The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, March 22, 1900, Page 6

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, THURSDAY, MARCH 22, 1900. . HE AN R G A, N ISLANDERS. STATUS OF THE ORGAN of Alabama, the evil genius of the Senate and of the country, has been- heard M again. He declares all the inhabitants of our === island possessions entitled to full citizenship, and that resistance to our authority in Cuba will be rebellion against the United States, the same as such resistance is rebellion in the Philippines. Readers of The Call will remember that we printed signed interviews with 'many hundreds of the volun- teers from many States who returned from the Phil- ippines last year. Almost without exception these volunteers discussed fellow-citizenship for the Fili- pinos and answered “Never” to the proposition. 8800 The expansionists have gone from folly to folly in ’ ?.m this business, and Senator Morgan has invariably led ‘2: the procession WEE AT s " yeo The American people will not have the islanders as All postmasters are authorized to receive fellow citizens and free commoners. That may as criptions. : e SRR e i well be understood now as later on. To admit.them to such status is probably the shortest road to de- ---1118 Broadway g ryction of the republic that can be desired. It does KROGNESS. not mean that we will wait and put the evil day afar @l MARCH 22, 1900 THURSDAY JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Proprietor. hddress All Communications to W. S. LEAKE, Manager. PUBLICATION OFFICE..Market Telephone Main 1868, Third, S. F. EDITORIAL ROOMS....717 to 221 Stevenson St. Telephone Main 1874, Delivered by Carriers. 15 Cents Per Week. Single Copies, § Cents, Terms by Mail, Inclunding Postage: DAILY Eample coples wi OAKLAND OFFICE C. GEORGE Manager Foreign Advertising, Marquette Building, Chicago. NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT: off by making them Territories, for if citizens of the United States in a Territory -they become citizens of y State to which they choose to resort upon fulfill- C C. C#R ......Herald Square ° e g ing its law as to length of residence. NEW YORK REPRESENTATIVE That all of these islanders will swarm into the ex- PERRY LUKENS J .29 Tribune Building jcting States, if they be citizens, there is no doubt. WS STANDS P. O. News Co.: STANDS: Brentano, 31 Uniom BSquare JThey can spare annually the surplus of their eighteen Great Northern Hotel: millions of people in such numbers as will leave far behind the highest annual immigration we have ever had from Europe. If they are not fit to govern them- selves in Territories, they will come to the States and help govern us, whether we like it or not. WASHINGTON (D. C) OFFICE Wellington Hotel & z . Q87 e 5 : MORTO CRANE. Corfesponilent; ; Morgan’s position on Cuba is in line .wl.!h'hlsl A foreign policy ideas. He and Money of Mississippi BRANCH OFFICES—I2T Montgomery, corner of Clay, open | zre original annexationists. A large number of the ar clock. 300 Hayes, open until 9:30 o'clock. 639 615 Larkin, open until lock Democrats in both branches of Congress intend to 3 unt! 10 n‘«\m:. ffi; hold on to Cuba. For that they urged on the Span- Marke 9 ol 098 | . E A Vales beventh: Twn antnn | ish war. If that party were in power we would have orner Twenty-second and Kentucky, AMUSEMENTS. 1 Duchess.” afternoon and every r of Mason and Eddy streets, Specialties. Afred A. Farland, ture. aces to-day AUCTION SALES. March 26, at 10:30 o'clock, ., March %, at 12 EVIDENCE FROM ARIZON@. ion to the destruc- e stock ranges of Arizona, caused b, cking and u 1g cattle and sheep as iree e we noted the permit, by ior, for sheep grazing on the it seems that demand has Arizona forest reserves to igators, who show that by areas have become barren, , and the exposed rocks increase t i the country. The rainfall has remained I t destruction of the reservoir capacity oi t water the in floods and has irrigated land in- er supply that is assessed he sheep in the Territory than one m: tive remedy for this state of gs. Until it is applied all others are merely pal- | g with the matter. The stock ranges should be Banjoist, Friday | This proposition is | } cians believe that he is a lawyer. | i« convinced that he is neither. full citizenship for all the islanders, as Morgan says, “without regard to race or other conditions,” and we | would have unlimited free trade with the islands. | If there is anything to be learned from experience | this incorporation into our body politic of these peo- | ple will bring disaster to us, with no offsetting bene- fit to them. The declaration as to Cuba will probably bring things to a head there. A strong party follows Mor- gan in breaking our word and seizing the island, or rather suppressing its people and staying there. It is discovered now that the Spanish residents who | own the property want to be annexed to the United and that it