The Seattle Star Newspaper, September 8, 1919, Page 11

HUN Foi tinued From Page One | %---— ®t on these proceedings is contained in a memorandum to the vernment and people of the United States, published th the Times of April 18, 1915, It runs as follows: If ‘the American people desire to observe true neu- trality, they will find the means to stop the exclusive exports of arms to one side, or, at least, use this export trade as a means to uphold legitimate trade with Ger- | many, especially trade in foodstuffs. QUOTES CHOATE AND SIMS From one-sided favoritism to open partisanship was but) a small step. I will mention only two instances. Mr. Choate, the late American ambassador in London, wrote on April 7, 1917, to Earl Grey: As you know, I have thought from the beginning that while for the time being we might better serve the | cause of the allies by remaining neutral and supplying all that we could in the way of arms and munitions, and, I am happy to say, some men, as our neutral right was; that nevertheless, when by entering into the war with all our might and with the aid of all our bound- less resources, we could help to bring it to an end in the right way by the complete suppression of Prus- | sian militarism and the triumph of civilization, it would be our duty to do so.That time has now come. } And on June 3 the American Admiral Sims spoke as fol-| lows in London: In 1910, when our fleet visited England, I made a small but very undiplomatic speech. . In that speech I expressed an opinion which is now being translated into action. . . . This is what I said: “In my opinion, if the time ever comes when the integrity of the British Empire is seriously threatened by a European coalition, you may courit on every ship, every dollar, every man and every drop of blood of your kins- men across the sea.” Very characteristic of the views of American official cir-! cles is the following conversation, which took place between! a certain reliable personage and an American consul general,| and it is in complete harmony with the opinions given above. Asked whether the Lusitania affair had really led to Amer- ican intervention, the consul general replied: “No, that was only the match that set fire to the straw,| q and it has been fully exploited as propaganda. But for this| 3 we should have had to find other convincing reasons for) < coming into this business! If we had not joined the allies} we should have been nowhere after the war! Now we ex- pect to be number one—and we shall be number one!” PICTURE OF AMERICA AS DICTATOR To the question as to what part America would play as} number one, he replied: “Germany was undoubtedly the! most industrial country in Europe before the war. We in| America and England saw to what an exalted height Ger-| many was climbing, and realized that in a few decades she would reach the pinnacle of power and be in a position to dictate, not only to Europe, but to the whole world. She had become a menace, and we in America recognized the fact. For this reason we tackled the problem and thought we understood it. We are convinced that our people will! take the lead after the war. It is we who are going to dic-| tate not only to Germany but to the whole of Europe. The tions will expect great things from us, above all, peace.| they will get it, but on our conditions and at our “Will America impose her will on her allies?” “Yes, indeed she will. But they will get better conditions than other countries (the central powers), just as we (America) shall get better conditions from them (the allies). It is all a matter of business. That is what war, _ has always been!” | The American consul’s prediction regarding his country’s, position after the war was ill-founded, tho only because the! revolution rendered Germany defenseless and gave world, dominance to Great Britain. For America could no longer count upon any opposition to England in Europe. However that may be, the war was certainly no matter of business ‘or Germany. It was forced upon us. Our economic future and independence were bound up in it; to us it was a ques- tion of life or death. USED U-BOATS, FEARING DEFEAT | I will not discuss how far the above opinions coincided} with those of President Wilson and the majority of the) American people. All that need be said is that they became) supreme. Under the pretext of the submarine campaign America entered the war against us at a period critical for the entente. Whether, without the excuse afforded by the U-boats, she would have done so in time to prevent our win- ning the war in 1918 is open to doubt. But it is impossible} { to say how events on land would have turned out if the q submarine campaign had never been opened. As a matter of fact, on January 9, 1917, no one could} have foretold the collapse of Russia, and nobody calculated upon it. With the help of our submarines we reckoned on a decision in our favor, at the latest before America, with! her new armies, could intervene