The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, July 30, 1900, Page 6

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, MONDAY, JULY 30, 1900 The - ..JULY 30, 10900 JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Proprietor. Address All Communicalons to W. S. LEAKE, Manager. AGER'S OFFICE. . ...Teleph neil’:efl 204 m;fio}nu{ Market a Third, 8. F. 20 Telephone Fres EDITORIAL ROOMS. 217 to 221 Stev Telephone Press 202. Delvered by Carriers, 15 Cents Per Week. Single Copies, 5 Cents. Terms by Mail, Including Postage: AZLY CALL (including Sunday). $8.00 AILY (nciuding Sunday), 2.00 Y CALL (ncluding Sunday), 3 months. 160 AILY CALL—By Bingle Month 850 Y CALL Ope Year. 150 Y CALL One Year. 100 All pestmasters are authorized to receive subscriptions. Sample coples will Le forwarded when requested. Mall gubscribers in ordering change of address should be particuler to give poth NEW AND OLD ADDRESS in order %o insure & prompt and correct compliance with their request. ©AKLAND OFFICE ..1118 Breadwa) C GEORGE KROGNESS, Manager Foreign Advertizing, Marquette Building, Chieago. (ong Distance Telephode “‘Central 2619.”) XEW YORK CORRESPONDENT: € C. CARLTON. .. verenese. Heraid Square NEW YORK REPRESENTATIVE: ETEPHEN B. SMITH CHICAGO NEWS STANDS: Sberman House; P. O. News Co.; Great Northern Hotel: Premont Hcuse; Auditorium Hotel. NEW YORK NEWS STANDS: Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, A. Brentanc, 31 Uniom Square; Morray Efl Hotel WASHINGTON (D. C.) OFFI = .Wellington Hote. MORTON E, CRANE, Correspondant. RN AN OPFICES 227 Montgomery. eorper of Clax ©nti] 930 o'clock. 300 Hayes, open until 9:39 o'clock. 633 n untll $:39 o'clock. €15 Larkin, open until % o clock 1 Missicn, oper until 10 c'clock. 1201 Market corper Sixteesih, cpen until § o'clock. 105 Valencia. open until § o'clock. 106 Eleventh, open until § o'clock. NW cor- ber Twenty-seccné and Kentucky, open untll § o clock. AMUSEMENTS. e Great Ruby.” 1 Sea Waves. AUCTION BALES. ROSPECTS for trade are be Coast, and alar] Cal ed States P the Orien State out wond are being call n for all sorts of supy horses, oat dried and canned .30 Tribune Building MEET THE ISSUE FIRMLY. Y the decision of the Supreme Court declar- B ing the Stratton primary law to be unconstitu- tional a difficult situation has been presented | to the better elements of the Republican party in the fight against the Mint saloon bosses and the corrupt | gangs of voters that are under their control. It will, | of course, be the duty of the County Committee to provide for holding primary elections as fairly as pos- sible under the conditions that now prevail; and there is no reason to doubt that it will act energetically. Everything, however, must not be Jleit to the com- The situation is one that calls for increased e and activity on the part of all loyal Repub- ns. The issue raised by the decision of the court { must be met figmly. The fight for honest politics within the Republican party must be carried on with greater ardor than ever. mittee. vigilanc: |1 when every youth and every maiden has a patent larynx so constructed that by touching a button or turning a crank in the throat he or she can produce a sustained tone, soprano, tenor or bass, at pleasure. The nights will be filled with music and the street cars that infest the day will silence their bells from jangling and slently slide away. ——— MONEY FOR 1HE JUBILEE. /\/\ ONEY for the grand celebration of Admis- sion day promises to be promptly and abundantly forthcoming. At any rate a good start has been made. The work of canvassing the city for contributions has been hardly more than begun, and already a notable sum has been assured. The response has been cordial and liberal, and there is, therefore, a substantial basis for the expectation that the full amount of the sum desired for the enter- prise will be subscribed in a comparatively short Clean politics will in this contest mean in San Francisco a clean sweep for the Republican ticket. of the Republican administra- | | The bri i national affairs, coupled with the disasters ed by Bryanism, naturall inde- | pendent citizen to ally himself with the Republicans tion th incline every in the campaign: and in this city that tendency will | be increased in strength by the popular disgust at the fiascos of Phelan’s mismanagement of Thus ve or would-be bosses from its councils men to carry the ci It 1s a clear case where honesty w ®nd where compromise w i y will be 2 political blund he worst kit W as the fig | def n that the e improve- i the prospects now ries of mer exhibitions, a r improvement this year. is a wide fi growth and development e Fair. No other State in the Union, not the imperial commonwealth of New York, ieve so much through an institution of the | , for no other State has such rich resources, such d agricultural interests and such possibilities for | - of industries along all lines of civilized ac- | diver ity. Moreover, no other State has so much to time. There are many reasons why the business men of the city should heartily co-operate with the Native Sons in making a complete