The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, December 6, 1905, Page 12

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1905 | TRUSTS SHOULD BE Y ational Regulation of Radway Rates. In my judgment the most important provision which such law (railway rate) should contain is that conferring upon some com- petent administrative body the power to decide upon the case being brought before it, whether a given rate ‘prescribed by a railroad is reasonable and just, and if it is found to be unreasonable .and unjust, then, after full investigation of the complaint, t6 prescribe the limit of the rate beyond which it shall not be lawful to go—the ma:nq:um reasonable rate, as it is commonly called—this decision to go into effect within a reasonable time and to obtain from thence onward, subject to review by the courts. It sometimes happens at present, not that a rate is too high, but that a favored shipper is given too low a rate. the commission would have the right to fix this already established minimum rate as the maximim; and it would need only In¥such cases one or two such decisions by the commission to cure railroad companies of the practice of giving improper mini shtes. Teall it is granted to the commission there is little use in touching the - sybject at all. Continued from Page 11. ' he opponents of Government regu- 1 dwe n the ties to be r e and in- blem. Their a complicated all kinds of se in connec- ion, while no e benefits hoped stic adherents. | sealthy plan, the » gradually and not Finally, we must clearly un- tand that the public servants who this peculiarly responsible ust themselves be type both as regards in- efficiency. They must be | otherwise able men con- € run be secured; and | ssess a lofty probity which ulckly at the thought any gust of popula: rich men as at the remotely re- L] rcy to rich men admit the difficul- I do mot for a moment difficulties warrant our effort to secure ust system. They should effect than to spur us on of the resolution, the stice, an the fertility e industrial at it is a great shrink- it from the | excellent men lite forced into | ¢ they deplored because oth- erwise they were left at the m To need to system; and ily come through exercise of the Government control MEASURES FOR SAFETY. Block Sigmals and Limited Hours of Work for Employes. | my annual ssage to the Fifty- | its third session, 1 the necessity for the use of block ds engaged in Inter- The number of serjous inblocked roads that n ast year adds endation then made. 1a provide, by appro- for the introduction | o & upon all rajlroads en- gaged in te commerce at the | earljest practicable date, @s a measure ed safety to the traveling priste legisia of block sigr decisions of the Supreme tes and the in cases brought materially sch improved and railroad employes their duties under safer condi- The Govern- d in arriving at inspection ser- that these improved condi- e general is due to the number of inspectors em- inspection . service has ed its usefulness, and for its maintenance | been ned, d the Government hits} i abled to secure its effective en- | b nt in ost all cases, with the | r t the condition of railroad | « throughout the country m] heretofore. ployes in train service are 3 cases subjected is also & mat- | t may well engage the serious | ettention of the Congress. The strain, | sental and physical, upon those engaged in the movement and | of railroad trains under mod- | ern conditions is perhaps greater than | that which exists in any other industry, | &nd If there are any reasons for limit- by law thé hours of labor in any i nt, they certainly apply with force to the employment of | 1 d alert- | ness in the performance of their dutles | the safety of all who travel by rail de- pends. | EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY LAW GREATLY DESIRED Should Be Applied to Industries Within Scope of Federal Power. in my annual message to the Rifty- seventh Congress, at its second session, I recommended the passage of an em- ployers’ liability law for the District | of Columbia and in our navy yards. I repewed that recommendation in my message to the Fifty-eighth Congress, et its second session, and further sug- gested the appointment of a commis- £ion to make & comprehensive study of employers’ llability, with a view to the enactment of & wise and constitutionai law covering the subject, applicable to all industries within the scope of the Federal power. I hope that such a law will be prepared and enacted as speedi- 1y as possible. | JUST TREATMENT URGED | ON CAPITAL AND LABOR Inquiry Showld Be Made Into Strikes Affecting Inter- state Commerce. The National Government has as a rule but little occasion to deal with the formidable group of problems connect- ed more or less directly with what Is known as the labor question, for in the great majority of cases these problems must be dealt with by the State and municipal authorities and not by the National Government The National Government has control of the District of Columbia, however, and it should see to it that the city of Washington is made a model city in all respects, both as regards parks, public playgroynds, roper regulation Of the system of jousing 80 as to do away with the evils of alley tenements, & proper system of education, a proper system of dealing with truancy and juvenile offenders, a proper handling of the charitable work of the District. Mereover, there should be proper factory laws to prevent all | wbuses in the employment of women and children in the District. These will ! be useful chiefly as object lessons, but | even this limited amount of usefulness would@ be of real national value. There has been demand for depriving courts of the power to issue injunctions - | course, in