in the war; WITHOUT THEM WE CALCULATED THAT THE QUADRUPLE ALLIANCE MUST BE DEFEATED IN 1917. As it was, the history of this year took a completely dif- ferent turn; the western front held firm, ®ut the submarine campaign brought no decision and Russia collapsed. On the eastern front we were in a condition of neither peace nor war. A solution then became possible of which no one could have dreamt before the autumn of 1917;)any responsibility for the submarine campaign, spoke as namely, to aim at a decision of the war on land in the year 1918 by means of an offensive, which must succeed if the submarines had by that time been able at least in so far to reduce enemy tonnage that the quick transport of the new American armies was out of the question, or even if a cer- tain proportion of the transports had been sunk. The navy counted upon being able to do this. BERNSTORFF PLEADED FOR DELAY In the middle of January the supreme army command received from the foreign office a transcript of a despatch from Count Bernstorff of Jan. 10, to the effect that the note dealing with armed merchant vessels (the note issued later declaring unrestricted submarine warfare) “would frustrate President Wilson’s proposals for intervening to negotiate peace.” This surprised me, as all idea of any definite intervention 4 by the president had vanished. Count Bernstorff could not ~ be referring to anything else than the step taken by the president on Dec, 18, which was not officially answered by the entente until Jan. 12, but was definitely put an end to by that answer, as we had anticipated. I was unaware of any new step or proposal, and so was the chancellor. He ; ; January 16: e accordingly replied to Bernstorff on “We are resolved to take the risk” of war with the United States). This cablegram had probably not reached Count Bern- ‘ai storff when he wired again to the foreign office: d ‘Unless military considerations are absolutely decisive | tt would be highly desirable to postpone institution” (of the unrestricted warfare). “Wilson believes he can secure peace on the basi: , i a hationa* is proposed by us of equality of rights for (of rupture and even THE SEATTLE STAR—MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1919. LUDENDORFF BARES | WAR SECRETS staff to lessen the danger of a rupture with America by fixing certain definite periods of grace for neutral ships, which the ambassador had proposed. I at once replied that we agreed to this. It is clear that the foreign office had not concluded, even from this second communication from Bernstorff, that there was any modification of the general situation, for the secretary would otherwise have men- tioned it. | I never had a clear understanding of the correspondence between the government and the ambassador; ineded, I only learned of it in fragments. I knew nothing of the progress of the negotiations with the United States. The chancellor and the secretary for foreign affairs complained of the difficulties of communica- tion and of the resulting ambiguities. They had, of course, to use every possible chance to avoid a rupture with the | United States, in spite of the existence of the unrestricted campaign. DREW UP TERMS FOR WILSON On January 29, unexpectedly, so far as I was concerned, Chancellor von Bethmann and Secretary Dr, Zimmermann arrived at Pless. We were bidden to attend a discussion | with the emperor over a new proposal for intervention by President Wilson. The chancellor read a djspatch which he had drafted for transmission to Count Bernstorff, in which he proposed that we should declare for peace on the status quo ante basis. So far as I remember, the dispatch proposed the submis- sion to President Wilson, then or on any later opportunity, of the following claims as the basis for possible peace nego- | tiations: Restoration of the portions of Upper Alsace occupied by France; A frontier securing Germany and Poland strategically and economically against Russia; Restoration of colonies on the basis of an agreement securing to Germany colonial possessions corresponding to her population and her economic interests; Return to France of the territory occupied by Ger- many, subject to strategic and economic rectification of frontier, and to financial compensation; Restoration of Belgium, subject to definite guaran- tees for Germany's safety, which would be negotiated with the Belgian government; Economic and financial adjustment on the basis of the exchange of conquered territories given up by either side to the other on the conclusion of pe ; Indemnity to German concerns or subjects injured by the war; Renunciation of all economic measures or treaties calculated to interfere after the conclusion of peace with normal trade or communication, and the conclusion of the commercial agreements necessary thereto. The guaranteeing of the freedom of the seas. These are the only German conditions which ever reached the enemy from our side with any co-operation on my