The Bismarck Tribune Newspaper, June 16, 1936, Page 6

6 The Bismarck Tribune An independent Newspaper THE STATE'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER (Established 1873) ~ State, City and County Officiai Newspaper Published by The Bismarck Tribune Company, Bismarck, N. D., and @ntered at the postoffice at Bismarck as second class mail matter. Mrs. Stella I. Mann President and Publisher Kenneth W Archie ©. Johnson Simons Vice Pres, and Gen'l. Manager Secy-Treas. and Editor Subscription Rates Payable in Advance Daily by carrier, per year Daily by mail per year (in Bismarck) . Daily by mail per year (in state outside of Bismarck: Daily by mail outside of North Dakota Weekly by mail in state, per year . Weekly by mail outside of North Dakota, pei ‘Weekly by mail in Canada, per year . Member of Audit Bureau of Circulation Member of The Associated Press js exclusively entitled to the use for republica- credited to it or not otherwise credited in thie news of spontaneous origin published herein. all other matter herein are also reserved. French Strike Action Is a Lesson to Us The wrestling match of workers and employers in France is casting a long black shadow squarely across our own scene. What has been happening over there is about as direct an object lesson for our own instruction as could well be devised. These French strikes were political rather than industrial; that is, they sought primarily to put the heat on government rather than on capitalism. Like all political strikes which attain any size, they headed §n-the general direction of revolution; only the fact that the new government of Leon Blum moved quickly to give the workers the legislative program they wanted headed off some extremely serious trouble, So the government is putting through a program establish- ing the 40-hour week in industry, collective bargaining vaca- tions with pay, reform of the Bank of France, and nationaliza- tion of munitions industries. Now there is no remotest sign that American labor has any notion of following the course of French labor. But we can learn something by studying the French situation, just the same. Conservative and radical alike would probably agree that the principal problem facing any industrial society today is that of working out stable and orderly relations between capi- tal and labor. Russia, Italy, and Germany can testify that failure to solve this problem leads to the most disastrous kind of trouble. The great democracies of the western world must find the answer to this problem if they are to endure. Suppose, now, that the laws of France had been such that the French government had no power to act in the recent crisis. Suppose that, with these nation-wide strikes at their height, Premier Blum had been obliged to confess: ‘The gov- ernment is powerless. There are abuses that need remedying, and you cannot remedy them unaided; but we cannot help you. Our hands are tied. You must work out your own salvation.” Can anyone doubt that the French republic itself would have been in danger? If you insist that the whole problem of employer-employe relations belongs in a no-man’s land which no government can enter, you are paving the way for infinite trouble if and when those relations get strained beyond the point at which the two sides are willing and able to work out a peaceful adjust- ment. There is room, of course, for wide difference of opinion as to the precise spot where the power to handle such troubles should be located. It may belong in the state capitols; it may belong in Washington. But what has happened in France shows pretty clearly that if that power is not located somewhere, an industrial society has no safety valve. Educating to Work If you ask Dr. William E. Grady, associate superintendent of New York city schools, the whole plan of modern education is wrong. Accordingly, Dr. Grady thinks it’s high time to make a few pertinent revisions. “TI don’t think the educational pattern we have set up meets the needs of the situation today,” he declared recently. “We've kept our children in school, but on the wrong diet. “Nine out of 10 students want to enter the learned profes- sions. If they cannot have that, they want to be in the white collar group, and we have the tragedy of excess. We are going to have to introduce more vocational activities and reestablish the dignity of labor.” Dr. Grady’s suggestion seems entirely sound. The satura- tion point in the white collar and professional groups has just about been reached. Social-Minded Engineer Robert Ernest Doherty is president of the Carnegie Insti- tute of Technology, and, as such, he certainly harbors no illu- sions about the social implications of his job. In fact, Mr. Doherty proposes that today engineers gen- erally be taught to regard and understand the social conse- quences of their work. The growth and development in