labor disputes. Such special limita- tion of the equity powers of our courts would be most unwise. It is true that some Judges have misused this power; but this does not justify a denial ot the power any more than an improper exer- cise of the power to call a strike by a labor leader would justify the denial of the right to strike. The remedy is to regulate the procedure by requiring the Judge to give due notice to the adverse parties befors graniing the writ, the hearing to be ex parte if the adverse party does not aj ar at the time and place ordered. hat is due notice must depend upon the facis of the case; it should not be used as a pretext to permit violation of law, or the jeopardizing of life or property. Of this would not authorize the issuing of a restraining order of injunc- tion In any case in which it is not al- ready authorized by existing law. I renew the recommendation I made in my last annual message for an in- vestigation by the Department of Com- merce and Labor of general labor con- ditions, especial attention to be paid to the conditions of child labor and child- labor legislation in the several States. ch an investigation should take into ount the various problems with which the question of child labor is connected. It is true that these prob. lems can be actually met in most cases only by the States themselyes, but It would be well for the nation to en- deavor to secure and publish compre- hensive information as to the conditions of the labor of children in the different States, so as to spur up those that are ndhand and tq secure approxi- mately uniform legislation of a high character among the several States. In such a republic as ours the one thing that we cannot afford to neglect is the problem of turning out decent citizens. The future of the nation de. pends upon the citizenship of the gene- rations to come; the children of to-day are those who to-morrow will shape the destiny of our land, and we can- not afford to neglect them. The Legis- lature of Colorado has recommended that the National Government provide some general measure for the protec- tion from abuse of children and dumb | animals throughout the United States. I lay the matter before you for what I trust will be your favorable consid- eration. WOMEN IN INDUSTRY. Colncident With Decrease in Marriage and the Birth Rate. The Department of Commerce and La- bor should also make a thorough inves- tigation of the conditions of women in industry. Over five million Amerioan women are now engaged in gainful oc- | cupations; vet there is an almost com- plete dearth of data upon which to base any trustworthy conclusions as regards a subject as important as it is vast and complicated. There 18 need of full knowledge on which to base action looking toward State and municipal legislation for the protection of work- ing women. The introduction of women into in- dustry is working change and disturb- ance in the domestic and social life of the nation. The decrease in marriage, and especially in the birth rate, -has been coincident with it. We must face accomplished facts, and the adjustment to factory conditions must be made; but surely it can be made with less friction and less harmful effects on family life than is now the case. This whole mat- ter in reality forms one of the greatest sociological phenomena of our time; it is a social question of the first import- ance, of far greater importance than any merely political or economic ques- tion can be; and to solve it we need ample data, gathered in a sane and sclentific spirit in the course of an ex- haustive investigation. In any great labor disturbance not only are employer and employe inter- ested, but also a third party—the gen- eral public. Every considerable labor difficulty, in which interstate commerce is involved, should be investigated by the Government and the facts officially reported to the public. The question of securing a healthy, self-respecting and mutually sympa- thetic attitude as between employer and employe, capitalist and wage-worker, is a difficult one. All phases of the la- bor problem proyve difficult when ap- proached. But the underlylng princi- ples, the root principles, in accordance with which the problem must be solved, are entirely simple. . We can get jus- tice and right dealing only if we put | as of paramount importance the princi- ple of treating a man on his worth as a man rather than wtih reference to his social position, his occupation or the clagss to which he belongs. There are selfish and brutal men in all ranks of life. If they are capitalists their selfish- ness and brutality may take the form of hard indifference to suffering, greedy disregard of every moral restraini which interferes with the accumulation of ‘wealth, and cold-blooded exploita- tion of the weak; or, if they are labor- ers, the form of laziness, of sullen envy | of the more fortunate and of willing- | ness to perform deeds of murderous violence. Such conduct is just as Tepre- hensfble in one case as in the. other, and all honest and farseeing men should join nf against it wher- ever it becomes manifest. Individual capitalist and individual wage-worker, corporati and union, are alike entitled to the protection of the law, and must alike obfey the law. Moreover, in addition to mere obedience to the Jaw, each man, if he be really a good citizem,,must show broad sym- pathy for his neighbor and genuine de- sire to look at any question lfllln’ be- tween them from the standpoint of that neighbor no less than from his own; and to this end it is essential that capitalist and wage-worker should consult freely one with the other, should each strive to bring cioser the day when both shall realize t they are properly partners and not enemies. To