The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, March 2, 1902, Page 11

THE “UNDAY CALL. THE QUR=STION, “RescTved, Tha: Labor Unicms RAre Deirimental to the Welfare of ke Unitec States.” "*RE NEGATIVE WON. == WICE have the stalwart debatcrs of the Lodi High School gone down to the college town of Palo Alto and wrestled with valiant L onponents for the Stanford debating cup, and twice have they .re- turned to their friends at home crowned with the laurels of success. Ons more winning and the highly prized and much-coveted cup goes to Lodi to stay. Two years ago the student body of Stanford offered a silver cup rophy to the Debating League of Northern California. About six- as & teem high schools belong to this league and any one of them would give their eye teeth, individually or collectively, to win the cup. Invor- dex to make the test absolutely fair the rule was established that the cup only go to that high school that could win it three times. Tha first tournament was won by the Humboldt Evening High School of tkis v and they took the cup to hold unti! defested. Lodi was not repre- nted in the first debate, but in the second tourfiament it was there in full force, and defeated every team that came against it The atmosphere at Lodi seems to be especially good for the de- velopment of debaters. Witness the following record: In February of last year Eva Beckman, Charles F. Lillie and Irving Vickerson da- feated the representatives of Stockton High School; in April, the Low- ell High School of San Francisco feil befcre Luther Brown, Charles . Lillie and Irving Vickerson; again in October Lodi out-debated the Oal land Evening High School, the win»ing team this time being Charles ¥. Lillie, Joe Priestly and Will T. Gelhan. This same trio triumphed in the recent debate at Stanford and for the second time took the cup back to Lodi—all to the chagrin of the Humboldt Evening High School, whose men put up a royal fight, but were outclassed by the splendid team work nd telling arguments of their opponents. Lodi can now rest easy on its laurels until next September, when the next debate will be held at Stanford. Then the young debaters must be prepared to do or die, for if they win the cup all the attendant y and honor are theirs for all time. The recent debate took place in pel at the Stanford University and was presided over by M. I TcCormick, the president of the student body. The judges were Pro- fessors Whittier (law), Newcome: (English) and Starbuck (education). The speakers from Humboldt were George Cressy, Thomas Forsythe and George Presly, and they had the affirmative side of the question “Re- splved, That lab unions are detrimental to the welfare of the United Btates.” Humboldt made a clever fight and the speakéers individually were particularly brilliant, but Lodi won the verdict easily by the clev- v manner in which each speaker had made his argument an aid to, 2 part of, the speeches of his two fellow-debaters. Not one of the ebater eeches was inteuded to be ‘complete in iteelf, but all ¢ taken together made a perfect argument upholding the labor union ot detrimental to the welfare of the United States. Below arve given the most sturiking parts from the speeches of the three Lodi debaters in the order as they appeared before their judges at § t is presented the summary of the points shown in their s a matter of fact, formed the end of the argument of the st debater, Will T. Gehan, but we have purpossly placed it in this posi- n, where it serves as an index to show the line of arguments pie- the SUMYARY CF ROINTS PRE E have wn that for labor unions We have shown from a social and political me to the welfare of standpoint V ) States, they must be de Flist—That labor uniohs are of great edu . al from wn econom soclal ocational value political atandpoint taken as a Second—That an increase in the margin of economic &ta ut we have life permits laborers to improve themselves abor w have been forced hird—That labor unlont are a great moral x the lization of capi- factor th—That labor unions are largely bene- s rdved methods bave great- Volent societica sed heapened production and Fifth—That labor uifon& are conducive to . deprived of its share of K¢ ftizenshiy ng from improved methods. Sixth—That they serve as a check to the Ihat t ision of wealth is pure- Centralization of wealth and power. and i determined by capital, In discussing what labor unions have accom- oy e plished and their methods, we have shown at legislation cannot grant re- Firet—That strikes exist in spite of unions lucted b; unions. fth—That organization and -collective bar- the only means by which labor re equal share in the wealth it nence. That labor unions permit laborers to pioyment. voice in fixing the terms of the agree- Fifth—That labor unions favor arbitration. Dth hat organized labor is mot detri- without labor belng