Bemidji Daily Pioneer Newspaper, December 4, 1906, Page 3

~ PRESIDENTS MESSAGE Lynching Discussed at Length as a Na- tional Evil. NOT A RACE QUESTION Control of Combinations of Capi- tal a Paramount Issue. AN INCOME TAX DEMANDED Mr. Roosevelt Advocates Free Trade For Philippines, Federal Marriage and Divorce Law and Mainte- nance of Strong Navy. To the Senate and House of Represent- atives: As a nation we still continue to en- Joy a literally unprecedented pros- perity, and it is probable that only reckless speculation and disregard of legitimate business methods on the part of the Dbusiness world can ma- terlally mar this prosperity. No cougress in our time has done more good work of importance than the present congress. There were sev- eral matters left unfinished at your last session, however, which I most earnestly hope you will complete be- fore your adjournment. Corporation Campaign Contributions. 1 again recommend a law prohibit- ing all corporations from contributing to the campaign expenses of any party. Such a bill has already passed one house of congress. Let individuals con- tribute as they desire, but let us pro- hibit in effective fashion all corpora- tions from making contributions for any political purpose, directly or indi- rectly. Government’s Right of Criminal Cases. Another bill which has just passed one house of the congress and which it is urgently necessary should be en- acted into law is that conferring upon the government the right of appeal in criminal cases on questions of law. “This right exists in many of the states. 1t exists in the District of Columbia by act of the congress. It is of course not proposed that in any case a verdict for the defendant on the merits should be set aside. Recently in one district where the government had indicted cer- tain persons for conspiracy in connec- tion with rebates the court sustained the defendant’s demurrer, while in an- other jurisdiction an indictment for conspiracy to obtain rebates has been sustained by the court, convictions ob- tained under it and two defendants sentenced to imprisonment. The two cases referred to may not be in real conflict with each other, but it is unfor- tunate that there should even be an apparent conflict. At present there is no way by which the government can cause such a conflict, when it occurs, to be solved by an appeal to a higher court, and the wheels of justice are blocked without any real decision of the question. 1 cannot too strongly urge the passage of the bill in question. A failure to pass it will result in seri- ously hampering the government in its -effort to obtain justice, especially against wealthy individuals or corpo- rations that do wrong, and may also prevent the government from obtain- ing justice for wageworkers who are not themselves able effectively to con- test a case where the judgment of an inferior court has been against them. I have specifically in view a recent de- -cision by a district judge leaving rail- way cmployees without remedy for violation of a certain so called labor statute. It seems an absurdity to per- mit a single district judge, against what may be the judgment of the im- mense majority of his colleagues on the bench, to declare a law solemnly -enacted by the congress to be ‘“uncon- stitutional” and then to deny to the Appeal In government the right to have the su- preme court definitely decide the ques- tlon. It 1s well to recollect that the real efficiency of the law often depends not upon the passage of acts as to which there is great public excitement, but upon the passage of acts of this na- ture as to which there is not much public excitement, because there is lit- | tle public understanding of their im- portance, while the interested parties are keenly alive to the desirability of defeating them. The importance of enacting into law the particular bill in question is further increased by the fact that the government has now defi- mitely begun a policy of resorting to fthe criminal law in those trust and in- terstate commerce cases where such a ‘course offers a reasonable chance of success. At first, as was proper, every ffort was made to enforce these laws y clvil proceedings, but it has be- lcome increasingly evident that the ac- ftion of the government in finally decid- g In certain cases to undertake crim- al proceedings was justifiable, and, though there may have been some con- spicuous failures in these cases, we have had many successes, which have undoubtedly had a deterrent effect nup- on evildoers, whether the penalty In- flicted was in the shape of fine or jm- prisonment, and penalties of, both kinds ha already been inflicted by the courts. Of course where the judge can see his way to inflict the penalty of imprisonment the deterrent effect of the punishment on other offenders is Increased, but sufficiently heavy fines accomplish much. Judge Holt of the New York district court in a recent decision admirably stated the need for treating with just severity offenders of this kind. His opinion runs in part rs follows: Judge Holt Quoted. “The government’s evidence to es- tablish the deféndant’s guilt was clear, conclusive and undisputed. The case | was a flagrant one. The transactions which took place under this illegal contract were very large, the amounts of rebates returned were considerable, and the amount of