success of every feature of the programme prepared for the celebration. In the first place the occasion is one that merits com- memoration on a grand scale in order that its signi- ficance may be impressed not only upon the public of this coast, but upon the people of the East. We are to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of California’s ad- mission as a State in the Union, and the event will | naturally bring about a consideration of what has‘ omplished by Californians in that half cen- | The story will be one of progress unparalleled sistory, We have made a development from a | toral condition of society to that of a highly or- d community, with a wide diversity of indus- | ies and interests, more rapidly and more prosper- The history of the State been a ously than any other people. is brief, but it is one of which we can be justly proud. } and to which we can, with credit to ourselves, chal- lenge the attention of all on the anniversary of the | thilee year of our statehood. In addition to the patriotic impulses which prompt | the celebration of the day there are material advant- | ages to be expected from a grand demonstration, which will not be overlooked by men who have an | intelligent comprehension of their own interests. At fords capital for almost every well-devised enter- it is important that the attention of progressive iness men of all parts of the Union be called to the ch resources that await development here and the ant opporturities for the profitable investment apital. The celebration, carried out on a large and splendid scale, will serve as an advertisement not | only of what has been done in the past but of what may be expected in the immediate future, and there- fore will be of material benefit in advancing every | industrial and commercial interest of the city and the | State. The programme planned for the occasion by the Native Sons is an excellent one. The celebration will extend over four days, each of which will be marked by some feature of special moment and at- tractiveness. For their share in the work the various parlors in this city have set aside sums which in the | aggregate amount to upward of $100,000, and the | parlors of the other sections of the State will expend | fully as much more. Thus from the Native Sons, acting as an order, there is to be an expenditure of fully $200,000. For the proper decoration of the city and similar purposes there is asked of business men, | higher sense. ! he has never got far away. | ¥as never hampered with an B WILLIAM McKINLEY WILLIAM J. BRY The Candidates of the Two Great Parties Described +— —_— ——— By Men INLEY, Master Manipu- lator of Men. IS Smooth and Serenc Highness, the Master Manipulator of Men."” It waé thus a member of the present Cabinet spoke of his chief, President William MecKinley. IHe spoke| well, In this one sentence he-drove straight to the Sv’crt‘t\ of Willlam McKinley's succes: ! The character of Preaident McKinley is many-sided. It is a| character so blenced, so mixed with the gvod and bad, the strong and weak, that even now, after he has been t ‘v»m)'y years In public life and three vears and a half in the White House, Is is but imperfectly understood. 'fhe President's Is a character of whic h it is easy to make| ! n mistaken estimate. His ford admirers praise him as all tha is wise, calm, noble, far-sighted, unselfish, strong. His enemie: rush to the other extreme and set him down as shallow, solflsh.‘ a man of one idea, without backbone, a creature of drrum“ stance; wobbly, ruled by stronger wills than his own; a mere | politician, rattling about in the chair which a statesman should ocgupy. | The truth lies somewhere between these two extremes. Be- ing neither foe. nor favorite of the President I shall attempt to | establish this mean of truth and accuracy. | To my mind William McKinley is the most natural and tully developed flower of our American modern spirit as repre- sented and interpreted by the Republican party. The American| people are a busimess people and the Republican party is the party of bus Mr. McKinley is the incarnation of all these things. He pre-eminen the business man In politics. He set out upon public carcer with a single idea, and that was business prosperity secured through legislation. He was not a phiiosopher. He 1s not even a student of economics in the| He was not 4fficted with principles or theories other than the principle that public prosperity is the highest | form of patriotism and that this prosperity may be secured through the statute books. That was Mr. McKinley's start and He has simply developed and ex- tended it. In himself he has found the best representative of the idea the country ever had. | . . . | There is a marked difference between Mr. McKinley and Mr.| Bryan. The latter knows nothing about business. He cares little about the prosperity of the mills, the banks, the mer-| chants. His stronghold is in the principles, in the axioms laid| down by the fathers. Mr. Bryan deals in maxims, Mr. McKin-; ley in men and money The one has the public speech as his ideal, the other the tale told by the treasury statistics. Mr.