organized. rganized labor. hat American industries will not d by granting labor & falrer share. disputes can be settled. times, as it g CHAS. F. LILLIE. it by the advent of machinery production on a large scale came a great change. In- 8 ere being fifty men in a city each employing a half- erg ag individual nufacture of shoes, the United States me to be a single a half-dozen corpora two or three dozen by a single man or corpora- recent y ee corpora- H s even have been merged into larger and more complete comb lons, com- tralized capital. * * * monly known zs trusts d to-day we i ve not only a shoe trust, but a coal 7 her® DEINE ome buyer in the market, trust, alead trust, Standard Oil trust, and eas co ner A T 10 WAl thely so on untll practically all-branches of L. erbld others before getting ction are controlled by usts, & now in the process of devel t one grand combination tion systems in t nd - trust of e United on the part of employers. Qur socle: dustrial dependence of labor. Two an economic gain result- m production on a large scale and struggling for industrial bauatity " machinery, which is largely . by labor itself, when considered still we m' dmit that the ombination of capital has con- pelied by the lowering of the condition 4 rners when coinpared with that talists. As the indiv 1 ced by ti e corporation in turn wa trusts, we find the laboring ' unions have t & ng more and more confronted tion of selling their com- a market where t ng buyers has now come 1y organized Iz eliminated altogether, gy, » the competition among schoc has been increased in conse- large a number being thrown incre, oyment by the iIntroduction ducted from the meth E the present que: but are void of the higher motiv. 1 ma por duties as well as its rights, and ha has its rights as well as its dutles. s * bor d labor? KEconomists of the I oppose the wa fund theo en the former While organized labor has checked ages. And even more. ildren entered the facto- | ¢ introduction of machinery. bel § not succeeded in doing this, this as one of the prime factors in ing to organize, ENTED BY THE WINNING SIDE Phat strikes are not so destructive t unions have gained perma- Fourth—That unions have checked the fall in wages and have shortened the hours of em- Sixth—That arbitration will be impossible eventh—That arbitration is now recog- nized by employers as a means by which labor ves time for intellectual progress. * * ¢ But the fact remains that these improved methods, resulting in the centralization of capital, are re- sponsible for the existence of labor un- ions. In further proof of this let me cite the case of farm laborers. We have nev- er heard of an effort on the part of farm laborers to organize. It is because the la- borers, as individuals, can deal with farm- But let all the land jn come to be operated by lons and we wou.d find this solid phalanx met by a like com- bination on the part of farm laborers. tory proves that labor does not orga- nize till it finds itself confronted with cen- employment. That constitutes free com. petition among wage-earners and unity is based upon equality. That would be in- or three centuries ago the laboring classes won thelr political equality. Now they are But the one thing that is going 10 make stion hard to solve is this: Corporations by thelr very nature are im. the ingenious contrivances of the human mind for their financial gain, of hu- manity, sympathy and charity, and thus they have been long In recognizing the s ab- justice of the claim of labor. But labor ught capital that it has its s forced capital to recognize the fact that labor 1 detriment to unor- 4 y and it 1s not reasonable to suppose that the e given to organized labor is de- wages of unorganized. o the many of them come to general fall in wages due to free competi- tion among laborers, unorganized labor 50 some eved that organized labor was get derstand me as being ting more than Its share. But 'abor, by to the roduction of machinery organizing, has succeeded In getting making the claim t it is an e nearer its share and unorganized labor wrong. On the contrary, I reco has merely fa to get its share by fail- wonderful development in recent Another claim against labor unlons is that they are detrimental to unorganized labor by being exclusive. But of the dozen or more constitutions of unions which we have examined not a single one holds to the principle of restricting mem- bership. * * * They all require ef- ficlency as a protection to themselyes. Have npt the doctors, dentists, lawyers and teachers procured legislation re- stricting membership In their respective professions to those who can pass cel tain tests? So with labor unions, * * * Next, are the wage-carners of America justified in demanding a larger share of the wealth produced by them? Carroll D. Wright states that by machinery pro- duction is 80 cheap and can be