part. RESENTED SHARING THE BLAME | The chancellor did not suggest a postponement of the un- restricted campaign, but the ambassador was authorized to explain that our government was ready to order the cessa- tion of the campaign immediately any basis for peace nego-| tiations was worked out that offered any real hope of suc- | cess. The field marshal and I agreed to this. | The whole discussion took place in one of the emperor's rooms and occupied but little time. The emperor's birthday presents were still lying about, and I remember in particu- lar a fine picture of the cruiser Emden. I know no more than the above as to the circumstances surrounding this diplomatic step, nor the course which it followed. I men- tioned to the field marshal, after the discussion was over, my resentment af the manner in which our co-operation in these tremendously important decisions had been obtained. Altho we had no c! knowledge of the situation, we had to bear our share of the moral responsibility. | On January 31 our note as to the declaration of the sub- marine campai assume, was the governmept’s above mentioned propos of January 29. After January 9 there were no military reasons whatever to cause either the field marshal or myself to modify our views as to the urgent need for the unrestricted campaign. According to a report from the chief of the naval staff in Vienna, the Austro-Hungarian government also decided to wage unrestricted warfare with their submarines. I wel- comed with gratitude this loyal act on the part of our allies, which I had, of course, confidently expected. The new cam-| paign could only be really effective if it included the Med- iterranean, where prospects of success seemed particularly good; the important thing was to sink as much shipping as possible. Gen. von Conrad had also advocated the adhesion of Austria to the campaign. DENIES COERCION OF AUSTRIA When later, in 1918, Count Czernin stated that he had) adopted this policy in order to avoid a quarrel with Ger-| many he stated something that was quite new to me. There) al Austria-Hungary. was never any idea of bringing military pressure to bear on} In judging public opinion on the matter at home, I re- tag of February 27, in which it appeared that, after the failure of our peace offer, the German people were prac- tically unanimous in supporting the government. of the majority socialists, Herr Scheidemann, while refusing follows: Every one will understand the deep satisfaction which we felt when we learned that the government had made an offer of peace to the world, based on views similar to our own. When the enemy's notorious reply to Wilson stripped the veil from their plans for con- quest and annihilation, the determination to.defend our country resolutely was again restored. There was then but one voice: Anything rather than such a peace! No one had expected that the enemy would accept the German invitation to a conference without some show of reluctance, without emph ing their own strength, without a certain maneuvering for position and preliminary negotiation; but it is equally certain that no one had anticipated a tone so brutal and pro- vocative, or a peace program so extravagant, so utterly at variance with the facts of the situation. They will never wipe away the stain of the crime against human- ity committed by their brutal refusal of Germany's peace offer. Lioyd George is the true godfather of our govern- ment’s resolution to adopt the unrestricted submarine campaign. Once this resolution has been taken, and the campaign has begun, we too can but hope with all our hearts that it will bring us peace quickly. Weg trust in the national strength, now fully mobilized, to achieve what our enemies hold to be impossible. Our honor, our existence, our free economic development, must come unimpaired out of this terrible struggle. That was a noble profession of faith, and in the face of the enemy’s will to annihilation a call to fight to the last. One hoped that it might be realized. (Published by apecial arrangement with the MeClure Newspaper Syndicate, yrighted, 1919, by Harper & Bros, All right ‘od. Copyrighted In Great ‘ _In forwarding us this cablegram the secretary for for- a. Ose affairs wrote that he had urged the chief of the naval ‘ v ‘ain by Hutchinson & Company and the Lo} men, in Spain by Menwn, feix and Bartel, in Italy by Fratelli Treves, in ¢ a and Australia, All rights reserved for France, Belgium, Holland, Russia and jcandinaviaa countries.) ¢ garded as a very important element the sitting of the reichs-| The leader | was delivered in Washington, as also, 1/]} Fraser-Paterson Co. f | date \) GH LY Navy Georgette with American Heau- ty overwatst and deep cuffs and trim- mings of black beads and pearl buttona. Price $12.50. —Apricot Georgette with eyelet ema broidery and all the seams tailored. Draped bodice terminates in loose girdle at the back, Price $37.50. 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