenth Amendment. That's what's the matter.] Lut bless you, ere I forgot to stte onme thing. This Fourtcenth Amendment was rgifiod by the New York Legislature when it was under Republican control, and_that rutification.was- sent on to Con- gross. ~The Democrats zot control before the final ratification was procisimed, and they repealed their rutification. They repealed it and sent it on, and the Congress of tie United States said, as.thé cons tribution-box fellow said to the old Srotchmanwho dropped in o half-crown when he mesnt to put in a penny, “In for omce, in for all Tifend. {Laughter.] L Wo were like iz, Tilden In' regard to' specia re sumption. TWe didu'c allow | - ol ANY STEP BACKWARD, . and when Fernando Wood presented that to the peaceful election * in Illivols the murder of about 850 or 900 men. That wonld make a scnsation in the mamhi D:g‘ers here, would it not¥ [*“You bet!™] [Lauzhter.] A peaceful election here, in which 2 large number of men, workingmen, farmers, and mechanics, the bone and muscle of the land, were murdered at the rate of S50 IN A SINGLE ELECTION! That was done in Mississippi. I want to make another atatement, and I do this also upon oflicial data. Iwant to state that since Lee surrendered to Grant, now cleven years and a_half ago, there have been more men mardered in the South for political opinion, which means being a Repubhican, maoze men, black and white, and [ don't know bnt what half of them were white, ut least a very lazge proportion of them were, there have been more men murdered in that State in those. eleven years than were killed on the Union side in the three bloodiest battles of the War. 1 make that statement, and I say that statement is susceptible of official proof. And yet they tell ¥ there Is nb - distarbance - fu' the - Sontn and 4 man ‘© who talks abont it iy sneered at and jeered at as though he wore a sort of disturber of the peace, and tho idea of defend- ing negro suflrage inside the Democratic party has become obsolete. I £ay now that nexro suirrago in the South, 03" administered by Democratic party, mesns juit this: that the mesro s pesfectly willing or parfectly at liberty to vote, provided that he does mot carry anvthing—perfectly at liverty to vote, provided that he does not elect anybody; but the very mi ute there i3 any dauger ‘of his' clecting anybody, then by fraud, or by violence, or by trickery. whish is meuner than eithier, he i3 deprived of his rights. Tho City of Savaanah, with 37,000 people, aud the surronnding county with 8,000 or 10, 000 more, a popalation” at least of 43,000 or 46,000, has but one votinx place for the catiro popuiation. Oaly one voting placel Atlanta, with 40, 000 people in the ity ‘und county, has but one toting place. Now that i a parfect f perfect und_ absolate, 1 was talking with o Sonthern man the “other duy about this, andhe attempted to justify it, and said it was risht. and sncered and_jeered at the idea of the wrong: it gentlemen. leve. if the Specie-Resumption act gocs on, that by the time 1870 i reached there will be an cuor- wous draft upon the Treasury of the United States for gold, and a collapse gemerally. 1. want to put “on record a prophecy, and if the report- ers do mnot rteport me correctly in auy- thing elsc, I want them to report me correetly on that? That, it the 12t of Januacy, 187, is reach- cd without any intervening lezislation on the sub- ject of specic payments, there won't be $25, 009, - 000 called for tn'one year, [Applause.]). And on the very simple principle, that the minute you can et the gold you don’t want it—just the minute you can get it you wou t have it. Now I wan't to nar- rate a little cxperience that T had three years ago. When I went out to California I got_ there with- out ny mo nd I drew a check and went down to the Bunk of ' California, and wanted $3 the cashier nscd m= what I wonld tako it cltlike a boy on the Foarth of July, and said: *+ [ will take it in gold, n please.™ T hadn't scenany for_years, and ve me thirty ten- dullar gold picces, and 1 them in my pocket, and liked the jingic ol But I peetty soon got them i ° the pocket, aad them up in sLpoctets, and then T thought they wonld utor if I gotthem in my breeches- At theend of two he ,the Bank of Californis, and sai r heaven's sake. won't you give me some good bills, and take this hoavy druz and keep' it in your vaulls?” " Now, that is and Ras been the experionca of overy man. That is the experioace everyiwhere. Tagrec with ecvery zentleman who says that the Zreendack enrcency s ; THE DEST WE HAVE EVER HAD. I belleve so, too. It is ono of the proudest things T have' to claim, that 1 helped make i, °I voted for it, ‘ana T woald do it azain. T believe it saved the' Governmeat