done on such a large scale that the manu- facturers' profits are more than ten times as great as they were one hundred and fifty years ago. And this statement is borne out by facts. The Assoclated Press dispatches last week stated that the steel trust has made over $50,000,000 in the first nine months of Its existence. It is not necessary to cite statistics to prove that the manufag¢turers are growing rich at an alarming pace. Now, why have not wages advanced too? I have stated before that the employers can fix wages, when dealing with indi- viduals, and this, too, Is important. Wages came to be largely fixed by custom An? thus employers find it easy to keep them down. The present division of wealth is purely abritrary and not economic. employers keep from labor as much as laborers will stand and Walker says that unless labor pursues its interests it will lose its interests. authorities and statistics to prove that the margin of profit for capital In the United States is far too wide to permit that mands of labor unions for higher wages will drive it out of the country, and also to show that capital is amassing weaith out of all proportion to its economic im- they think the I have cited the moderate de- The economic welfare of a nation does not depend upon the upbuilding of a few large fortunes, but thé equitable distri- We cannot_legislate and capital, bution of wealth, equilibrium between and how can capital be made to loosen its tight grasp on the share of wealth that, according to the economic distribution of wealth, belongs to labor? this be done other than meeting organized capital with organized labor? In union there is[strength. bargaining on the part of caplital and free competition laborers will result in what Watlker calls the “degradation of labor." But when a committee representing sev- cral thousand employes confers with cap- ital, capital listens. I ask how can Without unions la- borers have no volce in fixing the terms of their employment. With unions both parties to the contract meet and agree unon terms, This is opening up a new era in industrial history. It means the In- dustrial emancipation of the laboring man. It means a higher degree of efii- clency of laboring men. Walker shows conclusively by statistics that the high- est pald labor is the most efficlent. Doea that mean that higher wages restrict pro- duction? If the economic welfare of the United States {s dependent upon the amassing of large fortunes by few, then the tendency of labor unions will be detrimental. But if the economic welfare means a more equitable distribution of the wealth of the nation, then we hold that labor unioas are not detrimental to the economic wel- fare of the United States. JOE PRIESTLEY. s Scr T IS my purpose to show how the laboring classes will be benefited by shorter hours and increased wages and to discuss the subject of labor unions as affecting the weifare of the United States from the social and political stand- points. * * * We will prove that unions are not only not detrimental to the educa- tion of the laboring classes, but that edu- cation and time and money for self-im- provement and the education of their chil- dren constitute the chief motives of the members of unions in making their just demands for a larger share of the product of their labor and shorter hours. * * * Ely says that the chief justification of unions les in their educational value. The mere association has its educational value of which the unorganized labor to- day is deprived. * * * Opponents of or- ganized labor claim that only the leaders do the thinking and the others follow blindly. If it were thle object of the lead- ers to keep the masses in ignorance they would not be so instrumental in furnish- ing literature to the individual members of the unions. This consists of reports of conventions, proposed legislation, ad- dresses, articles on economic and social topics and union organs. Some will claim that this literature is of an inflammatory nature and calculated only to work mis- chief. But those who make this claim have been prevented by their prejudice from examining it. We have examined a large amount of their literature, and find it to be of a very high order. Most of it is in marked contrast to the slurs cast upon the effortsof laborers by some pub- lic speakers or some newspapers.. * * ¢ It wili probably be claimed that whatever their principles might be, they are not lived up to, This'is true to some extent. But there are just as honorable men in labor unions as there are in the order of Freemasonry or in the order of Odd Fel- lows, and the same charge might be made against these, or against churches, or any organization. Are these evils on that ac- count? Now what I have been stating pertains to the educational value of unions by con- tact with the unions. But let us now con- sider something that is of