is only the masses of the people, principally negroes, who want intlspendentc. But those masses are the force that fought Spain. They urgent They were the concentradoes; States, were the March 23, at 11 o'clock, | they were the people of Cuba declared to be indepen- dent, in whose ame we demanded that Spain with- the island. The Spanish residents were loyal to Spain. They | did not revolt and did not wish the independence _ | which we said belonged to the Cubans. Yet Morgan declares that if the masses attempt to | gain the independence we said was already theirs, it will be rebellion against the United States. At least the country is thankful for these occasional | exposures of what Morgan’s party will do if it get | the power to do anything. Colonel Bryan said two | months ago that whenever we see a people fit for self- Morgan sees eighteen millions of tropical islanders ready to e tak government this country can take them in. in Americans see in this no safe solution of d dreadful problem presented to us by the Such want to govern these aliens of the tropics from with- Bet- ter let them profit what they may in our protection | and example, and govern themselves. | results of the Spanish war. Americans don't out, nor permit them to govern us from within. B ———— William F. Herrin seems to be in a most unfortu- nate predicament. The lawyers in the Southern P: | cific Company think he is a politician, and the poli 2. Huntington H: AUSTRALIA AND .THE EMPIRE. 3, man compellcd to keep his stock on | t3 ROM two correspondents in Australia the Lon- e fe will then have a motive re- - i " e Ny don Chronicle recently published letters which g r than destroying the natural forage es the porosity of the soil and enables sheepherder - named Nelson has ad- National ‘Irrigation Associa- t of the Nevada Wool-growers’ to the ares that he is opposed to irri- g the ranges. Two paragraphs 1 the issue. He says: “The is to let the cattle run at large same as at e range of the sheep man, but to con- believe that any law of that nature Nevada, still T will not complain applies to all alike. But to confine me to ad permit my neighbor to occupy my land 7 unjust advantage.” Nevada, Arizona or anywhere else. But the people t to raise crops and want water to irrigate ¥ for that purpose insist that the ranges be leased and that all owners of cattle, horses i sheep shall keep their stock on their own lease- s. President Nelson may rouse prejudice and dity by such misstatements, but he should not be e to impede legislation thereby. H water to store in and says 2 man cannot make a living on ! . and adds: “Ii any one doubts Ilet o to California, in the rain belt, where they do eed irrigation, and see the heartbreaking fail- that have been made. See the deserted houses nprovements.” We are at a loss to know what he means by that, unless he thinks that there is no ul nor gainful oecupation left in the world ex- ept sheepherding. He evidently looks upon this State as a proper field for monopoly by that business. lis letter. and events in Arizona, give further point the warning we have uttered from time to time, that the men of the West who want a.proper grazing policy, and the irrigators who want agriculture and horticulture, should rouse from their indifference and » Congress to action. I enies that there is any d rtunate that Mayor Phelan did not carry »me to its logical conclusion. He might en an idea from the collegians, and while of- fering a prize for a city flag offered another for a municipal yell. It would be extremely interesting to dignify the town with a supervisorial yell, to be used only man to the ground he actually owns or | own and the unleased public domain is giv- | course no one ever proposed any such law, for | show that notwithstanding the prevailing enthu siasm of imperial loyalty -in the colony due to the war feeling, the Australians are by ho means satis- fied with the position they occupy in the empire. They desire a revision of the imperial system which will place that colony more on an equality with Great Britain in determining the course of imperial affairs One of the writers declares there has been a feeling “alarm and unrest” throughout Australia on ac- count of a report that the Australian federation bill is to be considered and possibly altered by the im- perial Parliament. The report was. due to a cable gram from Joseph Chamberlain, Secretary for the Colonies, to the Hon. Alired Deakin of Melbourne requesting him and other Australian leaders to come | to London and “give assistance when the Australian commonwealth constitution bill comes before the im- | perial Parliament.” D of ! Commenting upon the feeling aroused by the re- port the writer says: “So keen is the edge of public opinion on the matter that any serious amendment to the bill would go far to mar the spirit of liberal imperialism which the departing Governor of Victoria so strenuously fostered during his