| Bryan belleves the highést expression of statesmanship is found In rhetoric; Mr. McKinley believes it is in the rumble of wheels and blowing of whistle Each is almost perfectly rep-| resenta: of his party and of the elements which range them- selves behind him in this campaign; for Democracy and its al- lies are distinctively the g rties of theory, of dissent, of protest, of denunciation; while the Republicans are the party of con- struction, of executive ability, of responsibility, of action. The one needs a voice, the other a performer. Each has what it re- quires. g | Mr. Bryan is urated with principles, with theories, with z the government. If he were elected Presi- ke him several years to rid himself of them and zet down to actual business on business lines. Mr. McKinley | ¢ such impedimenta. The only pri ple one born of a nation’s imm: duce at home than to buy abroad, ciple he ever had was the si Intimate With Both. + —_— * AN Closely BRYAN, Emperor of Epi- grams. HE Emperor of Epigrams.” In thi characterized William Jennings F It is a good characterizatior the marvelous control of his p: able to maintain for four years way some one has to In it w clew to the means by which he has mad ».\‘ leader of that party In the pending campaign, des -t that he has persisted in clinging to a policy which fo 't his followers are weary of. William J. Bryan is now the second marn on the American continent. He is easily second in his power for good or evil, in the influence which he exerts upon millions of his fellow ¢ zens and upon the future of his country. Many think not second, and as to which he is we must wait a wt making up our judgment. Such a power as this is not acquired wholly by accident is not altogether a freak. There must be a ratio of it through analysis of the man’s character and their relation to the human nature and average impulses of political party which he dominates. This rational explanation we now seek. ‘Without doubt we have found it ir his fecund facility for producing epigrams. His is the soverelgnty of shibboleth But mere cleverness in the saying of things—in the forging of phrases which take on lumincsity, like the proverbs and the electric signs of the soapmakers—would not alone suffice to make a great leader. The times must have been ripe for h The spiritual condition of his party must have bee make the ground fallow, arid, athirst, eager to dr sorb and give forth. It So it was. The Democratic party was in a state of reaction Ever the party of the masses, always the party of the dog, it was by nature of its constituent elements and all ditions better fitted for brave opposition from without than for successful performance within the citadels of power and respon- sibility. Stated as an irreducible minimum, Democracy is a p ty which instinctively and persistently places its left hand u the sacred books, with its right habitually gesticul: v voice is lifted up in solemn and eloquent def ideals and the early principles. It is the pa not of deeds. Four years ago Democracy was in posses ment. It had responsibility, but d fled with its Grover Cleveland was in the White Hous: the masses the party were discontented with him. For four years—yes twelve years—Democracy had been er the centrol of men who were not really and truly, Democratic. The plebeians had been compelled to stand aside,'and the patricians bad com the front. At Chicago, in 1562, these latter had made their The new and undemo tic class of men, men in the current developments of our national life business men, corporation men, even plutocrats—were ing the reins. William C. Whitney was their master s nominated again Grover Cleveland, the stolid high pri . by their regime. Republicans and Germans elected him, an ruled four years. Each year he became I a Demoerat ther from true sympathy with Democracy. All through his las administration discontent smoldered and fliekered. In 18 broke forth into a fierce flame. Chicago became the center o the conflagration, This reaction of Democracy against itself came coinciden with vast discontent among the people. Times were hard. in one of those ever recurring periods of st of discontent, n of the Govor",A he t £ n are prc : X W ] . ture epoch—it is better to p country was ppags . : LT : xpect in the way of benefits, immediate and wide- | capitalists and citizens generally $50,000 more. With (and the best way to keep the foreigner out is by putiing up a and distress, periods sure to follow epochs of elevation and in the East, but we get the lion’s share of the out- | 3 = 2 s . : 5 .., |tariff wall against nim. Literally no other theory ever harassed|inflation as surely as winter follows summer. The two dis- Sitting dloy ke saibitsi yread, from a comprehensive annual exposition of | that sum a celebration can be provided which will [him. Had he been called to the head of a greai railway or in-| contents—the political unrest of the sentimental under-dos ing. L i s mili : 3 4 s = % | s e N i v surance company he would have been quite as successful ere| Democracy and the cconomic Inflammation of ople provision