technology is certain to go on apace, he believes, while the social and economic structure threatens to lag further and further behind. Mr. Doherty has the right idea. The whole tragedy of the world depression can be traced in great measure to the very thing that he stresses—failure of the world to keep up socially and economically with its mechanical progress. A Good Start The involuntarily reduced fare schedules of the eastern rafiroads have been in effect only a short time, but the increase in passenger traffic is already encouraging. At the same time, we see the spectacle of these same rail- roads massing forces to test the constitutionality of the I. C. C. tain them and prosper. ‘A soft answer turpeth away wrath, but not if it’s “Guess who's calling.” i i i ruling ordering the lower fares. This is particularly interest- ing inasmush as railroads of the west and south resorted to lower fares two and three years ago, and continue to main- At least, it would seem, the railroads ought to give the C. C. ruling a fair trial. So far a mighty fine start has been ‘Biade in stepping up the railroad’s payloads. THE BISMARCK TRIBUNE, TUESDAY, JUNE 16, 1936 : Behind nc Scenes At The Convention t By RODNEY DUTCHER (Tribune Washington Correspondent) Cleveland, June 16—The Republi- can platform of 1936, like most poli- tical platforms, would have been an- other meaningless dud if it hadn't been for Alf Landon. The Kansas governor's dramatic stroke in sending a telegram to the convention just before his nomina- tion, declaring for a constitutional amendment and the gold standard, depsite the fact that the politicians who wrote the platform had turned down mention of either, established him as a man of vigor and courage who intends, at least, to be his own boss. ‘ He took two hard punches at the Old Guardsmen who inhabit the re- actionary end of the Republican house and two at Senator William E. Borah at the other end. The conservatives had denied Lan- don the constitutional amendment and civil service planks he sought. Borah was with the conservatives on the former and they had accepted his insistence that there be no mention of gold. Landon, in effect invited Borah to walk right out of the Republican party and see who cared. The degree of Landon’s independ- ence and courage—virtues which his friends have always insisted he had— is indicated by the fact that mention of a constitutional amendment em- powering states to regulate hours, wages, and working conditions of women and children had been sup- ported by but one vote at the secret session of the subcommittee which wrote the platform. That was the vote of Landon's spokesman, William Allen White. * * % IGNORES HOT PROTESTS Landon’s telegram was also a de- fiance of William Randolph Hearst, who somehow, early in the afternoon, had heard of the governor's intention and thereafter kept the wires to Topeka hot with protest. There is another viewpoint, of course. Some will say that Landon was a bit too slick in waiting to make public his views on important issucs until it was too late to do anything but nominate him, and that he might not have been nominated if he had spoken out a week earlier. Some of the inside background may help you form your own opinion of what happened: The platform subcommittee, appar- ently because the Landon forces were outsmarted, was found to be domi- nated by conservatives under lead- ership of a group similar to those which in many Republican conven- tions have been called the “senatorial soviet.” There was an important dissimi- larity, however, in that this pres- ent group comprised ex-senators long since booted out of congress by con- stituents who denied them re-election —Reed of Pennsylvania, Bingham of Connecticut, Moses of New Hamp- shire, and Edge of New Jersey among them. * * *% WILLING TO RISK LICKING This group was willing to make certain concessions to keep Borah from bolting the party. It gave the Landonites as little as it could and still keep them from turning in a minority report and taking the issue to the convention floor. Landon, over the telephone, ex- pressed willingness that his lieuten- ants take the constitutional amend- ment fight to the floor and thus risk a licking. His aides decided against that. White, Henry Allen, and Roy Rob- erts told the subcommittee again and again that Landon badly wanted the amendment, gold, and civil service planks, but the committee turned them down every time. Landon even wanted to be careful not to put the party on record as barring possible federal legislation in the minimum wage and maximum hour field. His men fought for a plank proposing to give the states “power” to regulate, rather than “the power.” since use of the word “power” with the article “the” would indicate that the state should have sole, re- served rights in such legislation. * * WILL PUSH OWN IDEAS Flouted not only