four and a half | years of oPfi_ce." As an evidence of the temper of the people he quotes the Age as saying: “Does the im- perial Government contemplate making any radical changes in the bill, and are these delegates to assent to such changes in the name of the colonies? That is not to be thought of. Would Australia, as a whole, be willing, after all the work that has been done in convention, conference and two referendums, that the | final provisions of the Australian federal constitution are to be assented to by any two or three Govern- ment appointed delegates? That is outside any con- ceivable conditions. The commonwealth bill is the accepted constitution of the Australian people. Mr. Chamberlain knows this, and we cannot think of his cable message as meaning more than it says.” The other correspondent sounds a still bolder note. He not only denies the right of the imperial Parlia- ment to alter or amend a constitution adopted by the Australian people, but he claims for Australia a right to be heard in all imperial affairs, and representation in the imperial Cabinet. In the course of his letter he says: “Australasia feels that it has been cavalierly treated in the Samoan settlement, but a question of far greater importance to her may at any time arise | out of the growing desire for expansion in China. All the Australasian colonies put heavy restrictions in the way of Chinese immigration, and the tendency m occasions of state. 5 S ——— is to make them even more stringent than they now Cape Nome has its leading reading-room situated | are. If Great Britain desires an open door in China virectly opposite to a hospital. Some advance copies of the yellow journal must have reached the .town. and the free entry of her subjects into that country. it is perfectly reasonable for the Chinese Government | I O | required to win it. to ask in return for the unrestricted admission of Chi- rese to any British territory upon the same terms as the subjects of other 'nations with which Great Britain has diplomatic relations. It is safe to say that the Australasian colonies would sooner sever their allegiance to the mother country than consent to open their ports to the Mongolian hordes. It is opon questions such as these that the colonies seek for representation in the direction of the empire’s policy. They wish to have a voice in steering the empire clear of entanglements which directly affect them, and that will not be attained by a mere friendly and informal discussion with the Australian delegates who are to advise on the commonwealth bill, and who have no authority to deal with matters out-’ side it.” 3 It will be seen the Australians are not so loyal to the mother country as to be indifferent to Australia itself. In fact, they are in favor of the empire pro- vided they have a share in the government of the em- pire. They are not content that Great Britain should be the whole thing. In a short time, therefore, the British will be called upon to decide whether they will surrender their empire or abandon their claim to have the exclusive right to govern it. e If the Santa Cruz youth who played truant from Sunday school to get killed in a prize fight did noth- ing else he furnished an awful example for the town for years to come. REPUBLICAN LEAGUE CLUBS. N April 27 the convention of Republican League Clubs of the State is to assemble at Los. Angeles. It is therefore timely for all clubs of the league throughout the commonwealth to begin preparations for the occasion. Nor should the activity be confined to members of existing clubs, but Republicans in districts where there is no club should set to work to organize one and raise its membership to the highest number possible. In politics, as in every other department of endea- vor, it is organization that wins. The enthusiasm of individuals and the stimulus of able leadership’ no doubt accomplish much, but they cannot make up for the lack of that co-operation which comes only from well disciplined organized masses. The efficiency of clubs in campaign work has long since been demon- strated, and some of the most notable victories of the Republican party have been due largely to the efforts of the league clubs. At the present time the outlook of the coming campaign shows a br.ght prospect for republicanism in all parts of the Union except in the Bourbon dis- tricts of the South. The only menace of danger which political experts can see upon the horizon is that the rank and file of the party may be over sanguine of victory and in their assurance fail to make the efforts Against that danger the party must now be on guard. Preparations for this strug- gle must be made as amply and as comprehensively as those for the contest against Bryanism in 1896, for it is to be the same fight over again. and will be waged by the Bryanites with less hope, perhaps, but not with less passion than before. The supporters of protection and sound money and