are manifest in higher prices for coal, hay, | fhe results of her industrics. We have not only more | be national in its reputation, and which will attest at | {{"RAGF SDen at the head of the Government, because he would| were savagely consclous of the disease and wildly secking (ho ¢ sl 10 show than any other State, but a greater incentive | once the prosperity, the energy and the patriotisin | have made his principles to fit the facts and cases as they|remedy—came together. They met and blended in the Chicaxo oats, horses and a number of other artic while | 10 5 : i of Cilioeuiahe arose. I;lle would h:vfdluk‘onfl:f)odhcare u;(éhledpmpeny.,sefnltg Convention of 18%. They fused In the white heat of revolutior. ; i e Yol - SEEE = ftor = g it f s. it that there were dividends for the stockholders, manipulated| piscontent needs nothing so much gt b advices from New York say that a Chinese war, | 107 R1OWIDE &0 ; i g | the board of directors, compromised and arranged all disaffec-| yoi : A g o N i ey o o The possibilities of the fair have long been recog- Such is the outlook. The Native Sons have done | {{ths within his own concern or ruinous wars with rivals, and ;;l;e;ggfl;ect ana lead it. A voice it is ready to fall down which now seems certain, will surely cause a brisk and dried fruit fot demand ed But t nized, but have never been fully made use of. The for prices m produce in | P State grants liberal aid and the city of Sacramento he Ori- | has at all times cordially co-operated in making the ‘ormous | fair successful. The State Board of Agriculture has | been earnest, as a rule, in promoting the exhibitions, | and the present board has been especially active and sagacious. In fact, what was done last year to pro- cure a thoroughly representative exhibit from every county and every city in the State resulted in an ex- s vear is good, independent It is now evident that the tion it, hay and grain predicted early in the Larvested. Concerns whose in- season are not being terests lie in buying our produce at low prices are still crying heavy crops, but those who produce those crops know better. The wheat estimates have been A : _ reduced from 1,000,000 tons to 650,000 tons. That | ceptionally fine exposition, so that public interest in good grain hay is actually scarce is shown by an | it Was perhaps greater than ever before in our history. The one thing required to make the State Fair an at least $3 per ton. Oats are rising, barley is harden- | €Vent of great importance throughout the Pacific ing under an increased demand, the output of dried | Coast is a keener interest on the part of the people of epricots has shrunken from an estimate of 1200 cars | California generally. The efforts made by the board to a doubtful goo, the pr last year to arouse all sections of the State to actively a heralded 150,000,000 pounds to not more than 12 participate in the fair produced good results, but after Soope, with ahnouncements of confinned rednetions | 31l Were only partislly successiul. A comprehensive ir the wield by the Cured Fruit Association, due zo | display of the products of Californian industry, in city the unusual “drop”; the grape crop will certainly not and country, has yet to be made. That exhibit cannot be over the average, the hop crop has been cut down | be forced by the State nor coaxed by the board. It IR ol o B vt & Bong st ok <t be the outcome of a popular movement through- This does not mean that there will be out the State—one in which the leading men in all B ok S besoniird lines of production will take part. Should such a made some time ago by interested conc : BOME A5 OWA, Srenc dividuals and still being m with a persistence would carry it forward rapidly, and in a time com- paratively short the California State Fair would be worthy of a better = are not in accordance with the facts. The proof of this lies in the undeniable | 7€ of the most notable of the annual events of the fact that prices are rising. Graped are already being | ati00. sold at good figures; the whole dried fruit market i | 1-ast year a great advance was made. This year the working into a stronger condition; hops are quoted | prospects give reason to expect a further advance. at figures higher than a few weeks ago, and, in fact, | Lhe work of the Board of Azriculture i¢ having its the whole situation is showing increased strength. effect, and throughout the State the people are be- This means better prices for the fruitgrower, vine. | COMing more and more interested in it. It is, indeed, | a matter that concerns all, for all are taxed to provide yardist and cereal farmer later on, unless something | t c E . i now unforeseen occurs, and thus indirectly better the appropriations made for it. It is a plain business times for the whole State. Briefly, almost all crops proposition that those who pay to support the fair are shorter than proclaimed early in the summer, | Should exert themsclves to share in its benefits. It is and prices are hardening in consequence. | open to all on equal terms, and when all, in propor- The East shows few of these favorable