far greater im- portance, the possibilities for individual self-advancement on account of reason- able wages and reasonable hours. It the employment of labor-saving de- vices means anything to our civilization it means that it ought-to give more time to men for their own Improvement. If they do not do this, then they come to be only méans by which large fortunes are bullt up. Labor unions recognize this and ure accordingly making just able demands for shorter hour creased wages. *_* * In our where our unfons are, and wh tual advancement Is 1 libraries and night v of San Franeisco's f eve Ing and you wilt see a large number men who/re wage-earners. If they had been ‘working fourteen hours street rallway employes It s were untll the unions redv 1 n hours, how many would y ) find there? Apd if their w sufficicnt for them to wear f clothes t we not wan ) go out these pls 2 05 w man ) men care to' attend these nig schools if they had to spend fo houts in commerclal houses, as they compelled to do before the union of retail clerks forced early closing How much more will these op; inities be ed when labor wins its great fight for an eight-hour workday? But this is not all. How dé labor u assist in the education of the children laboring me Here they are buildin, the future better than mc w In the early days of the facto em, before labor was organized, chil- dren were employed in factorles In large numbers. They were taking th the men and were put into factorles by parents because, under the free compet tion system among laborers, it was hurd for the head of the family to support the tamily We accredit to the patriotic, liberty= loving people of our nation the emanci pation of the slave, but we must render unto the Amerjcan Federation of Labor the honor of the emancipation of the peor ehildren of our nation from the soul and body destroying effects of the overcrowd ed workshop, The great labor convention of 1888 held In Pittsburg demanded the prohibitton of the employment in fact ries of children under 14 $oars of a and favored obligatory education, The Legislatures of most States have acceded to these demands sinco that year ho chlldren were taken out of the factories and sent to school, * * * That the In tellectual condition of labor during cthe next generation in consequente of this legislation will exceed that of to-day can be easily seen 1 claim that this alone is going to a more permanuence to our welfare than the largest trust in America to-day. Ane other phase of unionism that s of great benefit is the moral influence of unions. * * * Opponents of unions that union men, when they get higher wages and shorter hours, spend the money and the time gained in saloons. I admit that some laborers do this as well as some doctors and merchants, But the whole tendency of unions Is against this, * '* * Stiil another good feature of labor unfons is that they are benevolent socleties largely. They do the same kind of work that is done by the Odd Fellow the Knights of Pythias and other Wenev- olent organization: The members pay a certain sum weekly and are entitled to receive money when sick or disabled or out of work. They also allow death ben- efits. This feature of the work of the la- bor unions is certainly one of great value. Such benefit funds can be more wisely and’ safely administered by the workmen of a single trade, who are close- ly associated and well acquainted, than by persons less firmly allied in their in- terests. * * * The claim 1s made that unions are usurping the powers of gov- ernment, that they constitute an impe- rium in imperio. But this is true of any organization to some extent. I claim that labor is, do- ing -a good thing in bringing about an understanding between labor and capital. It is more than legislation is able to do and there is danger ahead for our nation if an understanding is not reached. Labor is doing more by organizing—it is check- ing the centralization of financial and po- litical power in the hands of a few. Burke says that government is a matter of ex- pediency; ‘that is, it is practical. And our Government has nothing to fear from unions if they succeed in adjusting this great question, as they are on the eve of doing. But the great positive benefit of our Government comes from the intel- lectual and moral elevation of several million laboring men, the bulwark of the nation. A Government is benefited more by having education diffused throughout the body politic than by having these cen- tralized. We are a democracy, not an aristocracy. * * * If the sole object of our ,people were to produce the greatest amount of wealth possible, and if the supply of labor were unlimited, it would not make so much difference about the condition of the laboring man. But as it is, we consider him something more than a machine with an economic funection only. This being the case, and the