that general Repub- lican policy upon which our present prosperity de- pends cannot afford to take chances of a reverse in any State. They must organize for victory. The Republican League clubs, it must be borne in mind, have no affiliations with party factions, nor are they supporters of the candidacy of any man or set of men for any office. They are banded together for the purpose of upholding Republicanism, but for no other object. No member of the party can have any objection to allying himself with them if he be suffi- ciently earnest to desire to take an active part in the campaign. It is desirable there should be an efficient party or- ganization in every county, township, city, ward and precinct, and to that end there should be in each locality a well organized club composed of a large and vigorous membership. It is, moreover, important that the league convention be attended by representa- tives of the party from all parts of the commonwealth and of all sections of the party. Existing clubs should therefore set at once about the task of reor- ganizing and renewing their activity, and new clubs should be formed wherever they may be needed, so that strong and influential delegations may be sent to the league convention. That is the first campaign work to be undertaken, and it should be entered upon with the vim and vigor that assure victory. —— The recent efforts of English troops to “civilize” Borneo would suggest that the easiest and most sat- isfactory way of accomplishing the job would be to blow up the island. S isfaction expressed by the British press in the operation of the act requiring all shopkeepers to provide seats for their assistants. The law went into effect with the beginning of the year, and the ex- pectation was it would be promptly and universally cbeyed. It now appears the situation is by no means so pleasing as was believed, and that the shopgirls are not much better off than they were before. The London Social Gazette, in describing the work- ing of the act after the two months of trial, says: “Tt is true that when one in authority calls to inquire into the matter he finds nothing to which he can take ex- ception. But yet no one ever sees the girls sitting down. The explanation is simple. Seats are pro- vided, but no one is allowed to sit on them. The act only says that seats must be provided. It does not say that assistants must be given an opportunity of sitting on them. So their eomfort is sacrificed to appearances, and the seats®are only used for orna- ment.” On that showing a question arises as'to what the Government ought to do or can do next. The West- minster Gazette, in commenting upon the statements of the Social Gazette, says if that paper knows of any shops where orders are given that the seats must not be used it should publish them, in order that the pub- lic might refuse to patronize them. That remedy, however, bears a closer resemblance to a boycott than to Government regulation, and it is doubtful if it could be made effective. ; The operation in California of the law requiring seats for women employed in shops and stores has been more fully regarded by employers than that in Great Britain. Tt is true there have been violations of it, and complaints have at times been made that it was not fully enforced. Only a short time ago a society of public-spirited and philanthropic women found it necessary to begin something like a crusade against the viofators of the act. Up to this time, however, no conspicuous case of violation or eva- sion has been noted. California merchants and fac- tory owners have not reached the British point of obeying the fltw by providing seats for their em- ployes but denying them the privilege of using the seats. 5 R AN ACT THAT HAS FAILED. OME time ago we directed attention to the sat- TWO TREATIES THAT SETTLE THE RIGHTS OF PARTIES BATTLING IN THE BOER WAR Sharp Debate Between Sir Wiliam Harcourt and Cham- berlain When the Government Was Called to : Account. Editor The Call: Probably there is no subject to-day that so intensely interests the minds of the publ!q as the rights of the two little republics now in the slowly tightening grasp of the greatest empire on the earth——{wr is there any subject on which there is such a dearth of reliable information. - The rights of the parties are se;tled by treaties locked up in London and Pretoria. Recently in reading “The Transvaal From Within” (by Fitzpatrick, gublished in London) I came across a verbatim copy of these treaties, and was delighted, as now I could see what the rights of the parties were. Thinking that your readers may be equally interested I venture to inclose to you a copy of the essential provisions: _ : On examining the treaty of 1884 I found it stated it was to be “substituted for” the treaty of 1881 (see its pre- amble), so it becomes unnecesary to consult the former, as the latter thus completely” takes its place, ar_u_l hence bg- comes