indications. | tion to their means and their industrial output, take i | part in it we shall have a fair that visitors from all There business continues quiet. The ba clearings 2 - i of the country are still behind those of 1800, though | parts of the great West will come to see, and in which | enterprising manufacturers of all parts of the Union the decrease is materially less than a few wecks ago. | 7 : 2 The failures, too, are larger, thou happily, are | will be seeking for room to make exhibits, mostly small. The iron trade is still in the dumps and the great staples, outside of sugar, tea and coffee, are generally dull and easy. Wool, however, is show- ing rather more tone again. The country seems to | % : be doing a midsummer business considerably above | Sytiney #s wuid By eports from Anststin (o the average, but less than during the record-breaking have made an arnfigal larynx for a man who year of 1899. The gratifying feature of the commer- | I'ad lost that portion (_1( }ns analomy'thmugh discase cial situation is the general confidence of the peoplie | and to have inserted it into place with such success in the financial policy of the Government, which has | that the possessor is now blessed with a voice that enabled us thus far this year to meet a serious decline | commands the admiration of the town. It is added in prices for many staples without a tremor in the | that the new lspynx can be so regulated 23 tomake unprecedented midsummer advance in quo! ne crop has decreased from ny scarc reports of enormous crops movement be once set rns and in- 6N flU;TRflLIflN NOVELTY. ROFESSOR STUART of the University of well, and are going to have cordial assistance from other orders and organizations in carrying out the plan to make the celebration the most splendid and beautiful ever witnessed on the coast. It is now for the citizens to do their share. Come up with the coin. The cause is & good one, and everybody will profit by its successful achievement. /E\ National Review, in discussing the relation of the British colonies to the mother country, and the extent to which they may strengthen the military and naval power of the empire, quotes from a book published in 1763 a curious prediction concerning what were then British colonies in this country. The title of the book is, “The Reign of George VI—1go0o to 1925, and the work is an attempt to forecast the | future, to describe the conditions of our time, just as so many recent writers have attempted to forecast the sort of republic we shall have in the year 2000. In the passage quoted in the National Review the writer says: “The population of our various posses- sions in North America is so diverse, their political institutions so unlike, their interests so opposite, that it is most improbable that they will ever combine against Britain. Their numbers are growing so rap- idly that by 1900 there may be as many as eleven mil- lions of British colonists: between the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, but they will all be loyal subjects of the British crown.” ¢ The contrast between that prophecy and the situa- tion as it exists in this year 1900 is sufficient to con- vince any one of the wisdom of Artemus Ward's ad- vice, “Never prophesy unless you know.” The di- verse populations of the British colonies did find a cause and means for combining against Great Brit- ain, and their numbers are now in the neighborhood of seven times eleven millions. So bad a guess con- cerning the future as seen fromr the standpoint of 1763 will of course cause a smile, but after the smile there should come a recognition of the fact that some of our calculations of what conditions will prevail a century from now may be just as erroneous. The old chronicler calculated that in this year the chief danger to the liberties of Europe would be an alliance between France and Russia. He did not foresee the rise of German power, nor dream of any such thing as a terrible Chinese complication. Neither did he have any conception of a powerful United States. To protect Europe against the com- bined Gauls and Cossacks he saw but one power— that of Great Britain and her colonies, and he cheer- fully predicted that the great naval struggle between the mighty rivals would be turned by warships built A BAD GUESSER CONTRIBUTOR to the current number of the money markets. We are sound. and our financial | the voice soprano, tenor, contralto or bass at will. policy is sound. We know it, and therefore regard | ; An invention of that kind fills a long felt want. It the recession from the dizzy heights of 1899 as merely | i true that ah:nost every man and every woman has a matural reaction after a period of feverish trade |2 larynx supplied free by nature, but, like most other activity, to be followed later on, doubtless, with re. | {rec Sifts, the average natural larynx is unsatisfac- ot ey stamisk B tory. It does not emit a good tone unless carefully newed i prosperity. cultivated, and even then the tone is limited in range —— The Regents of the University of California are | and variety of expression. Thus when a person has