The Bismarck Tribune Newspaper, October 28, 1936, Page 6

Sec peape nr eg oreo eee An Independent Newspaper THE STATE’S OLDEST NEWSPAPER (Established 1873) State, City and County Official Newspaper Published daily except Sunday by The Bismrack Tribune Company, Bis- marck, N. D., and entered at the postoffice at Bismarck as second class mail | matter. Mrs. Stella I. Mann President and Publisher Kenneth W. Simons Sec'y-Treas, and Editor Archie O. Johnson Vice Pres. and Gen'l. Manager Subscription Rates Payable in Advance Daily by carrier, per year .........+ ‘i Daily by mail per year (in Bismarck) . Daily by mail per year (in state outside of Bismarck) Daily by mail outside of North Dakota .. Weekly by mail in state, per year ...- Weekly by mail outside of North Dakota, per year . Weekly by mail in Canada, per year a Member of Audit Bureau of Circulation Member of the Associated Press The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republica- tlon of the news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this Newspaper and also the local news of spontaneous origin published herein, All rights of republication of all other matter herein are also reserved. A Basic Argument , Why some persons contend for federal legislation on wages and hours of labor and others fight against it is indicated by a recent survey by an independent agency. During 1936, five legislatures considered the child labor amendment to the constitution and all of them rejected it. In Massachusetts and New Jersey bills limiting employment to per- sons more than 16 years old were defeated. In Virginia a simi- lar provision was deleted from a bill before it was passed, Rhode Island, on the other hand, passed a law forbidding children to leave school before they are 16, established a 48-hour week for women and all persons under 18 and enacted industrial home work and minimum wage laws. New York prohibited employment of persons under 18 on premises where alcoholic liquors are sold, and South Carolina established the eight-hour day and the 40-hour week for textile, employes PROVIDED GEORGIA AND NORTH CAROLINA ADOPT SIMILAR LEGISLATION. The situation on the southern seaboard indicates the na- iure of the struggle. South Carolina believes in shorter work- ing hours but it realizes that the mills of that state will be at a disadvantage when compared with mills in neighboring states if their textile firms are forced to increase their costs of pro- duction. They favor the so-called higher standard but they would prefer to go on as they are rather than have their mills shut down while the mills in North Carolina and Georgia are busy. i In that condition lies the basis of the argument for federal control with uniform standards. The mill owners of North Carolina and Georgia contend that present working conditions are in line with those in other sections and in other industries, that lower production costs mean the consumption of more cotton goods, hence greater employment for the worker and better prices for the farmer and that they should be free to raise wages and shorten hours when, as and if the national economy will permit. Some among them take the stand that government of any kind has no right to interfere with their operations, but they are in the minority. On the whole, the textile employers of North Carolina and Georgia are as fair to their workers and as humane as those in South Carolina. They merely see things in a somewhat different light. The Constitution’s Value Students of constitutional government realize and often point out that the essential value of that great document lies in the protection of the rights of minorities. In essence, the constitution is a brake on the actions of majorities, a curb enacted in the cool light of reason and with due regard to the rights of all concerned. What can happen under a system where there is no curb on executive power is indicated by recent events in the Taos Pueblo in New Mexico. ; Affairs of this Indian group are in the hands of a local ‘council, The Indians manage their own affairs, just as does the city of Bismarck. Politically, it is an independent govern- ment. Organized in the Pueblo is what is known as a Native American church, a distinct minority, whose religious practices ‘did not meet with the approval of the majority. What happened then is characteristic of governments where feeling and prejudice run high, partly under the spur of avaricious greed. 