the rebate itself was large, amounting to more than one-fifth of the entire tariff charge for the transportation of merchandise from this city to Detroit. It is not too much to say, in my opinion, that if this busi- ness was carried on for a considerable time on that basis—that is, if this dis- crimination in favor of this particular shipper was made with an eighteen instead of a twenty-three cent rate and the tariff rate was maintain- ed as against their competitors—the result might be, and not improba- bly would be, that their competi- tors would be driven out of business. This crime is one which in its nature is deliberate and premeditated. I think over a fortnight elapsed between the date of Palmer’s letter requesting the reduced rate and the answer of the railroad company deciding to grant it, and then for months afterward this business was carried on and these claims for rebates submitted month after month and checks in payment of them drawn month after month. Such a violation of the law, in my opinion, in its essential nature is a very much more heinous act than the ordinary common, vulgar crimes which come be- fore criminal courts constantly for pun- ishment and which arise from sudden passion or temptation. This crime in this case was committed by men of edueation and of large business expori- ence, whose standing in the community was such that they might have been expected to set an example of obedi- ence to law, upon the maintenance of which alone in this country the securi- ty of their property depends. It was committed on behalf of a great rail- road corporation, which, like other rail- road corporations. has received gratu- itously from the state large and valu- able privileges for the public’s con- venience and its own, which performs quasi public functions and which is charged with the highest obligation in the transaction of its business to treat the citizens of this country alike and not to carry on its business with unjust discriminations between different citi- zens or different classes of citizens. This crime in its nature is one usually done with secrecy and proof of which it is very difficult to obtain. “The Interstate commerce act was passed in 1887, nearly twenty years ngo. Ever since that time complaints of the granting of rebates by railroads ‘have been common, urgent and insist- ent, and, although the congress has re- peatedly passed legislation endeavor- ing to put a stop to this evil, the difi- iculty of obtaining proof upon which to bring prosecution in these cases is so great that this is the first case that has ever been brought in this court, and, as I am informed, this case and one recently brought in Philadelphia .are the only cases that have ever been brought in the eastern part of this country. In fact, but few cases of this kind have ever been brought in this country, east or west. Now, under these circumstances I am forced to the conclusion In a case in which the proof is so clear and the facts are so flagrant it is the duty of the court to fix a penalty which shall in some de- gree be commensurate with the gravity of the offense. As between the two de- fendants, in my opinion, the principal penalty should be imposed on the cor- poration. The traffic manager in this case presumably acted without any ad- vantage to himself and without any in- terest in the transaction either by the direct authority or in accordance with what he understood to be the policy or the wishes of his employer. “The sentence of this court in this case is that the defendant Pomeroy for each of the six offenses upon which he has been convicted be fined the sum of $1,000, making six fines, amounting in all to the sum of $6,000, and the de- fendant, the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad company, for tach of the six crimes of which it has been conviected be fined the sum of $18,000, making six fines, amounting in the aggregate to the sum of $108,000. und judgment to that effect will be entered in this case.” Betting Aside of Judgments and Grant- ing of New Trials. In connection with this matter 1 would like to call attention to the very unsatisfactory state of our eriminal law, resulting in large part from the habit of setting aside the judgments of inferfor courts on technicalities abso- lutely unconnected with the merits of the case and where there is no attempt to show that there has been any failure of substantial justice. It would be well to enact a law providing some- thing to the effect that— i No judgment shall be set aside or new trial granted In any cause, clvil or eriminal, on the ground of misdi- j section of the jury or the improper ad- mission or rejection of evidence or for error as to any matter of pleading or ‘pmedure unless, in the opinion of the | court to which the application {8 made, after an examination of the entire cause, it shall affirmatively appear that the error complained of has resulted in a miscarriage of justice. WISDON IN INJUNCTIONS. Pnaper Use of This Power Rather Than Its Abolition Demanded. In my last message 1 suggested the enactment of a law in connection with the issuance of injunctions, attentlon having been sharply drawn to the mat- i ter by the demand that the right of applying injunctions In labor cases should be wholly abolished. It is at least doubtful whether a law abolish- ing altogether the