the only compact to be considered. I have added to this two English statements of England’s position—one by Sir William Harcourt and the other by Mr. ‘Chamberlain, expressed before the House of Commons—and, by taking English views, it hardly seems that injustice could thereby be done to England. The debate was as follows: : Sir W. Harcourt— * * “This amendment challenges the Government to give an account—it challenges their policy in entering upon the war. * * It is the object of the amendment to extract from them some adequate explanation of the causes -‘which have led to what Lord Salisbury calls our !state of hu- miliation.” ¢ * “And what a preposterous doctrine this is that the greater the dfsasters in which the Government involves the coyntry the more certain they ought to be of impunity. (Opposition cheers and laughter.) * * & ’l"he. policy of 1881 and 1884 lies at the root of the whole mat- er. “I am quite sure the Colonial Becretary has not forgotten that I was his colleague at that time, because I was his most earnest and constant lupPorter in the policy which was then pursued. (Hear, hear.) hope I may be allowed to state in words characterized by all the force and lucidity which always distinguish the statements of the right honorable tleman what was the policy of 1881. Mr. Chamberlain (at that time) went on to say: ‘But these were not the main reasons it, as we submit, impossible to maintain the annexation of the Transvaal.’ He thought that course was impossible for any Government caring for the honor as well as for the interests of this country. It was contrary to treaty engagements. It was contrary to the best traditions of a frée country. When they found out that the wishes and the sentiments of the Boers were entirely misunderstood and that they had gained the Transvaal under false pretenses, they were bound in honor to withdraw from a position which they had unwittingly and wrongfully taken up, and he could not understand how those who talked so glibly of the honor of the country should fail to see that the greatest pain and humiliation would be in maintaining a high- handed breach of faith and destroying the independence of a-peo- ple whom_they had solemnly engaged to respect. (Opposition cheers.) That was the policy of 1881 as declared by Mr. Cham- berlain. I do not know if he has altered his opinion, but I ad- here to mine, and 1 am as proud of the policy to-day as I was then. (Opposition cheers.) ““There have been other governments since then. There was the government of Lord Salisbury, and by the mouth of Mr. W. H. Smith it declated that they could not pretend to interfere with the internal government of the Transvaal outside the con- ventions. The same thing was said by the late Under Secretary for the Colonies in the government of Lord Rosebery, and that was the situation In 1895, when this government undertook the management of affairs. It might be said that a grea! deal had happened between 1881 and 1895. (Hear, hear. There had grown up the .gulaflon of Johannesburg, the grievances of the Uitlanders become acute, and the conventions were no longer applicable to the situation. Was that the view taken by this Government in 18957 In 1896, by an almost singular coinci- dence, the policy of the Government was declared by the same voice which declared the policy of the Government of 1851. The Colonial Secretary was then again the organ of the party which he had joined, as he had been the organ of the party he had left. (Laughter.) His view was precisely the same. In 1851 he pointed out the dangers and perils which would arise from a war to enforce the internal reforms in the Transvaal, the infi- nite dangers and perils which would accrue to this country; and he said in 1396: “To go to war with President Kruger to enforce vpon him reforms in the internal concerns of the state which successive Secretaries of State have repudiated all rights of interference—that would have been a course of actlon as im- moral as it would have been unwise.’” (Hear, hear.) He then roceeded to explain the exact relation between the British and ?he Transvaal Governments created by the conventions, and said that the only right is one.of friendly representation. In a formal manner he also declared that ‘since the convention of 1884 her Majesty's Government has recognized the South African republic as a free and independent Government as regards all its internal affairs’ “It is quite plain, then, that In 1895 and 189 the present ad- ministration regarded the situation in that respect as in exactly the same position as it was placed fifteen years before. That was the policy of the Government up to 189, but It has been radically altered since. and it is to the reversal of that ;)ollcy, in my opinion, that this war is due. (Orposltlan cheers.) Ne- gotiations went on for a time, but at last the¥ were broken off, and you (Mr. Chamberlain) said, “We will inform you what our terms are.’ It has been said that you thought peace was possible and even probable under those circumstances. How came you to think that? True, the phrase was used, ‘We will respect their independence,’ but that was a nockerf. The leader of the House said he in common with all best opinions in South Africa expected President Kruger to yield. ere did ou collect ‘the best opinion in South Africa” from? We have | {)een told that we are to place implicit confldence in the man on the spot. The man on the spot was not ‘the best African opin- jon.” (Opposition cheers.) He was a newcomer to South Africa, with little experience. The ‘man in the street’—many men in the street—knew a great deal more about the situation than the man on the spot. gl’he great misfortune was, and one of the causes of this war, that the only men consulted were men on one side of the street (opposition cheers)—that side which was inhabited by the authors of the raid. (Renewed opposition cheers.) There was one other source of ‘best African opinion’ ‘at home—I nup‘mse the helots who inhabit Park lane. (Laugh- ter.) In my opinion that was not ‘the best South African opjn- icn’ which misled you.” Mr. Chamberlain—Does the right honorable gentleman mean to assert that the persons to whom he refers were consuited by the Colonial Office and no others? Sir W. Harcourt—I have asked what was ‘the best South African opinion,’ and I say that is not the best. (Ministerial laughter and Irish cheers.) Phere was another South African opinion which was a great deal better. The Prime Minister of Natal pointed out the alarm that was felt at the prospect of war and at the injury It would impose upon his own State, and he asked you, if you could, to avoid it. Then there was the more remarkable protest of President Steyn, who said, “For God's sake tell us what vour terms are and do not menace us by placing troops upon the frontiers of the Free State and the Colony.” But you would not state terms, and you did place troops there. e whole spirit in_which military preparations | and everything else have been made has been contempt for the character of the Boers and their resources. The Governmnt dealt with them as if they were inferior people, whom they had only to intimidate. Your experts told vou of their military forces, but there seems to have been an element which above all ought to have been taken into account—namely, the indom- itable energy of a free people fighting for their independence. (Irish cheers.) s “You will have 200,000 men in the fleld. Of course the victo is in your hands; iuu can subjugate the Dutch race in Sout Africa. )("Hear, ear,” and “No, no,’ from the Nationalist benches. “Lord Salisbury in his speéch pointed out the dangerous na- ture of the doctrine which suggested that it was our duty to take everything we could, to fight everybody and make a quar- rel of every dispute, and warned the country against that rash- ness which had more than once been the ruin of great nations. We have been told that we shall derive many lessons from this war—lessons in the region of military and naval ptepunu?nl. But there s another lesson which far more concerns the sa e!{ of this country, and that is not to exasperate by an arrogan f.gd ‘I’nlulllrég d:‘m‘ea!m; those whom we desire to be our ends." osition cheers.) Mr. Chl‘.m%’:rlam sald: “Every man who addresses us in this debate must form his own judgment of what it is fitting and useful and patriotic to say on such an occasion, at such a time and in such an assemblage. The right honorable gentleman who has just sat down has no doubt formed his own standard. 1 will only say that I think to-morrow the country will dl.fler from that standard. (Ministerial cheers.) What is lh.a -lltdad- tion? We have reached a critical stage of the war, an: what is the message which the right honorable gentleman brings to his country? * * He enters upon a critical ngmlnm; tion * * of all that preceded this war, and with what nb]tct.l In;rdejr to 1::?1?:—1# t}:) all these people that the war is immoral and unjust. (Irish cheers.) “How shall I deal with these criticisms against the policy ot the Government previous to the commencement of the war I might leave right honorable gentlemen on . the front bench opposite to answer one another. 1 might leave Mr. Robson to ans to Sir R. Reid and Sir Edward Grey to answer the right honofable gentleman who has just sat down. I might refer to the fact that these right honorable gentlemen who have !Bkm this critical view of the proceedings of the Government have not added ome new fact or argument or suggestion to what mefi sald at at length and to which we replied at equal lengt during the short session of October last. Why are we now, after the House has decided and the country has decided, again to be drng{!d through that issue, when we have more fmportant and urgent matters to discuss? (Ministerial cheers.) Although I refuse to be drawn into a discussion of petty detalls (Minis- torial cheers), yet I do feel that those who are losers by this war, those especially who have lost friends or relatives, are entitled to have 1t insisted upon again and again whenever question is raised that this war is just and necessary. (Irish cries of “Oh, oh,” and Ministerial cheers.) I want the House for a few minutes to look at the matter broadly, and not to stop to consider shreds and patcnes of the subject, but the general drift of events and the general current of policy. 