on the three points mentioned, but on several others, Landon at once decided to send to the convention his dramatic message, in which he “interpreted certain planks.” Landon’s personal friends predict that he will make further “interpre- tations” in his campaign speeches and that he will publicly declare for other proposals which he had hoped to get into the platform. Those proposals included: A balanced budget within months after election day. A federal housing program. Recommendation for congressional jurisdiction over reciprocal trade agreements, which the platform de- nounced in toto. Authority for the president to veto specific items in appropriation bills. Some endorsement of crop control. Landon’s insistence on tackling the issues he has espoused does not ob- seure the fact that the Republican platform still fails to suggest specific remedies for some of the nation’s most vital problems, and generalizes almost ad nauseam. » e TARGET FOR DEMOCRATS Democrats will pick the document to pieces and ask, with respect to the methods by which it promises to achieve re-employment—what ‘re- strictions on production” the party plans to remove; what “New Deal policies that raise production costs, increase the cost of living, and there- by restrict buying” it will abandon; what “hindrances to legitimate busi- ness” it will remove; what “govern- ment competition with private pay- rolls” and what “uni and 18 (Copyright, 1986, NEA Service, Inc.) necessary hampering regulations” it will abol- ish; and what “such other policies as will furnish a chance for individual enterprise, industrial expansion, and the restoration of jobs” it will adopt. Various other planks, which should be important are similarly vague and evasive, including the one on relief, which promises the impossible job of turning responsibility over to “non- Hey! When Did That Happen? Your Personal Health 7 Looking at the ,,., Convention Washington, June 16—The atten-'ready President Roosevelt has given conventions and candidates, but, with- | strike of general proportions is threat- in the last few days, there has appear- /ened by Mr. Lewis. The verbatim ed in the national capital the first language of Mr. Lewis before the sen- real approach to Fascism in concrete ate committee tells the story. He form since the vague charges began to said: be made that, under the New Deal, a! “Now as the quid pro quo of sup- change in America’s form of govern- porting this bill, the United Mine ment was contemplated. |Workers agree that the bill rere ‘The testimony corroborative of the Provide for representation of ie start toward Fascia is contained in Workers, as such, by two members of the official record of the proceedings the commission. Why? Merely be- of the committee on interstate com- |cause the right to fix the price levels merce of the United States senate and Of the industry carries with it the the proponent of the plan is John L. Tights to fix the wage structure and Lewis, president of the United Mine the living standards of the workers. Workers, perhaps the most skillful |i" this industry, And we a es and able of all the leaders of organiz- Peeple have more right to # ‘ ed labor for many years. in the courts of last resort, as affect- fs ‘ ing this industry, before these prices The measure before the committee are fixed. That is the reason we want tion of the country may be fixed on his sanction to the proposed law, & | try. David Lawrence | tain their wage scales in the indus- “If this bill is not passed and if these operating groups in certain areas follow that practice which has been prophesied by Mr. O'Neill—and I think his prophecy is a sound one— then the United Mine Workers of America will consider that the basic wage scale has been reached. Then we are going to fall back on the only ‘weapon we have in the common de- fense of our homes and our welfare) in our several communities. If that contract is breached we are going to shut down this industry while some- one talks sbout what is going to be done.” ‘The idea of a group of employers and the leader of a huge labor union getting together and threatening a “shut-down” of am industry unless the is a revised version of the Guffey law. ‘two representatives of labor on this which was declared unconstitutional |enjarged commission of seven.” by the supreme court recently. The | ‘There ensued a discussion in which new bill proposed to regulate capital- ‘Senator Wheeler expressed the opin- ism by delegating to the operators of ion that it was unprecedented to have coal mines and the miners’ union \representatives of employers and em- complete control to fix prices of coal ployees on a commission regulating in America so that consumers of heat, an industry. He insisted that the light and power will have to pay the representatives of the miners and the prices designated. operators should divest