of the United States, and, to use a phrase of ths bogs, *‘Inever infend io o backon the Groca. backs. " [Applanse.] I cectainly o not intend to go Dback on the Greenback at the demand of those wimo at that time were trying to destroy it whem it was casential to tne daiiy lifs of the nation. Those are the fellows that arcloade:t for itnow. I wantit to be brought up in {ull honoz, and I want to say, wvhen I voted for the greenback I never in my life had the least idea I was making monuy, It neves occurred to me in Congreas, in L882-"63, that when we iasucd the greenbacks we were making money,~ " [ F: other then T divided them and_ wot Ke to the B: 3y understanling of it swas, th: ¢ issued the fgreonback becanse we didn't ny money. That we did just Jike an indtvidual, who hasa't £oL =0y money, who gives his note, and thac s what tho Government"did. _And, of course, tacse formed a most valuabls crodit, anithey stimalated business, and they zave an imumense impetas to trade; and they made times easy, and the people content, and taxes could be patd readily, . and the war went on and wo saved the Unlon. And now, attached s f am to the greenback, there is just one thing more thit is jeadfn] make it"the bast pajer carcency there was in this country,’ and that in to pay ceats on the dollar. [Applaase, are 8 great many edly thinzs knid among 4 great many wise ones, and yoa hear purpetually toat the United States. of course, can maly money, I'was up i 3lichizin and Wisconsin 100 Well, now, there the negro being permitted to vote. Ile said it ubsard Well: [ sald fo. R CM" (Hand yan live 1n the South?™ ‘¢ Yes,™ he replied. +*Well, yon brag of your cotton crop down there.” “Ye" he sald, “e aise cotton crop of $300,030,000.™ " ** And, to- bucco?™ Lixes, wa raise a tobacco crop of $100,+ 000,000.” ** And corn, and rice, and hemp, and sugurz? 440D, yos,” he eaid, **thowhole thing i6 over $300,000,000 apnually.” **Well, I srish you would state to me just what proportion of this freal werosate. (his vast sum s raised y the nigzers, a3 you call them, and how much by white men?®' **Oh,” he sai *‘the negroes raj pretty much all.” * *“Then,™ I said, ‘*nccording o your own statoment, uponany fair deal beo tween man and mon, the nesro scems the only man down South that iseatitled fo vote. » [Ch **muzzle not the ox that tecadelt ot tha pos ™! Thut's Seriptare—an { ood sense, too. [Laugh- fer.] Tmecely remarked that it wits Scripture For the benellt of gome Democrars ©§ house. [Laughter.] Lut its good sense. Aog this very diy and hour, althongh the ‘pa groes are in the minority in the South, constituting somewhat mose - third,'but not one-hal, of the mmfifi%a}"fia those who produce more than 90 pez cent of alf that is prodaced there, They are at work, ‘hoeing corn and raising coton, while thedo n who are " seeking deprive them of meu-r right d‘r‘l‘ i vote arg at the corner groceries, drinking bad whisky and - ing the Yaakeos. [Langhtor.] Now you rane™ STION DOWN. b dom can't sneer it men own. Evea Mr. Tilden can't sneer jt wold only add intinilely f;“tggwmmlf that = Is ~ smouldering underncath It can't he done. Bat Lbs;of vou ¢ i 205 leso fn this great. metropolis. of fes MoonicaS01 bere in this—well, T was s0inz 1o say aimost jook? Inelty of tho Sostinent, alifiouz) Taont wans s k: T ¥oa think enong) o alreads, T ixfl_us‘—lmi‘n‘yf: nZ;f‘eu'i‘!:é‘r" v . Tllinols, I take it~ will the thousands for Hayes and Wheeler., ['Colficrshi 1 take it everybody will admic thai. b strugzle s ta keep the purse of this nation whios hs:‘ n!yj ;’;eth‘t:{‘l‘i:fe ]tlrr [égresenjzauves out of the . [Checrs.} "And you wa send an unbrokea delezat Y e L, *a delesation ot Republlicans o n {5 not a i W amostabons to sy, e fonot qropblicin-f wal mnerican who staps to scr 5 tick 0 1ok around and feo 1t he ha oy orand nfiff’v”h’i'n‘"'f;fzp’fi against someman, when pron. fbly hiaging on hia Yois max be the e s wver AL e Bl A i the power to appropriate smongy. sad rs Los i 113 oney 04 they hold i . They hold 1t a3 the loyal man ol it just as long hold the North® are indo- House of Ropreaentatives we just simply Jaid 1t on the table, ‘or kicked {t nader the table. { have for: gotten which. {Langhter. | But I mention this fact, and wish you to remem- ber the attitude of the Democratic party in opposition to this great measare of ~ma- tional _ citizenship. was about to say —I wos going to call your attention to what you know. I was about to narrate a pecul- farly ‘unpatriotic thing in $r. Tildea's carcer; and thut was in 1831, when we went off in & gush of patriotism and ardor, . after Samter was Mred on. We held meetings all over tho country, and the very nest day after we had held those meectings we looked to New York