use of injunctions in such cases would stand the' test of the courts, in ‘which case, of course, the legislation would be ineffective. More- over, I believe it would be wrong alto- gether to prohibit the use of injunc. tions. It is criminal to permit sympa- thy for criminals to wen'~n our hands in upholding ghe law, a. to destroy life or property by mob vio- lence there should be no impairment of the power of the courts to deal with them in the most summary and effec- tive way possible. But so far as pos- sible the abuse of the power should be ! provided against by some such law as I advocated last year. In this matter of injunction there is lodged in the hands of the judiciary a necessary power which is nevertheless subject to the possibility of grave abuse. It is a power that should be exercised with extreme care and should be subject to the jealous scrutiny of all | men, and condemnation should be met- ed out as much to the judge who fails to use it boldly when necessary as to the judge who uses it wantonly or op- ! pressively. Of course a judge strong enough to be fit for his office will en- Join any resort to violence or intimi- dation, especially by conspiracy, no matter what his opinion' may be of the rights of the original quarrel. There must be no hesitation in dealing with disorder. But there must likewise be no such abuse of the injunctive power as is implled in forbidding laboring men to strive for their own betterment , in peaceful and lawful ways, nor must the injunction be used merely to aid some big corporation in carrying out schemes for its own aggrandizement. It must be remembered that a prelimi- nary injunction in a labor case, if granted without adequate proof, even when authority can be found to sup- port the conclusions of law on which it is founded. may often settle the dis- pute between the parties, and therefore if improperly granted may do irrepara- ble wrong. Yet there are many judges who assume a matter of course grant- ing of a preliminary injunction to be the ordinary and proper judicial dispo- sition of such cases, and there have un- doubtedly been flagrant wrongs com- mitted by judges in connection with labor disputes even within the last few years, although I think much less often than in former years. Such judges by their unwise action immensely strength- en the hands of those who are striving entirely to do away with the power of injunction, and therefore such careless use of the injunctive process tends to threaten its very existence, for if the American people ever become convine- : ed that this process is habitually abus- ed, whether in matters affecting labor or in matters affecting corporations, it will be well nigh impossible to prevent its abolition. As to Public Opinion. 1t may be the highest duty of a judge at any given moment to disregard not merely the wishes of individuals of great political or financial power, but the overwhelming tide of public senti- ment, and the judge who does thus dis- regard public sentiment when it is wrong, who brushes aside the plea of any special interest when the pleading is not founded on righteousness, per- forms the highest service to the coun- try. Such a judge is deserving of all honor, and all honor cannot be paid to this wise and fearless judge if we per- mit the growth of an absurd conven- tlon which would forbid any criticism of the judge of another type, who shows himself timid in the presence of arrogant disorder, or who on insuffi- clent grounds grants an injunction that does grave injustice, or who in his capacity as a construer, and there- fore in part a maker, of the law, in flagrant fashion thwarts the cause of decent government. The judge has a power over which no review can be exercised. He himself sits in review upon the acts of both the executive and legislative branches of the govern- ment. Save in the most extraordinary cases, he is amenable only at the bar of public opinion, and it is unwise to maintain that public opinion in refer- ence to a man with such power shall neither be expressed nor led. The best judges have ever been fore- most to disclaim any immunity from criticism. This has been true since the days of the great English Lord Chan- cellor Parker, who said, “Let all peo- ple be at liberty to.know what I found my judgment upon, that so when I have given it in any cause others may be at liberty to judge of me.” The Droprieties of the ense were sot forth ‘with singular clearness and good tem- per by Judge W. H. Taft when a Unit- ed States circuit judge, eleven years ago, in 1895: “The opportunity freely and publicly to criticise judicial action is of vastly, more Importance to the body politic than the immunity of courts and Judges from unjust aspersions and at- tack. Nothing tends more to render Judges careful In thelr decisions and anxiously solieitous to do exact justice than the consclousness that every act of theirs I8 to be subjected to the intel- ligent scrutiny and candid criticism of thelr fellow men. - Buch criticlsm is | beneficial in proportion: as it is fair, 4 . —————— if men seek | dispassionate, discriminating and based on a kwnowledge of sound legal prin- ciples. The comments made by learn- ed text writers and by the acute edi- tors of the varlous law reviews upon Judicial decisions are therefore highly useful, Such critics constltute more or less