4 The Pueblo council calmly threw into dungeons the Indians who had offended their sense of decorum. From some of them they took all of their lands. Others lost only a part of their holdings by the tribal decree. And these lands, not entirely by chance, soon became the property of the tribal officers who had taken them away from their rightful owners. The whole thing was stopped by the federal government, ‘of course. The constitutional rights of an Indian are as real as those of his white brother and entitled to the same protection. ‘The offending tribal officials have been reprimanded and it is assumed that peace will again reign in the Pueblo. : The incident is important to white persons as an illustra- tion of what COULD happen to everyone if there were no con- stitutional protection to the individual or if the constitution were ignored. The Northward Trek For years the dominant idea in Canada as well as jn the United ‘States has been expressed by Horace Greeley’s oft- ‘quoted statement: “Go west, young man, and grow up with the country.” ; But in Canada, according to the latest information from ‘the dominion government, it might better be “go north,” for - that is the current trend in population growth. Thus, while the population of the three prairie provinces ‘4mcreased 2.5 per cent since 1931 the gain in their northernmost ‘areas has been 17 per cent. _THE BISMARCK TRIBUNE, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1996 _ Behind the Scenes The Campaign By RODNEY DUTCHER (Tribune Washington C ¢) Philadelphia, Oct. 28—The class struggle aspect of the presidential campaign, if you want to call it that, reaches full heat in Pennsylvania. Organized workers and the lower income groups in the industrial cen- ters have in many cases worked up @ hysterical devotion to Roosevelt which sometimes approaches fanatical fren- zy. Labor has built itself a powerful political organization to work hand in hand with the Democratic machine. Grimly opposed to Roosevelt and his labor allies are the industrial tycoons of this great steel, coal, and manufacturing state. Also worked up into a lather, they have launched a titanic effort of money and propaganda to keep Pennsylvan- ia’s 36 electoral votes, so vital to Lan- don, from the clutches of Roosevelt and—as they see it—of John L. Lewis. They have taken control of the battered but active Republican ma- chine which has served them 50 loyal- ly in the past and hope, with the aid of white collar and other conserva- tives, farmers, and frightened: work- ers, to save the Keystone state. ‘This is more than a political fight. In the background are threats of strike and violence and the knowledge of stores of machine guns and gas in steel mills and factories. The election result will only mean that one side or the other will find more or less sympathy in Washington and will be more or less solidly en- trenched in the state. * * * Even Money Is Bet No one knows how the election bat- tle in Pennsylvania will result. There is spirit, drive, youth, direction, and leadership on the Democratic side, as opposed to superior financial resources and the inherent conservatism of this second largest state in the Union. Big politicians on both sides are laying bets at even money. The man on the street says it looks like Roose- velt, and that assertion has been made more and more frequently these last few weeks. Some of the most com- petent political writers in the state assert privately that this is true; others are uncertain. One confidential poll in which your correspondent has great faith was as- serted by its taker 10 days before elec- tion to indicate that Pennsylvania was approximately a 10 to 9 bet for Lan- don; no better, no worse. All of which is news. Pennsyl- vania hasn't gone for a Democratic presidential candidate since James Buchanan was elected in 1856. She stood firm in the 1932 Roosevelt’ land- Slide, ‘although in 1934 she elected her present outstanding Democratic lead- ers, Senator Joe Guffey and Gov. George Earle—who are now closely al- lied with Lewis. * * * Wealthy Men Rule G.O.P. The three biggest bosses of the Re- publican party in the state are weal- tay industrialists—Joseph Pew, of the Sun Oil Co.; Ernest T. Weir, the steel man in whose company towns union organizers meet bitter opposition; and Joe Grundy, of the Pennsylvania Manufacturers’ Association, Landon versus Roosevelt is the big issue, since the governorship is not at stake this year. ‘A state auditor, state treasurer, a legislature, and a slate of congressmen will be elected. Republican victory is dependent on @ backlog of conservatism in rural counties, mostly in central Pennsyl- vania and some very populous. Re- ports