approach the questions which In- evitably arise between them solely from the standpoint which treats each side in the mass as the enemy of the other ;ldol in the mass is both wicked ana oolish. T DANGERS OF CLASSES. Must, Avert Rule by Plutoeracy or by Mob. In the past the most direful among the influences which have brou{m about the downfall of republics has ever been the growth of the class spirit, the growth of the spirit which tends to wake a man subordinate the welfare of the public as a whole to the welfare of the particular class to which he be- longs, the substitution of loyalty to a class for loyalty to the nation. This inevitably brings about a tendency to treat eéch man not on his merits as an individual, but on his position as be- | longing to a certain class in the com- munity. If such a spirit grows up in this republic, it will ultimately prove fatal to us, as in the past has provgz fatal to every community in which it has become dominant. \k eep a_quick Unless we continue to funda- mental truth xlt the individual worth of the indivi man, this Government cannot nently hold the place which your attention to the fact that my proposal is not to give the commission power to initiate or originate rates generally, but to regulate a rate already fixed or originated by the roads, upon complaint and investigation. from any corporation which fails to respect an order of the commission. I regard this power to establish being essential to any scheme of real reform in the matter of railway regulation. The first necessity is A heavy 'penalty should be enacted a maximum rate as ,{o-ecunit; and unless -———— s achieved among the nations. The vital lines of cleavage among our people do not correspond, and indeed run at right angles to the lines of cleavage which divide occupation from occupation, which divide wage-workers from capi- talists, farmers from bankers, men of small means from men of large means, men who live in the towns from men who live in the country; for the vital line of cleavage is the ilne which di- vides the honest man who tries to do well by his neighbor from the dishonest man who does ill by his neighbor. In other words, °the standard we should establish he standard of con- duct, not the standard of occupation, of means, or of social position. It is the man's moral quality, his attitude toward the great questions which con- cern all humanity, his cleanliness of life, his power to do his duty toward himself and toward others, which real- 1y count; and If we substitute for the standard of personal judgment, which treats each man according to his mer- its, another standard in accordance with which all men of one class are favored and all men of another class discriminated against, we shall do ir- reparable damage to the body politic. 1 believe that our people are too sane, too self-respecting, too fit for self-government, ever !o adopt such an attitude. This Government is not and never shall be government by a plutocracy. This Government is ‘not and never shall be government by a mob. It shall contlnue to be in the future what it has been In the past, a government based on the theory that each man, rich or poor, is to be treated simply and solely on his worth as a man, that all his personal and prop- erty rights are to be safeguarded, and that he is neither to wrgnx others nor to_suffer wrong from others. The noblest of all forms of go ment is self-government; but it is also the most difficult. We who possess this priceless boon, and who desire to hand it on_to our children and our children’s children, should ever bear in mind the thought o finely expressed b{‘ Burke: “Men are qualified for civil liberty in exact proportion to their dis- position to put moral chains upon their own appetites; in proportion as they are disposed to listen to the counsels vern- of the wise and good In_preference to the flattery of knaves. Bociety cannot exist unless a controlling power upon will and appetite be placed somewhere, and the less of it there be Wwithin the more there must be without. It is or- dajned in the eternal constitution of things that men of intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge thelr fetters.” NATIONAL SUPERVISION OF 'INSURANCE AFFAIRS Gross Abuses Show That Regula- tion by the States Is Inadequate. . The great insurance companies af- ford striking examples of corporations whose business has. extended so far beyond the jurisdictions of the States which created them as to preclude strict enforcement of superyision and regulation by the parent States. In my last message I recommended “that the Congress consider whether the power of the Bureau of Corporations cannot constitutionally. be extended to cover interstate transactions in insur- ance.” Recent events have emphasized the importance of an early and ex- haustive consideration of this question, to see whether It is not possible to fur- nish better safeguards than the sever- al States have been able to furnish against corruption of the flagrant kind which has been exposed. It has been only too clearly shown that certain of the men at the head of these large corporations take but small note of the ethical distinction between honesty and dishonesty; they draw the line only this side of what may be called law-honesty. the kind of honesty necesgary in order to avoid falling into the clutches ot the law. Of course the only complete remedy for this condition must be found in an aroused public consclence, a higher sense of ethfeal conduct in the community at large, and especlally among business men*and in the great grotesshm of the law, and in the growth of a spirit which condemns ?ll dlshonesty.hwalclh?