themselves of It is significant that the so-called any financial connection with the labor provisions which the supreme coa) industry itself and this amend- court said were invalid now have been | ment now has been put into the bill omitted, but. in their place, something ‘that was reported from the commit- more important has developed—rep- |tee to the senate. But they will not resentation of labor unions on a g0V- | cease, of course, to speak and act for ernment commission in which opera- their respective groups. | tors shall also have their representa- Then came the threat from Mr. tives. The two together will then re- | Lewis, who declared: ceive from congress the right to fix, “Mr. O’Néill speaks with authority prices of the coal used in interstate for the operators; and he says that, commerce. without the bill, the United Mine If congress refuses to obey. and al- Workers cannot be expected to main- (ec | A Witty Speaker | areca HORIZONTAL Answer to Previous Puzzle iene in— 1,6 F FIOIAITIOIN] [SIMI [tH] 18 Silicon woman in AIC IOte S) PIAIRIEIR] wr To ateh up polities. Vise IDIAIDAME| cuiTH AD } 18 Felt through the senses, 23 Mineral spring. 24 Apart. DEIN] ee [REBT [O|O} [AIRMEN WHE! [RIOIN MEP TAM) PIE /REEN| INIO|VIE IL MIRIAM [DIT O17} OMBAITMEMOITMETIEIEIMBEI] 25 Flock. 10|F MS /PIAl TRIS} 26 Chill. IG] 27 Cripples. 28 To harden. 11 Pope’s scarf. 12 Layer of skin 13 Wine vessel. 14 To regret. 15 Instigates. 17 Kilns. 19 Form of “me” 20 Musical note. 21Go on (music). 22 Southeast. 42 Three-handed VERTICAL 23 Biblical word. _ card game. 1 Negative. " 26 Last words of 44 Destiny. ‘i 39 Indian 2 Arabia. prayers. 45 Label. : viceroy. 29 Repetition. 47 Black. 3 Title. 41 Wise men. 81 Hose sup- 49 Theater box, 4 To rattle. 43 To carry. porters. 50 Tiny skin 5 You. 44Because. $3 God of war. openings. 6 Paid pub- 45 2000 pounds: 34Revolution. 52 India licity. 46 Jewel. 36 Beverage. 54She lives in 7 Housemaid. 48 Neither. 37 Credit. Great —. 8 Genuine. 49 Pound. 50 3.1416. 51 Southeast. 53 Corpse. 38. A go-between 55She is a —— 9 Foretokens. 40 Street. of Parliament 10 Sun god. 41 Fashion. (ph). 15 She was right is given them jointly to fix the By William Brady, M. D. dlscnes, or didenenie. “Write otters briefly and in tak, VAG rady in care of The Tribune. All queries must be accom stamped. self-addressed envelope. : IODIN AND CORYZA Yesterday we explained why genuine coryza makes you ill while mock coryza merely makes you ill-humored. Genuine coryza is characteristically an infectious disease, that is, it is caused by invasion of the tissues by germs, as is pneumonia or meningitis. The illness or indisposition begins with chilliness, malaise, perhaps slight headache and general aches and pains, then mild feverishness for a day or two, and lasts three or four days. Mock coryza, on the other hand, is purely a local disturbance without any general indisposition, comes on suddenly without apparent reason, and ceases suddenly within a few hours. It is a curious fact that, in some individuals at least, a few good doses of iodin or fodides will produce mock coryza, which, indeed is a symptom of fodism or too much iodin; while in others, minute doses of iodin internally or even a sniff at the iodin bottle every ten minutes for an hour or so, will quickly relieve mock coryza. Many readers have assured me that homeopathic doses of iodin will cure real coryza. They put a drop of the common tincture of iodin (old spelling iodine), the very same brown liquid you have always used to paint sprains and as a first aid disinfectant for. minor wounds—the kind that comes meticulously labelled POISON, though ifodin actually is far less poisonous than many nostrums that are guaranteed harmless—a drop of eld in a glassful of water, and of this solution take a teaspoonful every jour. How efficacious the remedy may be I am not in a position to opine, having had little experience with it. But I can assure you it is harmless. Even if one sat up all night to be sure to get every dose, the twenty-four doses of iodin in a day would amount to less than one-half of a drop of the tincture of iodin. Many of us take a drop or two of tincture of iodin once a week throughout the year as a regular iodin ration. I recommend this practice to every schoolchild and every adult who 4s not under the care of a physician. Few of us get enough fodin from our food to fulfill the daily requirement of the body of this element. The alkali treatment—say twenty or thirty grains (half teaspoonful) of sodium bicarbonate (saleratus, baking soda) every two hours for three or four doses revived by some news bureau from time to time, is of ques- tionable value in any type of coryza. Personally, I'd prefer to endure the coryza without treatment. But some people have inexhaustible credulity. For genuine coryza, with the typical malaise and feverish state asso- ciated, 1 believe the very best first ald measure is a hot mustard foot bath in bed. Now, there it goes. Unless I interrupt the course here to instruct the reader on the technic of H.M.F.B. a lot of correspondents will demand to know where they can get hot mustard and whether it will work just as well if they just wash their hands of it. That’s why teaching hygiene is a slow process. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Navel I find myself becoming a practical nurse. Pliease tell me how to dress the newborn baby's navel, so the gauze won't stick (Mrs. J. D.) Answer—Apply some sterile petrolatum (either boil the tin container or use only petrolatum from collapsible tube). costs fixed by the government mean higher prices to the consumer. What, then, is the answer to the problem of the coal industry? The answer is to be found in the famous Appalachian case, decided in March, 1933, by the supreme court. Sales agencies and cooperative activities of coal operators are urged as a means of eliminating expense and of increasing the con- sumption of coal. As business im- Proves, more coal will be consumed in industry, but if prices of coal go higher, the result must be decreased use of coal. less freight revenue for the railroads and more unemploy- ment for miners, especially since the federal government is spending hun- dreds of millions of dollars to sub- sidize coal’s chief competitors—elec- tric light and power. The new Guffey bill is about to be acted upon. The Democrats are be- ing told it will help them carry Pennsylvania. As for permanent ill effects, the chances are the bill, when it becomes law, will be enjoined in the lower courts and eventually held invalid by the supreme court; that is, assuming the court is not “packed” with Fascist judges in the next three years who believe in government prices of a commodity is something new in American history. If the pre- cedent is accepted in coal, there ts Ino reason why the same tactics will not follow in other basic industries. It develops that the new Guffey act is confined to price-fixing of bitum- inous coal and does not affect lignite —a competitor of coal—and does not embrace other fuels like oil, natural gas, anthracite coal or hydro-electric power. None of the latter is to be regulated as to prices; so, if the higher cost to the consumer of bitum- inous coal results in a diminished consumption of that product the re- sultant situation must lead either to regulation of the competing products or chaos in the coal industry itself. Although the coal business is a vital factor in modern industry, it is sig- nificant that very little opposititon is coming from big business. The rea- son may be that many big business men are at heart Fascists and want regulation if they can participate in the price-fixing, or “stabilization,” as they sometimes characterize it. About 18 per cent of the revenue ot the railroads is tied up in coal car- rying. Public utilities are large buy- ers of soft coal. So are apartment houses and hotels. Increased coal! price fixing of commodities. BEGIN HERE TODAY bitious to of rightful owner ropert iting the Tra: e York Ia Gail with Derek. 10" swung promised to future stretched rosily ahead. the table she opened first. A little wrinkle i es to New out of town yesterday and I didn’t jostled laste shall watch her progress with much interest.” of the p a REX HALL, Madame Lisette’s son, Spends another evening NOW GO ON WITH THE STORY CHAPTER XIX AN THER Monday morning around and Gail rose with a song in her heart. She'd) fiercely. Derek, and the Gio sas still gmallinng ae she, col There was one from Dick, too. When Gail had seated herself at Dick’s letter “I read it too, Miss Everett,” said Frank. “It’s just great!” The door of the room stood open and along the passage came the sound of rustling newspapers and angry feet. “Mees E-verett, Mees E-verett! So this is what you do the mo- ment my back is turned!” With a plump white hand Madame beat i ape (=) i : i 5 f ae a BEee i 3 i ait u 5 i ie A thrill of pleasure banished every memory of Madame’s un- kindness, and Gail went up in the elevator to see Rita Cordell, as- sured that it would not be long before she would find her real place in the sun, But when she reached Miss Cor- dell’s office, she was told, “Miss Cordell is not seeing anyone to- day. ‘She's sailing for Europe to- eee yest then the door opened. “Carolyn!” called Rita Cordell. Then, noticing Gail, she said, “Oh, come in! Madame'’s just been on the line, giving me an awful lay- out,” and she laughed. closed her eyes for a moment and pressed a slender finger against her lips. “I have it. I was talke A whiff of garlic assailed her nostrils as she rode up in the ele- vator, surrounded by salesmen factory workers. Stepping from the elevator, she walked to- ward a leaded glass window over which was the word “Informa: B