The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, September 27, 1899, Page 6

. THE SAN FRANCIS 0 CALL, WED DAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1899 .DNESDAY JOHN _.Market and Third Sts. S.F 217 to 221 Stevenson Street OAKLAND OFFICE... 908 Broadway | C. CEORGE KROGNESS, Manager Forcign Advertising, Marquette Building, Chicago. NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT : C. C. CARLTON........ . Herald Square NEW YORK REPRESENTATIVE: PERRY LUKLENS JR. ....29 Tribune Bullding S. Northern Hotel; s Daughter. ajos tlemaxz, day, Oc- AUCTION SALES. s day, at 11 & m., Buggles, etc., Japanese Art , October 8, at 12 AN @CQUIRED TASTE. ti g conservatism rms law is must wait iy the P of war. Ex-Senator the Filipin e for dip- nderstanding. These men 1 they want is a little justice.” Republican leaders i ISP is Governor Shaw of Iowa. A few d: “The so-called imperial idea is te but difficult to defend. You can ce in the United States and e of taking all we can acquire and e can get, and meet a ready respo ment to declare agz »ut it is not, in. my opinion, always the flag wherever chance oppor- Senator Burrows has shown the Mason, Hale, Wellington and aders have not hesitated to ex- 1d Senator Hoar js its champion. multiply daily that the Republican party | es not propose that its position on imperialism be dictated by its enemies. In no platform has ed that policy, and, while some expressions ie in its name are lamentable, they are not its ex- ns. The declaratory resolutlon of the Senate, lowing the ratification of the Paris treaty, is likely to be the germ of the party’s future policy. It will repudiate the extraconstitutional theories of Denby, Wheeler and Morgan, and keep in right line with its ory by at once discharging its duty to Republican principles and observing its responsibility to the world by nurturing free institutions in the Philippines and planting there a government which may grow to be the light of Asia. [ It is the duty of good people to strengthen this ! party purpose rather than to urge the administration into a wider departure from it. Christianity cannot [ afford the spectacle that would be presented by the | Hawaiians and Filipinos, the only races in the | Pacific Ocean and the Orient that have accepted the | rule of the Prince of Peace, despoiled of their coun- ‘ try and their birthright by those who taught them the plan of salvation. If they are to furnish such a melancholy example of injustice, all Christian missionaries would better be re- | called from the far lands where they labor for the | saving of souls, for the difference shown between | Christian precept and Christian practice will be so | great as to make Christianity a hissing and a by- | word among the heathen. | | | ing a other Rep press it, The sign If the Christian religion suffer itself to become merely the forerunner of political conquest, no right- minded man can question the right of civil govern- ment in all unconquered Asiatic countries to rigidly | exclude it as the Western nations exclude anarchy, | nihilism and all cults which come to teach defiance | of the civil authority and deny the right of govern- ment to govern. From this stern and inexorable logic of the situa- tion there is no escape. Emotional appeals to the impulsive do not answer nor evade it. Recurrence to the primitive idea of Providence as working its purposes in the slaughter of the innocent and rob- bery of the unoffending is offensive to common sense. Let it be written to be read in the future among the ruins of a Christianity which weakly identified it- self with the cruelties of conquest; if these converted people are defeated in their aspirations born in their new faith, that faith will not only fade from their minds, but will lose its influence on the very people who have used it as a foothold for commercial greed, territorial spoliation and criminal aggression. The Republican party does not propose to be the agent in | and the students, in revolt, declare that they such a downfall. | statement or in as much of deta ! roll up even when the owner does nothing to ad HOME EDUCATION AND CULTURE. N Monday, October 16, The Call will begin the publication of a series of papers designed for the general interest of all readers, but particularly for those who wish to undertake courses of study either in the privacy of the home circle or in associa- tion with others. The series will be published every day, except Sunday, and the papers of cach series will bear such relations as to form an unbroken continuity: of instruction from first to last. The work is to be done under the direction of Seymour Eaton, formerly of the Drexel Institute of Philadelphia. The series will include six courses of study. On each Monday and Thursday of the week there will be papers on Shakespeare; on Tuesdays, a succession of articles on the world’s great artists; on Wednesdays there w for girls, and shop and trade studies for boys; on Fridays the papers will deal with great ill be two courses presented—desk studies American statesmen; and every Saturday there will be a study on some subject of home science and household economy. These courses are not to be hastily arranged for idle reading merely. Each will be under charge of men of eminence in criticism and education, and will merit the consider- ation of the most learned and the most thoughtful. To the Shakespearean studies Ed- ward Dowden of the University of Dublin; William J. Rolfe, editor and commentator of one of the best of recent editions of Shakespeare’s works; Hiram Corson of Cornell Uni- versity; Hamilton Mabie, associate editor of the Outlook, and Isaac Demmon of the Uni- versity of Michigan, will contribute. In addition to the leading studies by the contributors named there will be a number of special side studies of Shakespeare by other writers and professors hardly less eminent. The course in American history will review the policies and the services of a list of sixteen distinguished statesmen, covering the periods of the nation’s development from uel the times of Samuel Adams and Patrick Hen ry to those of Charles Summner. These pa- pers will be contributed by well-known historians or professors of history in our best uni- versities. Among them will be such men as John Bach McMaster, Albert Bushnell Hart and others. teen of the most