planning for another deficit. It might not be amiss |2 good serviceable larynx she becomes a Patti, is te vary the monotony of this yearly programme by | Jooked upon as a genius, and receives more money scheming once for a surplus. | irom the people for a half-dozen songs than a good, | hard-working statesman can get for a year’s service. The artificial larynx promises to make music cheap | and singing a matter of a simple ‘surgical operation. | Imagine, if you can, how melodious society will be Come up with the coin for the jubilee celebration. It will be a long time before you have a chance to contribute to another cne. - > vl at Boston and Quebec and sent across the Atlantic to the aid of the mother country. Of her extensive possessions in America in 1763 Britain now retains none of importance except Can- ada. She has, however, large colonial possessions elsewhere, and her people are to-day making san- guine predictions of the coming of a time when from the ports of Australia, South Africa and Canada war- ships will steam to join the fleets of Britain in battle for naval supremacy. There is, however, a warning in the failure of the old-time forecast. Perhaps within a half-century, or less, those great colonies may be as independent 'of the British crown as are the States of the American Union. would never for a single instant have forgotten himself, his| power, his security in his office or his salary. It is sometimes said that Mr. McKinley is an opportunist. He is. Opportunism 1s the essence of American business suc- oG honesty, ity, groundwork common to all industrial or political organizations— and no other principles are needed by the modern school. Every-| thing else is improvised as required by the developments of the| day and the emergencies of the hour. Put Mr. Bryan at the| head of a big concern and he would endeavor to run it by means, of preconceived notions. It would be all theory. There would be hard and fast rules. He would try to operate upon men by| means of principles borrowed from the fathers. Mr. McKinley, the true executive, counterpart of all modern industrial admin: istration, operates upon men directly through understanding of| human nature. | McKinley's one basic principle led him, immediately after his {nauguration in 1897, to call Congress to special session for the| urpose of enacting a new tariff law. There his instinct and is luck ran parallel. His idea was to give the country prosper-| ity. Now, prosperity was coming of itself; coming slowly but| surely in response to laws infinitely higher and greater than, acts of Congress. But McKiniey got his new tariff law upon the statute books just in time to secure credit for all the good, times that followed. } Apart from this one act, all the remainder of McKinley's| administration has been opportunism of the simplest and most! obvious sort—practical, sensible, business opportunism—meeting problems after they have developed and not before, drifting cure-‘ fully with_complications till they can be thoroughly understood| —taking advantage of events rather than trying to force or| create them. McKinley never set out to be an explorer or di coverer. He sails along with the fair wind, but steers con-| stantly and well and has one of the best weather eyes ever seen| upon the political waters. He runs into port with the tide, but| no mariner ever watched iight more alertly than he or was more skillful in avoiding shoal or breaker. | ®ieh ¥ | McKinley's habitual opportunism, his practice of walting to see how | the wind blows, has given the careless observer the imbression that | this is a sign of weakness, of timidity, of lack of character. It Is | nothing of the sort. Opportunism is Mr. McKinley's principle, it is his strength, it is hie salvation. He believes in it, he worships at its shrine, = He goes upon the theory that the best opportunity is the most fuccessful In the race. The results indicate that he Is right. | What did he do when the people and the Congress were crowding | rapldly toward war with Spain? He was not weak enough to place| himself at the head of the popular impulse, as a demagogue might have done. He resisted all temptation to make himself the hero of the jin- goes, Nor did he Eo to the other extreme and strain himseif seriously in an effort to maintain peace. What he did do was just what might have been expected from Willlam McKinley. He tried to compromise upon a business basis. Compromise and business methods are his chief characteristics. He wanted to keep the Spanish negotiations concern- fng Cuba wholly in his own hands. He hoped to arrange for Cuba's perfect autonomy as a palliative, and incidentally as a great feather in the cap of Willlam McKinley. If worst came to worst, and war swooped down upon him, despite all efforts to confine trouble to the realm of diplomacy, he wanted it to come, not in 1595, just as he had become well settled in the Presidential chair, but in 1899, or 1900, upon the eve of the campaign for his re-election. This may be letting @ secret out of the bag, but it is a secret well known to many of the President's officlal