differ as to whether farmers are more or less numerically against Roosevelt than in 1932, but these farm- ers received little AAA money and dairy farmers are especially against the New Deal. 3 * eR Warn of ‘Tax on Wages’ Probably more important is the stuf- fing of hundreds of thousands of pay envelopes with notices of next year’s Old age social security tax, described as “tax on wages.” These circulars fail to mention that, employers must pay equal sums to- ward the contributory old age pen- sion fund and often assert that the money is to go for general federal ex- penses. Republican leaders say: “Workers didn’t know Social Security wasn’t 8 free handout. They're greeting the news with consternation.” Republicans also predict that many victims of political coercion on WPA rolls will be heard from election day and they're flooding the mining areas with assertions that New Deal water power projects will ruin the mines and eliminate miners’ jobs. * * * Huge Sums Spent Republicans have spent huge sums —mostly, they say, for billboards and newspaper advertising. Democrats charge a $5,000,000 slush fund and it is generally conceded that expenses will tering that WPA money is equivalent to a campaign fund. Political racketeers will keep much of the campaign money. Democrats scornfully predict that Pew and Weir will find they have been taken for suckers or, as they say in the political business, “Fat hi Roosevelt lacks as an asset in Pennsylvania the hatred which exist- ea for Hoover in 1932, But he has portant, a superior ma- chine. : Democrats took over at least 30,000 state jobs after the 1932 election. They thing he wanted from Washington the machine is well oiled. * Most of the gain, curiously enough, is represented by farm- soles, (ers 'who have taken up new lands. New types of crops have ‘pushed the agricultural frontier northward until there now are occupied farms in the Churchill district of northern Mani- | residential districts WILL YOU PROMISE A CLEAN SWEEP*UP OF ALE THIS CAMPAIGN LITERATURE (1 VOU'RE ELECTED? Looking at the Campaign (Copyright, 1936, by David Lawrence) Raleigh, N. C., Oct. 28.—Why ‘inves- tigate political sentiment in North Carolina this year? It’s electoral vote isn’t in doubt—the Roosevelt majority will not be as large as in 1932, but still an overwhelming lead. I came to North Carolina to get the answer to 8 question that I have been curious about ever since I started on this personal survey of 40 states from coast to coast. I wanted to’ know something of the underlying reasons that make a state of the so-called’ conservative south accept the New Deal at the polls by a preponderant vote, I met with a group of representative men of the state, virtually ail of them planning to cast their ballots next week for the re-election of Mr. Roose- velt. I sought to learn what the vote in North Carolina would mean. Would it be a mandate to Mr. Roosevelt, in the event of his re-election, to con- tinue the New Deal along the same lines as of the last three and a half years? Did it mean that the voters of North Carolina were giving Mr. Roosevelt a blank check for him to fill out after election? Did it imply in any way dissent from some. of the New Deal policies of the last three years, athe 50, how strong was the pro- I was assured that the dominant note in North Carolina sentiment is one of gratitude to the president. Cot- ton mills are humming. Tobacco growers are happy. Farm income is way up. Prices are good. Homes and farms have been saved from foreclos- ure, and altogether there is a sublime faith in the humanitarianism, lib- eralism and capacity of Mr, Roosevelt to continue to assure the prosperity that seems here at least to be at- tributed to the hand of the govern- ment in general and Mr. Roosevelt in particular. I confessed to the group I met @ certain puzzlement. In North Caro- lina, all seemed, on the surface at least, to be serene. There was no quiver of apprehension about the con- stitution or a possible change in the form of government. There was no alarm about insurance policies being eaten up with high prices in an infla- tionary era, indeed no real concern about inflation beyond the relatively small group that interests itself in the statistics of fiscal affairs. Yet in North Carolina they are break records, with Republicans coun- | ing ‘some important new ones—most im-| anced. Democratic hard for the average man to ‘follow except when they hurt credit or send prices skyrocketing but, since neither of these things has happened as yet, there is a happy-go-lucky disposition to cross those bridges when they ap- pear on the scene. 