impartial tribunals of profes- slonal opinion before which each judg- ment Is made to stand or fall on its merits and thus exert 'a strong influ- ence to secure uniformity of decisiou. But nonprofessional criticism also is by no means without its uses even If accompanied, as it often is, by a direct attack upon the judicial fairness and motives of the occupants of the bench, for If the law Is but the essence of common sense the protest of many av- erage men may evidence a defect in a Judicial conclusion, though based on the nicest legal reasoning and pro- foundest learning. The two important elements of moral character in a judge are an carnest desire to reach a just conclusion and courage to enforce it. In so far as fear of public comment does not affect the courage of a judge, but only spurs him on to search his i conscience and to reach the result which approves itself to his Inmost heart, such comment serves a useful purpose. There are few men, whether they are judges for life or for a shorter term, who do not prefer to earn and hold the respect of all and who eannot be reached and made to pause and deliberate by hostile public criticism. In the case of judges having a life tenure, indeed, their very independence makes the right freely to comment on their decisions of greater importance, because it Is the only practical and available instrument in the hands of a free people to keep such judges alive to the reasonable demands of those | they serve. “On the other hand, the danger of destroying the proper influence of ju- dicial decisions by creating unfounded prejudices against the courts justifies and requires that unjust attacks shall i be met and answered. Courts must ul- timately rest their defense upon the in- herent strength of the opinions they deliver as the ground-for their conelu- sions and must trust to the calm and deliberute judgment of all thé people as their best vindication.” Criticism of Judges. There is one consideration which should be taken into account by the good people who carry a sound prop- osition to an excess in objecting to any criticism of a judge’s decision. The in- stinet of the American people as a whole is sound in this matter. They will not subscribe to the doctrine that any publie gervant is to be above all criticism. If the best citizens, those most competent to express their judg- ment In such matters, and, above all, those belonging to the great and hon- orable profession of the bar, so pro- foundly influential in American life, take the position that there shall be no criticism of a judge under any circum- stances, their view will not be accepted by the American people as a whole. In such event the people will turn to and tend to accept as justifiable the intem- perate and improper criticism uttered by unworthy agitators. Surely it is a misfortune %o leave to such critics a are certain te abuse. Just and temper- ate criticism, when necessary, is a safeguard against the acceptance by ilue people as a whole of that intem- . perate antagonism toward the ju- diciary which must be combated by every right thinking man and which, if { it became widespread among the peo- ple at large, would constitute a dire menace to the republic. | EPIDEMICO—iiYNCflINfi. | Rule of Mob Represents Loosening of Bands of Civilization. In connection with the delays of the law I call your attention and the at- tention of the nation to the prevalence of crime among us, and, above all, to the epidemic of lynching and mob vio- lence that springs up, now in one part of our country, now in another. Each section, north, south, east or west, has its own faults. No section ean with wisdom spend its time jeering at the faults ‘of another section. It should ,be busy trying to amend its own short- comings. To deal with the crime of corruption it is necessary to have an awakened public conscience and to supplement this by whatever legisla- tion will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law.- When we deal with lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest ex- isting cause of lynching is the perpe- tration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape, the most ! abominable in all the category of | crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs It‘requeutly avenge the commissloq of | this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it, thus ' avenging in Dbestial fashion a bestial | deed and reducing themselves to a | level with the criminal. | Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon, and when mobs begin to ‘lynch for rape they speedily extend ‘the sphere of their operations and lynch { for many other kinds of erimes, so that two-thirds of the lynchings are not for rape at all, while a considerable pro- | portion of the individuals lynched are innocent of all crime. Governor Can- i dler of Georgia stated on one occasion some years ago, “I can say of a verity that I have withjn the last month sav- ed the lives of half a dozen innocent negroes who were pursued by the moh and brought them to trial In a court of a law In which they were acquitted.” As Bishop Galloway of Mississippi has finely sald; “When the rdle of a mob obtains, ' that ' which distinguishes a high civilization is surrendered, The mob which lynches a negro charged with rape will In a little while lynch a | i | i ! volved, only the question