hgusehold and to a few Senators. But for the destruMion of the Maine McKinley would doubtless have succeeded. He would have been able either to secure by diplomacy Some sort of settlement of the Cuban trouble, or to have held off the war to suit his own ideas as to the best and proper time for it. v As it was, the explosion in Havana harbor made war inevitable. When it came McKinley plunged himself into it with all the resources of his well-tratned mind and Ereat exccutive ability, He made himselt the head and front of it, and tremendously advanced his personal pres- tige through it. The man who was strong enough to wait, to bide his| time, to permit great mivements to develop to the point of Imperatite- hess’ and clear intelligibility before taking decided ground, had his| chance at last and made the most of it. If we seek a better keynote to the McKinley character than any we | have as yet employed, perhaps we shall find it in saying that he is an | adept in the art of benevolent selfishness. His is the policy and the DPractice which endeavors to make everything work out for the common £00d and his own special benefit. So great is his skill that eyen close observers often lose sight of the man and his personal motive in the splendor of the well-disposed ensemble. He is even content to play the game so adroitly that men think him weak and vacillating. There | is a prevalent belief that e lacks strength of purpose and is easily led by others; that he wobbles and ylelds too much to be entitled to a niche in the gallery of real fame. This is an error. It is a natural error, due to the clev whih the game ot bencvolent seifishicad is played Judeed momit® little dlstance William McKinley is thought the most generous and self-sacrificing of men. He is all urbanity, all milk of human kindness, all surrender and compromise. His speech is soft, his glove of velyet. So smooth and unctuous are all his moods and methods that smail wonder the steel of selfishness and persistency, of iron will and in. domitable purpose to reach the result atmed at, is overlooked. But here in_ Washington those of us who know William McKinley have two or three sayings which well sum up the case. “McKinley placates and placates and has his own way in the end." jiMcKinley compromises and compromises and ends in- compro- mising.” “‘McKinley surrenders all non-essentials and comes out victorious in everything of importan are true sayings, industry, untiring _energy through such surrender These They cut to the quick of hi. his instinctive methods. ~If it were worth while we .cn'::;;"l‘lllt:;(:a’;‘: them with a score or a hundred of citations. Not a day passes hut some Incldent pays tribute to his power in these directions. He makes peace between political factions, have long bee: are. to 'stand aloof, all_for cealed purpose of bullding up Willlam McKinley an vineible. . . estimation of the fll-informed public the character ley has been wholly subordinate to that of Hanna. P o asked if McKinley would still be President were Hanna to die ig famous, it this, too, is a myth. xllgmflflullmdlynmh.r of people to learn that instead of Hanna Pn&‘m‘ MeKinley, it is Han- na who Is as clay in the hands of the denttal potter. Hanna is| at heart the sincerer, mi'der man, no What manners indicate. Hanna loves McKinfey; M:Kinléy uses Hanna. ly contrary to| bell n of the National Repubiican 1fish, dominant. . the ef, it is not the Committee who is the stronger willed, the more sel Unconsciously to ftself, the orga.niz!d discontent of the Democratic party at Chicago In 159 was seeking a voice which should summon to its side all the unorganized discontent of the masses. Suddenlythe voice appeared. It came as a potent phrase-maker from the prairies. With its “cr of gold and crown of thorns™ it stood with outstretched hands, and tho scepter was placed in them. The voice was Bryan. From that day to this the party has remained true to its instincts, and has made no serious effort to rid itseif of the leadership of the soothsayer. It has recognized the eternal fitness of things by Keeping as its imperator the utterer ot epigrams, by preserving the dictatorship of the discontented in the hands of the chief declaimer. . € All his life William Jennings Bryan has been fitting himself for taking advantage of just such an opportunity as that which presented itself at Chicago. At college he strove for prizes as a fledgling orator. He shone in the debating soclety. All h instincts were toward leadership through the lips. To him the titanic forces of American statesmanship appeared to lie in the tongue. To this day his ideal of the greatest American may be found in a cheap lithograph hanging upon the walls of his_library in his home at Lincoln—Henry Clay In a long coat and high collar passionately addressing the Senate at a’ash- ington. Well do we all know that the dominant spirit of American life to-day is business. The people who produce, fabricate, buy, sell, consume a greater bulk of commoditics than any other people of like numbers the sun shines upon are not afraid of their calling, feel in nowise degraded