{ lnkl‘lch man or n poor man, whether it takes thi ot Dribery or of blackmatl. o oabe But much can be done by legislation which is not Dgg drastic, but practi- cal. There is n of a far stricter and more uniform regulation of the vast insurance interests of this country. The United States should in this respect follow the policy of other nations by m-ovldln, adequate national super- vision of commercial interests which Arg‘ M.m'l);l national !l:l character. y predecessors ave ~ repeatedl, recognized that the foreign business ug these companies is an important part of our foreign commercial relations. During the administrations of Presi- dents Clgveh_nd. Harrison and McKin~ ley, the State Dagsnmant exercised its influence, through diplomatic channels. to prevent unjust discrimination by forelgn countries against American in- surance companies. These negotia- tions illustrated the propriety of the Congress recognizin he national character of insurance, for in the ab- Sence of Federal legisiation tha Stare Department could not give expression to the wishes of the authorities of the several States, whose policy was in- effective through want of uniformity. 1 re&nt my previous recommendation that the C consider ongTess should also whether the Federal Government has any power or owes any duty with respect to domestic transactions In in- f an interstate character, Tha supervision has proved in- pitganit 1o inerthy eomedied e U anies, th polloy-holdlgl :l- e::- Histing, sogulation ot man ta cting regu 1 o t unflu.{uoned. whlro but llt’l ufl:&lv‘: check is imposed uj lnr nh’c and un- scrupulous man who, desires to exploit e Co in his ?n h}uuu at the expen: roi 'fi'“ ders of the public. The inability of a State to R AT g of States and mnn:{ln th;" 3 W arger par wlf their business m‘l‘- 21.5: clear. As a remedy for this evil of con- fileting, ineffective and yet burdensome regulations there has n_for man: years a wlde-;r for Founi supervision. 'he has already recognized that intersta insurance may be a gnpu subject for Federal legislation, in creating the Bureau o commuo?- it authorized it to pub- lish and supply 1 information con- chaaing ei’r&m“' tlons ‘enaged In insue: cludin; n insur- ance.” . It oxbu that if the com- ilation of be limit of Fed power, it is_wholly inef- fective to regulate this form of com- mer int urse betwen the States, and as the & business has out- grown in I tia mub:m of tions, which = becsivg contract for Iife insur MAXIMUM AND MINIMUM SCHEDULES FOR TARIFF 2 7 Question Left to Congress and Briefly Touched Upon by President. There is more need of stabilit of the attempt to attain an ll 4 ‘;‘:,E fection in the methods of raising revenue; and the shock and strain to the business world certain to attend any serious change in these methods render such change inadvisable unless ]t:; ‘dl;)-;l: r:unr;. lt“!l- n:lt possible to ny general rule b; to dettcrmln;"the mo ARG sons for will outweigh the reasons against such a change. Much must de- pend, not mard! on the needs, but on the desires, of the people as & whole; for needs and desires are not neces- sag:y dentical. an course, no ¢ can be made on lines ‘beneficlal_to or desired by, one section or one State only. There must be something like a general agreement among the citizens of the several States, as represented in the Congre: that the change is needed and desir in the interest of the people as a whol and there should then be a sincere, in- telligent and disinterested to make it in such shape as will combin so far as possible, the maximum o good to the people at large with the minimum of neceua.ry) d{lrc:!ard for the special interests of localities or classes. y But in time of peace the revenue must on the average, taking a series of years together, equal the ndi- tures or else the revenues must be in- creased. Last year there was a ‘deflcit. Unless our expenditures can be kept within the revenues then our revenue laws must be readjusted. It Is as yet too early to attempt to outline what shape such a readjustment should take, for it is as yet too m‘{ to say whether there will be need for it. It should be considered whether it is not desirable that the tariff laws should provide for apglylnw as agalnst or in favor of any other nation maxi- mum_and minimum tariff rates estab- lished by the Congress, 80 as to secure a certain reciprocity of treatment be- tween other nations and ourselves. Having in view even larger considefa- tions of policy than those of a purely economic nature, it would, in m; {‘uds- ment, be well to endeavor, to bring about closer commercial - connections with the other peoples of this contin- to be“;blc to an- ent. I am hap nounce to you that us.on the most-fa RIGID ECONOMY URGED. Unneecessary Offices Under Govermment i Should be Abolished. I earnestly recommend to the Con- gress the need of economy and to this end of a rigid scrutiny of appropria- tions. As examples merely I call Yo, attention to one or two specific - ters. All unnecessary offices should be abolished. The Commissioner of the General d Office recommends the| the abolishment of the office of re- celver of public moneys for United States land offices. This will effect a saving of about a quarter of a million dollars a year. As the business of the nation grows it it inevitable that there should he from time to time a legiti- mate increase in the number of offi- cials, and this fact renders it all the more important that when offites be- come unnecessary they should be abol- ished. In the public printing, also, a large saving of public money can be made. There 18 a constantly growing ten- dency ‘to publish masses of unimport- ant information. It is probably not un- fair to say that msnr tens of thousands of volumes are published at which ne human being ever looks and for which there is no real demand whatever. Yet, in