of relentless- ! colored man to fail to help the officers | _tuuctiun, right in itself, which they ; jmony and that the least possible pub- Selves for the moment profit by such hite man suspected of crime. Every Christian patriot in America needs to 1ift up his volce in loud and eternal protest against the mdb spirit that Is threatening the integrity of this re- public.” Governor Jelks of Alabama has recently spoken as follows: “The lynching of any person for whatever crime is inexcusable anywhere. It is a: defiance of orderly government. But the killing of innocent people under any provocation Is infinitely more hor- rible, and yet innocent people are like- ly to die when a mob’s terrible lust is once aroused. The lesson is this: No good citizen can afford to countenance a deflance of the statutes, no matter what the provocation. The innocent frequently suffer and, it is my obser- vation, more usually suffer than the guilty. The white people of the south indict the whole colored race on the ground that even the better elements lend no assistance whatever in ferret- ing out criminals of their own color. The respectable colored people must learn not to harbor their criminals, but to assist the officers in bringing them to justice. This iz the larger crime, and it provokes such atrocious offenses as the one at Atlanta. The two races can never get on until there is an un- derstanding on the part of both to make common cause with the law abiding against criminals of any color.” Treat Each Man Justly. Moreover, where any crime commit- ted by a member of one race against a member of another race is avenged in such faghion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked the result is to exas- perate to the highest degree race feel- ing. There is but one safe rule in deal- ing with black men as with white men; it is the same rule that must be ap- plied in dealing with rich men and poor men—that is, to treat each man, what- ever his color, his creed or his social position, with even handed justice on his real worth as a man. White peo- ple owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well| the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment, for it is surely the highest wisdom to en- courage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industri- ous, law abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and cit- izens. Reward or punish the individ- ual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, | alike. There is no question of “social | equality” or “negro domination” in- ly punishing bad men and of securing | to the good man the right to his life, | his liberty and the pursuit of his happi- | ness as his own qualities of heart, head ' and hand enable him to achieve it. { Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the ne-! gro criminal, and, above all, the negro' criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape, and it should be felt | as in the highest degree an offense | against the whole country and against the colored race in particular for a of the law in hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every | such infamousjoffender. Moreover, in | my judgment, the crime of rape should ! always be punished with death, as is the case with murder. Assault with intent to commit rape should be made a capital crime, at least in the discre- tion of the court, and provision should ! be made by which the punishment may ' follow immediately upon the heels of the offense, while the trial should be! S0 conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testi- licity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race, on the other hand, should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civ- ilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein. No man can take part in the torture of a hu- man being without baving his own moral nature permanently lowered. Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it and therefore just so much additional trou- ble for the next generation of Ameri- cans. Let justice be both sure and swift, but let it be justice under the law and not the wild and crooked savagery of a mob. . Negro Should Be Educated. There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse for its existence, It is out of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading down any of their own number. Even those who them- maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suffer. No more shortsighted policy can be magined than in'the fancied interest of one class to prevent the education of another class. The free public school, the chance for each boy or girl to get a good ele- mentary education, lies at the founda- tion of our whole political situation. In every community the poorest citi- zens, those who need the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only recelved school facllities proportion- ed to the taxes they paid. This is as' trng of one portion of our country as' of another. It is as true for the negro as for the white man. The white man,, if he 18 wise, will decline to allow the! negroes In a mass to grow. to manhood. and ‘womanhood without . education.; Ungquestionably education such as is! obtained in our public schools does not Qo everything toward making a man a | good citizen, but it does much. The» lowest and most brutal criminals— those, for