8o I inquired whether the south, and particularly a state like North Carolina, which is certainly far from backward and more in the category of the up-and-doing states, would swallow the New Deal 100 per cent after election, as it-seemed to be do- ing by its attitude before election. I encountered sharp differences of opinion on this: point. I was told, for instance, that the protest against the New Deal would this year be re- flected by @ sizeable Republican vote and by # diminished Roosevelt ma- jority. I was given to understand also that the south would scrutinize with care any proposals to revive the NRA and put into the hands of the federal government again the power to regu- late wages and hours, But there were some who insisted that the south would not be found ultra-conservative or stubborn about meeting any changes in law or con- stitution that might have to be made to secure national objectives. But even oh 8 matter ag abstract as this, I could not find any concrete appre- hension about the extremes to which New Deal policies might go. G Indeed, so far as North Carolina is concerned, unless one digs beneath the surface and gets folks off to one side to penetrate their thinking, one is likely to acquire the impression that Dr. Tugwell, Henry Wallace and Harold Ickes, on the subject of Dem- ocratic faith, are the true descendants of the eminent men in North Caro- lina history who once fought for party be followed almost blindly lest damage ensue, thus, in 1928, 8 num- ber of Democrats deserted the party when Al Smith was the nominee, but they were promptly ostracized. To- day even the business men who may secretly harbor # fondness for Gov- ernor Landon and may even vote that “David Lawrence since it means the squelching of the power of the south to veto a choice for presidential nomination as here- tofore. I feel confident that North Carolina may be voting for Mr. Roosevelt out of a sense of gratitude, but it is cer- tainly not giving him a blank chéck for the future. It will reserve the right, through its spokesmen, to ques- tion the wisdom of New Deal phi- losophy when it borders on centrali- zation or when excessive expenditures threaten the credit of the government or the integrity of the dollar's pur- There is a protest which will demand retrench- ment in the federal budget. Outwardly, North Carolina is going along with the president because of a faith that somehow he will manage| vatism to steer the country through its fu- ture crises as successfuly as, in this . BEGIN HERD TODAY KAY DUNN, pretty al stewardess, falls in love with TED GRAHAM, veteran pllet whe Mies Your Personal Health By William Brady, M. D. senc05 ME “aE o1 on! Brady in care of The Tribune. stamped, self-addressed envelope. juestions letters brie! jueries you o. - @M, : Answer—Send ten cent coin and stamped envelope bearing your address, for copy of booklet “Call it Ori.” It not only answers your question fairly, but gives sound practical advice for management of your trouble, including instructions for preparing and using the “fool proof” cough medicine. “What is the formula for the skin of you recommend . . . f. D.) Answer—Send stamped envelope bearing your eddress, for ting in the eyes? I notice’them only when I look at something bright . . . (L, L. G.) Answer—Trifling defects in sensitive film. We all have ‘em if we look for them, (Copyright 1936, John F. Dille Co.) “stong undercurrent of| section, he is believed to have done |the electoral votes, therefore, that are bout tie future, And if the New Deal | al ure, departs from fundamental conser- mandate. North Carolina expects to too abruptly or too widely, |have something to say about.how the there will be a protest amounting to a |check will be filled out if Mr. Roose- revolt on specific measures, Not all|velt is re-elected. BY DECK MORGAN truant officers picked them up in Oakland once.” “Ted—really?” “Perhaps,” Ted suggested, only needs a little of the disci- pline we require of our crews on ood the trans-Pacific flight. I'll give tah juz Hp ort} ui E q 8 afaty a, FSF le i zg ; Bs i i ti i i i F il A ee { if aa | A i i him a lecture and if that doesn't “Oh, Ted, no!” Kay’s hand to her throat. i F E 5 “i 3 Z i3 EEg? at i iG EE Hl Fy fe § S i by H rt 5 a i ee i} a 3 E § aa g i i : E La as PES Ly by z [ i z i 1 He : Fal i z : ; Ez (i : Fel hh E E j i : [ BE A E a [ F E i $8 ty is oF il i E f itt fi F j k i g bgt # ts ; it Bi i it “e § is ; E i Cy i 5 ast th i: ERT f 8 ii i it vit apne | it ft ti iF | i t t i i i if iH a iF