speaking of ecomomy, I must in no wise be understood as adyocat- ing the false economy, which is in the end the worst extra nce. To cut down on the navy, for-Instance, would be a crime against the nation. To fail to push forward all work on the Pan- ama Canal would be as great a folly. ELASTICITY DESIRED IN CURRENCY SYSTEM Provision Shouwld Be Made for Larger Volume of Money When Needed. In my message of December 2, 1902, to the Congress I sald: “Interest rates are a potént factor in business nctivity, and in order that thgse rates may be jualized to meet the varylng, needs of the seasons an of widely séparated communities, an to prevent the recurrence of flnanci: nrlnrcncle- ®which injuriously affect legitimate business, It 13 necessary that there should be an element of elasticity in our monetary system. Banks are the natural servants of com- merce, and upon them should be place as far as practicable. the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circu- lation afleciuua to supply the needs of our diversified industries and our domestic and foreign commerce;: and the issue of this should be so regulated that a sufiicient su{gly should be al- ways available for the business inter- ests of the country.” Every consideration of prudence de- mands the additlon of the element of elasticity to our currency syste The evil does not consist in th i ua volume of money, bgt in the ri .Ml':x of this volume, which does not respond as it should to the vary! needs of com- munities and of seasons. Inflation must ge a.voldedl’;l :’“tu'lo?. vrovlull.on .ho'\ad e made that will insure a larger vol- ume of money during the fall and win- ter months than in the less active sea- sons the year; so that the currency will contract lation, and :lll explmktu e N te | ests of the American ygbllo—"to try to | avert financial crises et UP-TO-DATE METHODS IN THE DEPARTMENTS Business Ways Being: Introduced in the Bureaus of the ent when the rea- | detail: UBJECT TO WI inquiries have yet pi essed far enough to warrant final conclusions, they have already confirmed and em- phasized the general impression that the organization of the departments is often faulty In principle and wasteful in results, while many of their business ethods are anti and inefficient. here i8 every reason why our execu- tive governmental machinery should be at least as well planned, economical and efficient as the best machinery of the great business organizations, which at present is net the case. To make it 80 is a task of complex detail and es- sentially executive in its nature; prob- ably no legislative body, no matter how wise and able, could undertake it with reasonable prospect of success. I recommend that the Corgress con- sider this subject with a view to pro- vide by legislation for the transfer, dis. tribution, consolidation and assignment of duties and executive organizations or parts of organizations, and for the _changes in business methods, within or between the several departments, that will best promote the economy, effi- clency and high character of the Gov- ernment work. FULL PUBLICITY URGED AS TO CAMPAIGN FUNDS Contributions by Corpopations Should Be Expressly For- bidden by Law. In my last annual message I sald: “The power of the Government to rotect the integrity of the elections of ts own officials {8 inherent and has been recognized and afirmed by repeat- ed declarations of the Supreme Court. There 18 no enemy of free government more dangerous and none so insidious as the corruption of the electorate. No one defends or excuses corruption, and 1t would seem to follow that none would oppose vigorous measures to eradicate it. I recommend the enactment of a law directed agalnst bribery and corruption in Federal elections. The etajls of such a law may be safely left to the wise discretion of the Congress, but it should go as far as under the constitution it is possible.to B9, and should include severe penalties against him who gives or receives a bribe intended to influence his act or opinion as an elector; and -provisions for the publication not only of the ex. penditures for nominations and elec- tlons of all candidates, but also of all contributions received and expenditures made by political committees,” I desire to repeat this recommenda- tion. In political campaigns in a coun- try as large and populous as ours it Is inevitable that there should be much expense of an entirely legitimate kind. This, of course, means that many con- tributions, and some of them of large size, must be made, and, as a matter of fact, in any big pelitical contest such contribittions are always made to both sides. It is entirely proper both to give and receive m, unless there is an Im- proper motive connected with either gIft or reception. If they are extorted h{ea-ny kind of pressure or promise, ex- press or implied, direct or indirect, in the way of favor or immunity, then the glving or receiving becomes not only improper but criminal. It will undoubtedly be difficult as a matter of practical detail to shape an act which shall guard with reasonable certainty against such misconduct; but it it is possible to secure by law the full and veritied publication in detail of all the sums contributed to and expend- ed by the candidates or committees of any political parties the result cannot but be wholesome. AIll contributions by corporations to any political com- mittee or for any political urpose should be forbidden by law; directors should not be permitted to use stock- holders' money for such purposes; and, moreover, a prohibition of kind would be, as far as it went, an effective method of stopping the evils aimed at in corrupt practices acts. Not only should both the national and the several State Legislatures forbid any