by they activitles, They carry thelr daily impulse into their = tional ideals. They ilke public servants who can do business, who are wise in council, efficient In action, constant in con- struction. Mr. Bryan has no such ideals. With him the test of states- manship is ability to make a speech. He has none but tried and trusty speechmakers about him. If elected President, ho will place an orator in every Cabinet post, send none but speil- binders abroad, turn all the post offices and collectorships over to the good talkers. Under Bryan civil service examina- tions will be resolved into competit debating socleties. Mr. Bryan does well to cling to this ideal, because it is the secret of his power. The party is like the man. It idealizes the declaimer. [ was at Kansas City and sat for hours listening to speeches from men I had never before heard of. I heard speeches in hotel corridors and on the streets. The men who sought the Vice Presidency were urged by their friends because each of them was said to be “‘an orator second only to Bryan himself,” and “with two such tribunes of the people wa will sweep the country.”” The Democratic idea of life at ‘Washington is that it is one continual round of speechmaking. Committee rooms, even more potental Senatorfal cloak rooms, Cabinet councils of execu- tive abllity—these are things beyond its ken. ““We Democrats are a_different le f: Mr. Docl y. a former (‘ol’llr!l!m::op(reomram — Governor of that State, at Kansas City. ‘“The Republicans have dis- cipline. They are organized on business lines. The leaders say how many addresses shall be made, and who shall make them, and that's all there is of it. But when we Democrats get together every ome of us thinks it his duty to make a speech and all the rest of us think it our duty to d" around and help him." (n);rth;: ?rty Mr, Bryan is the fitting and well-chosen leader. - McKinley is such a perfect type of the business and execut! spirit of the American people that he mp:y be sald to be a 1.:: of it In our public life. Republicans,” said Missouri, and the next E L oA Mr. Bryan as perfectly represents the elements of protest, of dls- gent, of discontent. of dreams of higher and better things not definitely defined or well understood, but which have a good and virtuous sound When translated into well-rounded rhetorical periods. It is for the country to decide which it will trust the reins of power to—the tried executive, whose sentiments are often trite or forced—or the untried administrator whose ideals are perfectly beau- But it will not do for any one to assume that Mr. Bryan, because an idealist and an egotist, is without the will power and force of char- acter which are requisite to a successful management of the nation affairs. That would be a great mistake, a _deception .of one's self. There is a widespread impression, especially in the -East, that the Demacratic candidate for President is shallow, demagogic; mere dreamer, whose dreams fail to co-ordinate, and whose lack of stamina would make his administration at Washington a rudderless, water- logged derelict, full of surprises and dangers. h 1 know Mr. Bryan well, and I am sure this is a gross misconception of his character. Mr. Bryan is in earnest. He believes what he savs. He really and truly thinks the gold standard a great evil in the world, the imperialisti> tendencies of the Republican party a menace to the republic. These are with him more than matters of the mouth— they are from the heart. He may be a dreamer, but he dreams hon- estly and without the aid of seif-administered cotics. . . It_we consider Mr. Bryan as a speaking machine, we must remem- ber that this is precisely the sort of mechanism which the circum- stances and the time have demanded of him. We must remember, too, that he is a good machine. It was Arthur P. Gorman who sald to the writer not long ago: *“Mr. Bryan is In one respect the most remarkable man of the century. He has been talking steadily for four years, and the more he talks the stronger he gets. That Is something that upsets all theorfes and contradicts all traditions AL It is the fashion in some Dparts of the country to look uponm Mr. Bryan as & dangerous radical of revolutionary tendencies. But many of his friends complain of him that he is not radical emough. They would like him to favor Government ownership, but he refuses. They talk to him of the initiative and referendum. He waives them aside Instead of being a Populist with Democratic leanings, Mr. Bryan is & Democrat with & love for Populist votes. e Mr. Bryan ls a fatalist. He belleves he Is t President SEas betore Be dics. He s a0 conddent ot it ther o Sert, e permit himself to be worried by doubts and fears. If it does not come in 1500 it will come in 1904, and if not in 194, then in 1%08: for Mr. Bryan has not the slightest notion of stepping aside from Democratie leadership even if defeated next November. defeat Mr. Bryan year in order e s T e e e g Mr. Bryan. o 7 Mr. 1= only a fatalist, but he Is a devout follower of Mg day does not pass in which Mr. Bryan neglects Sown u-mum-km'mxne.:(t"m.u..:i:f lor i R