3 PEDDLING IN EDDIES. “We have to watch the river as it flows to the sea and not to waste time in peddling in eddies, which seem to but do not de- lay its course. Speaking from that point of view, I say that the issues as between Boer and Briton, between this country and the South African republics, are great and real issues and not technical issues. They do not stand upon the trivialities of de- bate and are not to be considered as if it were a civil case in a civil court. (Hear, hear.) The right honorable gentleman, I will do Rim the justice to say, saw that these issues cannot be discussed as they are sought to be discussed b{' the terms of this amendment, by confining yourselves strictly to_the year when the Government came responsible for South African affairs. These issues were there long before 135, even before 1881, before the raid, the Bloemfontein conference and the franchise question. “And I want to goint out that their (the Boers’) remedy for the difficulties which I found the moment I came into office was a five years’ franchise. * * “The difficulties between ourselves and the Transvaal are not the work of one Government. * * They are inherent in the circumstarces, in the great differences which exist between the Boer character and the British character, between Boer civilization and British eivilization, and between Boer education and British education. (Cheers.) There you will find the root cause of all that has happened. What has been the Boer pol- cy? Iam not talking of comp!ru:{. The Boer aspiration from first to last has been to get rid of every shred and vestige of British supremacy and substitute for it a Boer supremacy. * * A CONTEST FOR SUPREMACY. “But this must be marked. It was a contest for supremacy. Y but what kind of a supremacy? The supremacy of the Boers means, as we know, the inferiority of every other race. (Hear, hear.) Our -upnmn:{ 80 far as we have been able to use it, has been used and will be used in order to secure the equality of the white races and justice for the black. (Cheers.) T‘Lere was_the issue then. It was a contest for supremacy dat- ing back I know not for how many years and for a different kind of civilization. That issue had got to be tried; that battle had got to be fought; one or the other party had to give way if peace was to be preserved. (Hear, hear.) * ¢ “When we came into office we felt very quickly that a solu- tion must be found. (Hear, hear.) Things could not go on with a rapid and daily increase in the hostility between the two 1aces. That was the worst feature of the situation—the growing feeling of dissatisfaction and irritation between people who ought to have lived amlicably together, and who had as a rule previously done so. The time had come when in some way or cther this long-standing difference must be settled. We belleved then and we hoj to the last that a peaceful settlement could be attained. We hoped that when President Kruger saw how little it was we asked and how determined we were to have it he would give way. (Hear, hear.) . ur demands were moderate. * * “Now, this is my proposition. The war is a just, a righteo and a necessary war. (Cheers and Natlonalist dissent.) The opinion of the TIrish Nationalist members is nothing. (Hear, hear.) * * I do not, therefore, appeal to them. But I do appeal to the party opposite, and I ask ‘hem, Do they say that this ‘war 165)?.:( and neceasaray and righteous? (So cries of “No.™) 8- @ ‘e know they are divided. * ¢ en you ‘deplore a want of judgment, foresight and knowledge’ you imply, If you do not say in words, that the war might have been prevented. (Irish cheers.) A war that could have been prevented is an unneces- sary war, and I am not here to argue that an unnecessary war can ever be a just war. That being the case, I proceed to ask & question. Why have not the gentlemen who entertain these views the courage of their convictions? Why do not they vote against the war? ¢ * “But I take it that like us, having regard to what has haj ned, having rd to the evidence that we have been dalr; Preveasing as to the enormous preparations of the Boers, and to the evidence of a_carefully Dr?gnred plan for the invasion of British colonies—(Irish laughter.) * * “T say, u?leaklng for the Government, that in so far as in us fes there shall be no second Majuba. (Ministerial cheers.) ‘ever again with our consent if we have the power, never again shall the Boer be able to erect in the heart of South Africa a citadel whence proceed disaffection and race animosity to en- danger the paramountcy of Great Britain. (Ministerial eheers.) Never again shall he be able to treat an Englishman as If he belo%ed to an inferior race. (Ministerial cheers.) » “We are advancing steadily, if slowly, to the realization of that great federation of our race which will inevitably make for peace and liberty and justice.” —From London Daily Telegraph. M GREAT MEN ON WAR. Colton—War Is a game in which princes seldom- win; the people never. 