officer of a corporation from using the money of the corporation in o1 about any election, but they should also forbid such use of money in con- nection with any legislation save by the employment of counsel in public manner for distinctly legal mervices. TENDENCIES OF NATION STRONGLY FOR PEACE Lasting Benefits Expected From the Second Conference at The Hague. The first Conference of Nations held at The Hague in 1899, being unable to dispose of all the business before it, recommended the consideration and set- tlement of a number of important ques- tions by another conference to be called subsequently and at an early date. These questions were the following: (1) The rights and duties of neutrals; (2) the limjtation of the armed forces on land and sea, and of military bud- ets; (3) the use of new types and cali- ers of military and naval guns; (4) the inviolability of private property at sea in times of war; (5) the bombard- ment of ports, cities and villages by naval forces. In October, 1904, at the instance of the Interparliamentary Union, which, at a conference held in the United States and attended by the lawmakers of fifteen different nations, had reite- rated the demand for a second Confer- ence of Nations, I issued invitations to all the powers signatory to The Hague Convention to send delegates to such a conference and suggested that it be again held at The Hague. In its note of December 18, 1904, the Un! States Government communicated to the rep- resentatives of foreign Governments its belief that the conference could be best arranged under the provisions of the present HA{ue treaty. 2 From all the powers acceptance was received, coupled in some cases with the condition that we should wait until the end of the war then waging between Russia and Japan. The Emperor of Russia, immediately after the treaty of peace which so happily terminated this war, in a note presented to the President on Semtember 13, throu%h Embassador Rosen, took the initiative “in recom- mending _that the conference be now The United States Government in response expressed its cordial acqui- escence and stated that it would, as a matter of course, take part in the new conference and endeavor to further its aims, We assume that all. civilized Governments will support the move- ment, and that the conference is now an _sassured fact. This Government will do everything in its Q) power to se- of the conference to ggaow;ltlce Ofl4_5°_°f DANGER IN DISARMING. Armies and Navies of World Offer This renders it proper at this time to say something as to u: general atti- tude of this 'ward peace. More and more war is coming to be looked upon as in itself a lamentable and evil thing. A wanton or , or & war of mere aggressi n short, any war begun or carried on a conscien _8pirit, is to be con- ned as a peculiarly *mlcu Sainst all humanity. We . can: ever, do nothing of permanent value f B g e PN R the problem. Our u'.g the i § great and upright peopl for a moment hestitate to follow 0:: gu.h which leads toward righteousness, ven that path also leads to here see persons who "o Tise analogy, hink to be ready to defend their rights. These persons would do irreparable harm to any nation that adopted their principles, and even as it is they se- riously hamper the cause which thg advocate by tending to render it absu in the "e{::.ot sensible and patriotic men, can be no worse foe of mankind in general, and of his own country In particular, than the dema- ogue of war, the man who in mere olly or to serve his own selfish ends continually rails at and abuses other nations, who seeks to excite his coun- trymen against foreigners on insufii- clent pretexts, who incites and inflames perverse and aggressive tional van- ity, and who may on occasions wanton- ly bring on conflict between his nation and some other nation. But there are demagogues of peace just as there are demagogues of war, and in any such movement this for The Hague con- ference it {8 essential not to be misled by one set of extremists any more than by_the other. Whenever it 1s possible for a nation or an individual to work for real peace, assuredly it is failure of duty not so to strive; but If war is necessary ana righteous then either the man or the nation shrinking from it forfeits all title to self-respect. We have scant sympathy with the sentimentalist who dreads oppreesion less than physical suffering, who would prefer a shame- ful peace to the pain and toil Some- times lamentably necessary in order to secure a righteous peace. As yet there is only a partial and im- erfect analogy between international aw and internal or municipal law, De- cause there is no sanction of force for executing the former while there is in the case of the latter. The private citi- zen Is protected in his rights by tho law, béecause the Jaw rests in the last resort upon force exercised through the forms o w. A man does not have to defend s rights with his own hand, because he cam call upom the police, upon the Sherift's posse, upon the militia, or in certaln extreme case: upon the army, to defend him. But there is no such sanction of force for international law. At present there could be no greater calamity than for the free people, the enlightened, independent and peace- loving peoples, to disarm while yet leaving it open to any barbarism or despotism to remain armed. Sa long as the world is as unorganized as now, the armies and navies of those peotfles who on the whole stand for Jjustice, offer not only the best, but the or!ly possible security for a just peace. For instance, if the United States alone, or in company only with the other nations that cn the whole tend to act justly, disarmed, we might sometimes aveld bloodshed, but we would cease to be of weight in