in- dustrial conditions being as they are, how else can labor rise except by organiza- tion for their mutual benefit and for the purpose ‘of checking the grasping ten- dencies of capital? * * * One of the best features about this whole movement, the feature that augurs best for the future, and the one that stamps it as bejng de- cidedly Anglo-8axon, is the fact that the whole movement was initlated by the la~ borers themselves. It has been developed by them alone—with some mistakes, I ad- mit—even in the face of obstacles. ey have recelved no help, they expect none. It is a great movement springing from the desire on the part of our laboring mit the mands « 1t Hartford L systel A strike, me! b soclalist, elief and lab \an merely P tition for in the distrib tion of w ole movement w fall thr If capital is not made to fe that there is a pc there. apital will not he N no attention to t s beca lend an ear on power that can force it We are taking the broad view In wu nted with holding organized la for the good th it is doing &nd is capable of dotng in # tuture History can point to no more horeibi mare of violence than the Frene Revolutic but there s sunshine Francg, te ter in day, and it s br peasafit’d hut than in the days of Lo X1V If such a terrible thing as the Fren Revolution can find its justification what it accomplished for Europe, cann this movement in our cow to-da; which s characteriged on the whole B conservatism and & high sense of justl and reason, but with some inctdental df Aagreeable feat I ask, cannot thi great labor movement find its justifie tion also? It is an important fact that when ¢ tal was slowly organizing we find lal slowly organizing, and later, when cap| tal was rapidly organizing, we find gre activity among the labor unions, Al at the present time, when capital Is by coming almost a unit in America, we fis labor unions swiftly merging into o great federation Another importan the rapid cha to labor union In America labor unions were at fi too insignificant for notice and were f tally ignored by the pr became ncticed and were re mies of social progress, opinion was that. they pressed. All of this is now changed; m only are they recognized as justifiabl but as necessary. * * * In the year a convention of political economists wi held at Saratoga, and they expre their views that unions were not defi mental. Of the great writers of the pi century om political economy Marsh: John Stuart Mill, Jevon, Walker, Cairn and Ely consider unions benefie although they do not agree with eve thing the unions do. * * * Now, let see what labor unions have done fi wages and for hours of employment, have gone over the two volumes of tI report of the Commissioners of Label compiled by Carroll D. Wright, and ha found this to be the case—that there h: been a general tendency on the part of wages to decline since 1870; 1380 marks ¢! lowest point for skilled labor. has been, generally speaking, increase since that year. But of unorganized labor have decre the present day. * * * Now, why is that the gradual fall of wages has b arrested between the years 1580 and 18907 It is beca of the merging of uniol into the organization known as the Ame: ican Federation of Labor. In this th obtain better organization, more unifor ity, greater strength and a more co ative use of this great streng * * * I claim that unless labor unio had, checked the fall of wages it woul haveé meant that over one miilion of way eargers would have had to lower thy staddard of living. This they could not without being degraded. Labor has always been for arbitratiof In the great convention held by the Ni tional Federation of Labor at Scrantel December last, the principle of arbit tion was voiced by the whole conventiol I do not believe that there is a sim person in this hall, not excepting our of ponents, who does not believe that al tration should settle disputes between k bor and capital. But I would like to a our opponents; yes, I ask you all, how there to be arbitration evem if labor not organized? Is every laboring man to arbitrate is labor, acting as a unit, to confer wi capital as a unit, that is, by represent tion? You see the very solution of f whole matter I8 impossible without ) being organized. Immediately after the conventiom Scranton the American Civic Federaf met.at New York. At this meeting the greatest employ: of labor in the country, the countm greatest labor leaders and a number representative men who were neutral in one grand c n to devise mea to settle this g The committ of twelve men repr are to settle all disputes arbitratl which may ‘arise in the future. All of ¢ was brought about by organize A few years ago “nothing to capital's deflant answer s my colleague has sal forced capital to recognize t labor its rights as well as its duties and capital has its duties as well as rights. thing to consider ntiment in rega ge of