to sec_what she woald do. New York was the financial centre more than ehe is to-day. ez purse wus the most infuential then,— far more than it to-day _relatively. New Yorx was the place from which Earopean public opinion was more formed of America from any other place,—just as we judge England {from London, France from Paris, and German; from Berlin; and therefore it became of great u importance that she should _speak out, and epeak without any __ doubt, the volce af the patriotic men of New York, re- gardless of party, and thus held that great meeting in Union square which bas becume historle, s which 00,000 Pegple wers preseat, and it call 'was signed by every important man in New York—uanker, broker, merchant, editor, Iawyer, doctor. And the only man of hy conse: quence in New York tihut was agked to sign that and refnsed was Samuel J. ‘Tilden, oud he was asked twice and twice refused, ang Gen. Dis, who narzated this to me, said thesa were his own words to Mr. Tilden, that the day would come when he would be sorry for it. Gen. Dit way always a Democrat, but he headed the call and presided, 1 believe, at the meetins. And now Mr. Tilden nas rcached that time that Dix prophesied. S ZE Is sorny. ¢ {s very sorry. e Is going around getting cer- tificatos now that, althosgls be A nbe i, e call, he attended the meeting.. Le attcnded ths meeting! That i3 a big merit! Tc go down in Union Sguare and see 200,000 people utwonding s Riecting {8 N0 grent merit to anybody.: You havegob to know 2 mau's wonve. 1 do pretend to ey what Tilden's motive was, He possioly alsit - haye been down there with his friend John Mor- Y, looking around for s chance to break the <8 meeting up. Attending & | mass-mest- jng I the emallest gp(e:a' o et I~ ever heard claimed. Al the churches in Chicago will snow yoa_a lot of bald- heuded old sinnecs, off of whose Slazed pates tha truth has glanced for forty years (m%fi <), snd attendinz charch ol that time does not seemto bave dome them any good. Why, for 1 _know, some feather-twisted old Lemocrat of Chicago may be attending_this’ vast meetisg: Tcan hardly imagine wheyare Repablicans. [Voicss —Yes, they are.| But that will never be acconnted to him for rightcousness, not will it be any conso- lation to him on his death bed, if in epite of all 1 Lave gaid here to-night he persistentiy goes Novemder to the polls avd votes for Tiiden snd Hendricis. Mr. Filden has a great babit of dodg- ing oat of thingy that ke actually did, of xryhz'fi . chinge the record. tead “you at the i y remarks which Greeley £ald wus the fonndation of the frands of 1883, [wantto do Mr, Tilien the justice to_say thut' he now denles ever writinz it He says Tweed m‘?d g:, [Cheery, and a voice, ], an Why. this letter beginalng - of * lm) *That's too thin. 150t a tremendous abus- il in the New York World foc sug- gesting in New Yori, the other Right,~ that fnasmach as Tweed Wad coming home at Government cxpense, in & public vessel, there might be o suspension of public opinion un- til Tweed arrived and might be heard on that subs jeet, If he would soy anything. I think Tweed ought to be heard from. M. Tildea's name is to it.” He denles that he was responsile. Just as when he came to your great city, in18G4, and was o member of the Committee on Resoluiions of the National Democratic Convention ‘nd a member of the sub-committee that drafted fhe platform and passod = resolution declaring the Wer a failure—that fzaominious step that wis an insult to every loyal soldicr in the Union, asking them to DIP THE PLAG i . when they were then marching in trinmph over every foot of _Southern eoll, and asked to get down on their koees to the Rebels they were ubout to give 3 final torashing to. This resolntion said the Wur was 8 failure. ~ Well, Tilden has said.that ho never n-;re—a‘lh:' that :;mlnn‘on.] Llfl].a gm ]m)-(n r,ur‘enl\'s ears in dnding tkat oat. ughter, ore (han Tiat, Ho sakd as »00m 23 he ot back to Naw York be went around to the back door of McClel- Inn’s honse and saw him In the night time and tol¢ him in his letter of ncceptance to skip over part of the platform. Sae So that for the thinza which we have sctually got on record he bas‘ some form of ingepious de- nial to t " ont of . it; And“he hss got some - private . pizean-hole containing alut of lutters that.were written he never eent, spucclizd prepared But never delivered, nnd heis now huuling them out ‘to prove to the.American ~to Show hosy distressingly loyal he was all time. And he brings witnesses—John Bigelow, his Se:mur‘y of State, 'ond lanton Marble, nte euitor .- . of the World, and they go round, I say, giving him certificates. John Bigelow says, ana Manton Mt~ sk a0 one of Massachusetts’ eminent cmzensrr{:mher i F ¥