lecurln" the peace of jus- tice—the real peace for which the most law-abiding and high-minded men must at times be willing to fight. As the world is now, only that natlon is equip- ped for peace that knows hew to, fight and that will not shrink from fighting if ever the conditions become such that war is demanded in the name of the highest morality. ASSEMBLY OF NATIONS. Rule Will in Time Define Course of Powers. So mueh it is emphatically necessary to say in order both that the position of the United States may not be mis- understood, and that a genuine effort to bring nearer the day of the peace of justice among the nations may not be ampered by a folly which, in striving to achieve the Impossible, would render it hopeless to attempt the achlevement of the practical. But while recogniz- ing most clearly all above set forth, It remains our clear duty to strive in every practicablé way to bring nearer the time when the sword shall not be the arbiter among nations. At present the vfi‘&cu ‘thing to do is to try to minimize the number of cases in which it must be the arbiter, and to offer, at least to all civilized powers, some substitute for war will be available in at least a consider- able number of instances. Very much can be done through another e conference in this direction, and I most earnestly urge that this nation do all in its power. to try to further the move- ment and to make the resuit of the e cisions of The Hague conference effec- tive. rnestly hope that the conference mt{yubo ley to devise some way to make arbitration between nations the customary way of settln; internationai disputes in all save a few classes of cases, which should themselves be as sharply ,defined and rigidly limited as the present governmental and social development of the world will permit. possible, there should be a gene ghurafion treaty negotiated among all the nations represented at the confer- ence. Neytral rights and property should be protected at sea as they are protected on land. There should be an international agreement te this pur- pose and a l:mllar agreement defining and of war. cof)gr‘i: the last century there has been u distinct dimfhution in the finn;é ber of wars between the most clv! nations. _International relations hlv; become closer, and the development o i it only a symp- e Hiend bt al s ST Golden tom of this , but is a means by which the Lo o be furthered. r aim gowt should be from such steps as may b creating somethin; tion of civilized na the es more highly organized K&“fi."“‘}%‘: 'mwh- and armies will diminish. ot possible to secure anything llk‘: gx-nnimnl:gdla(e disarmament, be- cause it would first be necessary to gettle what peoples are on the whole 2 menace to the rest of mankind, and fo provide against the disarmament of the rest being ufmsd inte a movement which would really chiefl benefit these obnoxious peoples; but it may be pos- sible to exercise some check upon the tendency to swell indefinitely the bud- gets for military expenditure. Of course, an effort could succeed cmlyhl and much; spirit of sanity as far removed as pos- t?hll nl\‘arl: ; merely hysterical pseudo- phll:"f-t orth’ while. pointing out that since the end of the insurrection "in the Philippines this nation has shown its practical faith in the policy of dis- armament by reducing its Iittle army one-third. But disarmament can never be of prime importance; there is more need to !n rid of the causes of war than of the implements of war. 1 have t much on th be avoided by steering clear of any mere foolish sentimentality. boeuu: my wish for peace is so genuine an earnest; because have a real and great desire that- this secon H-ru. conference may mark a long stride for- ward in.the direction of ng t! ace of justice 'h'o,,fm"‘" the world. [0 Ob; is better hy the attention of en! tened statesmanship tl t of a surer me t! now exists of securing justice as be- tween nations, both for the protection ' of the little ubetm and for the pre- are others | vention of war Ween the big natio To this atm we shoul avor mot Rule should in moral id_endeavor not ly to avert ;:odlhod. it. above all. on! abowv 1 ofl;th:y to mflmb&o torces of be. Tty 1t will ber ‘he the wfilldn = 2 Honses Smone Idividuals: thoush the Gol Rule must not be construed, in Wo? ‘g:nm. as forbidding the ex- as jealously as It safeguards its b, Tilc shoula ever deat wit e e e ot 2 g : MONROE DOCTRINE WILL JBE RIGIDLY ENFORCED Its Changing Obligations Must Be Met by the United ‘7 States. One of the most effective instruments s b, Meness Dot et by and_ accepted B3 S - LL —p ing to each nation thereon the chance to develop along iws own lines. If we had refused to apply the doctrine to chm,tn: conditions, it weuld now be completely outwern, wouid not any of the needs of the gre-ent dl{. and, indeed, would probably by this time have sunk into complete oblivion. It Is useful at home and is meeéting with rgcognition abroad, because Wwe hav.' :ha u‘t:d c;ur apsllc:tlou of It to mee! owing and changing needs of the hemisphere. s ‘When we announce a policy, such as the Monroe Doctrine, wa thereby com- mit ourselves to the consequences of policy, and these consequences from time to time alter. It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility for its exeveise. Not only we, but all American republics who are benefited by the existence of the doetrine, must recognize the ab= ligations each nation Is under as re- ards forelgn peoples no less than its uty to insist upon its own rights. That our rights and Interests aro deeply concerned in the maintenance of the doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument. This is especially true in view eof the construetion of the Panama Canal. As a mere matter of self defense, we must exercise