5 Frederick the Great of Prussia—I am sick of war. o Duke of Wellington—Take my word for it, if you had seen but one day of war you would pray to Almighty God that you might never see such a thing again. Lord Napier—Fortune always asserts her supremacy in war; and often from a slight mistake so disastrous consequences follow that In every age the uncertainty of war is a proverb. / A soldier to the Duke of Marlborough, after Blenheim—It may be glorious, but I :ln thinking that all the human blood I this day has only earned me aparte—A. trade of bar- n'\e ‘:H of whluI‘a {onllm U R Sy Iy r V’ iter leigh—The ies of mea munition and money may justly be call the sinews of war. large was attended Peterson, who of and Miss er, Mrs. Emily M. P stree Mr. and Mrs. ing for a week's st fornia, and on thelr Cal. glace fruit 50c per ™ at Townsend's.* —_——————— Special information supplied daily to Lusiness houses and public men by the Press Clipping Bureau (Ann‘n),lfil.&llo-;h UNITED AT THE ALTAR Nuptials of Orville C. Bald- win and Miss Ella Peterson. Last evening at half-past 8 o’clock Or- ville Charles Baldwin and Miss Ella Peterson were married at Plymouth Con- gregational Church in the presence of a number of invited guests. The bride her sister, Miss Emily ated as maid of honor, Daisy Peterson, Miss Emily Ed- ‘wards, Miss Maud Lon; Vice, who acted as bridesmaids. G, Baldwin was best man, were E. J. Vosel Hugo A. Turner and Fabrius T. Finch. After the ceremony there tion at the residence of the 'eterson, 1515 Webster their residence at 2330 Pine street. and Miss Alice . Fens ushers Georgo fi.‘fnrl:fl. Dride’s moth- NOT A RIVAL IN SIGHT! The beauty of our laundry work makes s justly proud, and we feel like dwin leave this morn- in Southern Cali- return will take up gomery street. Telephone Main bcmeysr < v . 5 As a rule the woman who is her own o d JUSITE g g aressmaker gets into many bad habits. NO NATIONAL HOLIDAYS—Hazel and | 0107 20d finish on the shirts, collars Susie, City. There are no national holi- cuffs done methods. U. 8. FLAGSHIP IOWA days"in the United States. g - ot NOT LEPROSY—A., Alameda, Cal. In To Anchor Off Hotel Del Monts, | 1o case of William Henry Horn, recent- | United States Otfice - Monterey. ¥ taken in charge on_suspicion of being & g . 1004 Market Street. ‘Word been received from Rear Admiral | léper, was discharged by the health au: Albert that the U. 8. flagship Jowa | thorities, there being no evidence of lep- Telephone South 420, will arrive and anchor in the bay of Monterey | TOSY- e — ©Oakland Office, 514 Elevent zn'r‘-fiymmm_lm.-nfl'fllnm TEMPERATURE OF THE BLOOD— | — — ——— —_ = “leventh St least one week. g Subscriber, City. A person who believ: PO aaai e s S e This information will no doubt be heralded mtthetmmtmntthobloodht:; 13 with delight by many of our soclety people, high should consult a competent - Located on Market ‘who will desire to visit Del Monte at that time | cian, who will give advice as to proper PALA Em and. participate in the mary soctal functions | treatment. Such a condition ls brought o closs that usually take place when one of the ships | about by various causes and what might proximity to busi- of the mavy is anchored In old Monterey Bay. | be effective in one case might be detri- ness section. places ———————— mental in another. s ‘ ' of amusement and Personally Conducted Excursions | OAKLAND AND- HAYWARDS—Sub- depots: 1400 rooms, 1n {mproved wide-vestibuled Pullman tourist | scriber. The county road between Oak- fim %00 with baths at- rlecping cars via Santa Fe route. Experienced | land and Haywards is lit with electricity tached. The largest excursion conductors accompany these excur- | fus by the Oakland, San and fine-* hotels ta slons to look after the welfare of passengers. | and Car C . That the world. Amert- To Chicago Kansas City every Sunday, |ration holds a eontmu and KEuropean \Wednesday and Friday. To Boston, Montreai | lights. It was paid 880 for wiring a . plan, ind Toronto every Wednesday. To St Louis | furnishing thirty lights between very Sunday. To St. Paul every Sunday an. | 2Nd San Leandro and sixteen lights pe- s “riday. Ticket office, 625 Market streei. b g o e B sotv oS B A skt muh“m’n"mm{ ‘ mm# nr.rnamm-.-m:: The are mm."’m‘)-io - eial Beey over the world Great regulstor g - . - dixestive organs, feet. 3 =, B Crensts 5 Naliseachackd