instance, who commit the- crime of rape—are in the great mafor- ity men who have had either no edu- cation or very little, just as they are almost invariably men who own nes. property, for the man who puts money by out of his earnings, like the man who acquires education, is usually lift- ed above mere brutal criminalty. Of course the best type of education for the colored man, taken as a whole, is such education as is conferred in schools like Hampton and Tuskegee, where the boys and girls, the young men and young women, are trained in- dustrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority of cases, and hardly any of them become criminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violence which invites lynch law. Every grad- uate of these schools—and, for the matter of that, every other colored man or woman—who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will and respect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is thereby helps the whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way, for next to the negro himself the man who can do most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him, and our steady effort should be to better the relations between the two. Great though the benefit of these schools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it may well be gues- tioned whether the benefit has not been at least as great to the white people among whom these colored pu- plls live after they graduate. Be it remembered, furthermore, that the individuals who, whether from fol- ly, from evil temper, from greed for office or in a spirit of mere base dema- gogy, indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching not only thus excite the mob, but also tend by what criminologists call “suggestion” greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the very crime against which they are in- veighing. When the mob is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the men who in their speeches and writings elther excite or justify the action tend, of course, to excite a bitter race feel- ing and to cause the people of the op- posite race to lose sight of the abom- inable act of the criminal himself, and, | in addition, by the prominence they give to the hideous deed they undoubt- edly tend to excite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of commit- ting it. Swift, relentless and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type | can permanently be suppressed. CAPITAL AND LABOR. | Infinite Harm Done by «Preachers of Mere Discontent.” In dealing with both labor and eap- ital, with the questions affecting:both corporations and trades unions, there is one matter more important to re- member than aught.else, and that is the infinite harm done by preachers of mere discontent. These are the men who seek to excite a violent class hatred against all men of wealth. They seek to turn wise and proper move- ments for the better control of cor- porations and for doing away with the abuses connected with wealth into a- campaign of hyslerical excitement aid falsehood in which the aim is to in®" flame to madness the brutal passions of mankind. The sinister demagogues and foolish visionaries who are always eager to undertake such a campaign of destruction sometimes seek to-as- sociate themselves with those working for a genuine reform in governmental and social methods and sometimes masquerade as such reformers. ' In reality they are the worst enemies of the cause they profess to advocate, just as the purveyors of sensational slander in newspaper or magazine are the worst enemies of all men who are engaged in an honest effort to better what is bad in our social and govern- mental conditions. To preach hatred of the rich man as such, to carry on a campaign of slan- der and invective against him, to seek to mislead and inflame to madness honest men whose lives are hard -and who have not the kind of mental train- ing which will permit them to appre- clate the danger in the doqtrinel preached—all this is to commit a crime against the body politic and to be false to every worthy principle and tradi- tion of American national life. - More- over, while such preaching and such agitation may give a livelihood and a certain notoriety to some of those who take part in it and may result in the temporary political success of others, In the long run every such movement will either fail or else will provoke & violent reaction, which will itself re- sult not merely in undoing the mis- chief wrought by the demagogue and the agitator, but also in undoing the good that the honest reformer, the true upholder of popular rights, has. painfully and laboriously achieved. Corruption is never so rife as in com- munities where the demagogue and |the agitator bear full sway, because, in. 'such communities all moral bands: be- icome loosened, and hysteria, and sen- isationalism replace the spirit of sound: Judgment and fair dealing.as between ‘'man and man. In sheer revolt against the squalid anarchy thus- produced anen are sure in the end to turn toward. ‘lany leader who can restare. order, and’ then their rellef. at being:free from: ithe Intolerable burdens of.class: hatred, violence and demagogy: is :such-that ey, cannot for some e: be aroused: to Indignation . agalnst. misdeeds: byt men of wealth, so that they permit &