a close watch over the approaches to this canal; and this means that we must ba thoroughly alive to our Interests in the Caribhean Sea. There are certain essential pointsg_ which must_never be forgotten as n:» ards the Momroe Docti In the rst place we must as a nation make it evident that we do not intend to treat it In any shape or way as an ex- cuse for agsrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics of the south. We must recognize the fact that in some South American eo:nptries there has been much suspicion lest we should Interpret the Monroe Doctrina as in some way inimical to thelr in- terests, and we must try to comvinee all the other nations of this continent once and for all that no just and or- derly Government has anything to fear from us. There are certain republics to the south of us which have already reached such a point of stability, order and prosperity that they themselves, though as yet hardly comsciously, are among the guarantors of this doctrine. These republics we now meet not only on a basis of entire equality, but in a spirit of frank and respectful friend- SE[D, which we hope is mutual. If afnl of the republics to- the south of ws will only grow as those to which I allude have already grown, all need for us to be the especial champlons of the doc- tring will disappear, for no stable and growing American republic wishes to see some great non-American military gower acquire territory in its neigh- orhood. All that this country de- sires is that the other republics on this continent shall be happy and pros- perous; and they cannot be happy and prosperous unless they maintain order within their boundaries and behava with a just regard for their obligations toward outsiders. It must be understood that under no circumstances will the United States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial aggression. We desire peace with all the world, but perhaps most of all with the other peoples of the Ameri- can Continent. ere are, of course, limits to the wrongs which any self- respecting natlon can endure. It is al- ways possible that wrong actions to- ward this nation, or toward citizens of thls nation, In some state unable to keep order among its own people, able to secure justice from outside: and unwilling fto do justice to those outsiders who treat it well, may result in our having to take action to protect our rights: but such action will not be taken with a view to territorfal ag- gression, and it will be taken at all only with extreme reluctance and when it has become evident that every other resource has been exhausted. COLLECTION OF DEBTS. Country ‘Must Act as Agest for the Foreign Nations. Moreover, we must make it evident that we do not intemd to permit the Monroe Doctrine to be used by any nation on this continént as a shield to protect it from the comsequences of its own misdeeds against foreign natlons. If a republic to the south of us com- mits a tort against a foreign nation. such as an outrage against a citizen of that nation, then the Monroe Deoe- trine does not force us td interfere to to prevent punishment of the tort, save to see that the punishment does not assume the form of territorfal occu- pation in any shape. The case is more difficult when it refers to a contractual obligation. Our own Government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It 18 much to be wished that all foreign Governments would take the same view. But they do ; and in consequence we are llable at any time to be brought face to with dls-roubh alternatives. On the hand, this country would cer cline to go to war to prevent a f Government from collecting a Just debt; on the other hand, it is very in- advisable to permit any foreign’ power to take possession, even temporarily, of the eustom-houses of an American republic in order to enforce the pay- ment of its obligations; for such tem- porary occupatien might turn into a permanent occupation. The only escape from these alterna- tives may at any time be that we must ourselyes undertake to bring about some ngement by which so much as possible of a just obligation shall be pald. It is far better that this country should put through such an arrangement, rather than allow any foreign country to undertake it. To deo 30 i:unn{ the d"{-:::ln.‘ republic from ving to pay del of an imgroper character under duress, while J:. insures honest creditors of the ublie from being passed by in the interest of dishonest or gr: ing ereditors. Moreover, for the United States to take such & position offers the only some foreign power. is, therefore, in the interest peace as well the interest of It is of bereflt to our ple; it is of bane- fit to foreign peop! and most of all it is really of benefit to the people of the country concerned. SANTO DOMINGO PLACED UPON A STABLE BASIS Islawd Republic Thrives While . Customs Are in Control of e Americans. s brings me to what should be on-:hs‘tt the ‘undam-nt&l objects of the Monroe Doectrine. Wé must ourselves in, good falth try to help upward to- 'd peace and order those of our sis- tef republic which need such help. a8 there has been a gradual wth of the ethical element in the relations of pne individual to another, SO we are, even though slowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty of bear- ing one anothers burdens. not only as among individuals, but also as among ns. ué:uo Domingo, in her turn, has now made an appeal to us to help her. aad not only every prineiple of wisdom, Put every gemerous instinet within us bids us respond to tite appeal. It is not of t slightest consequence whether we grant the aid n by Santo Domingo as .'- incident to_the wise development the M - or T we regard ve for & number of years warse, untll a year Society was on the