noted painters of the world e great artist series will include biographies and critical studies of four- from Titian to Meissonier. In the dgpartment of household economy studies will be given in the home health- ; the buying. d education o ful and be and the be Mrs. it cooking and serving of food; the social life of the home, children. The leading contributors to the department fwill Campbell, Mrs. Margaret E. Sangster, Mrs. Kate Gannett Wells, Miss | Lucy Wheelock and Miss Anna Barrows. The course of desk study for girls will include instruction in new words and how to use them; correspondence and handwriting; reading courses a tion. The shop and trade studies for boys w ing for mechani 1d a girl’s library; personal accounts and money affairs, and writing for publica- ill include arithmetic of the workshop, draw- arithmetic of the counter and office, money problems and business records, and machine drawing and design. Each of these courses will be under compe- tent i In beginning the publication of such a a fad. paper. Popular education in America has res favor shown to lectures the growth of the wide-sj univer centers of learning. ors, and the study will be useful practically to all who earnestly undertake it. series of papers The Call is not undertaking It is but supplying a legitimate demand of the public upon a progressive news- ulted in producing a community where thou- s of people desire to continue to be students as long as they live, and to widen with ach succeeding year the horizon of their knowledge. From that desire came the estab-| lishment of reading or scientific circles, then the demand for public libraries, next the| on topics-of an educational value. Out of that same desire came | read Chautauqua Society and the recent movement known as| v extension, which is doing so much to bring the public® into touch with the| The educational series of The Call will supplement all of these studies. They can be followed with interest and instruction by all reading societies, Chautauquans and univer-| sity extension clubs. Thej cause they can be followed in the home itself. home and the culture of the home, and as such will be welcome to that class of readers | which The Call delights to serve. are, moreover, more convement than any of such clubs, be-| They entail no extra cost. They are for the CALIFORNIA MINES AND MINERALS. ? ciation, under the dir Benjamin,.as a souv of the Americ; The contents of t d the v ALIFORNIA MINES AND MINERALS is t! tle given to an attractive volume i 1e Califo ction of Secretary Edward H. of the meeting in this city | £ Mining Engineers. c are as comprehensive | nia Miners’ Asso- as the title, 1me constitutes a true com- pendium of the mines and the mineral resources of the State. Many of s were written by ex- perts who are established authorities on the subjects | with which they deal. The book is in no sense a | “boom” me designed to attract attention of the general public, though it might well serve for that On the contrary, it is a careful compilation | nining industry of the State. It is VO purpose. of the facts of the a volume which w 1 repay the caréful study of mining | engineers and mining investors, and will doubtless receive it from both. | While a work of this kind, forming a general sum- | mary of the whole mineral , giving a treat- ment of the subject by counties as well as by the dif- ferent kinds of mi s produced, could not in the nature of things go much into detail, yee it is to be noted the articles are in no sense lacking in specific il as is necessary to an | understanding of the topic reviewed. work is a really valuable addition to the industrial literature of California, and will prove of great value | in many ways. { Considerable praise is due to the handsome man- | ner in which the volume is made up. It is one of the | best specimens of bookmaking ever devoted to an in- j dustrial subject. a fine quality of paper, is beautifully illustrated and at- | tractively bound. number worthy of the Miners’ Association of the richest mineral State in the Union. Vanderbilt inherited Cornelius $50,000,000 and left a fortune valued at $125,000,000 The story that is hardly correct. There is probably a good deal of | exaggeration in both figures. Still, the increase is | sufficient to show how rapidly vast accumulations | vance them, but on the contrary spends millions the construction of palaces and in the maintenance | of all sorts of luxurious forms of living. There was a time, celebrated in Gilbertian opera, | when “Queen Victoria ruled the waves.” That time | has passed, as Johnny Bull has found when he en- tered the market to secure ships to carry his troops to South Africa. He found to his sorrow that Uncle Sam had cornered the market in transports plying | between San Francisco and the Philippines. Archaelogists are very much excited over the dis- covery of a'lot of ruins near Guadalajara, Mexico. At first they were supposed to be those of a city of the | Aztecs, but fears are now entertained that something may be found that will connect them with the his- toric, though ill-fated, Baldwin Hotel. There seems to be reason even for slang. Y’ou have often heard of some person looking like thirty cents. The coiner of that expression must have had in mind Assessor Dodge and the thirty cents he has taken from the pocket of each poor man ‘who has been compelled to pay poll tax. . . The retention of Professor McNaughton as prin- cipal of the State Normal School at San Jose in spite of the strong protest of the Alumni Association is re- sulting as was expected. The school is in an uproar will strike. @ RAILROAD TO INDIA. OT with mighty military armaments.and power- | 1\ contending with one another for supremacy. By granting large subsidies to merchant vessels they are waging the commercial contest on every sea and at every port of the globe, and.moreover they are as far as possible constructing railway lines in such a manner as to be of service to their people in the industrial competition. The vast project which Russia is pushing forward in the establishment of a railway across the northern part of Asia has stimulated the British to consider the feasibility of constructing a line to the south | which would bring British India into railway com- munication with the Mediterranean. The franchise for such a line must of course emanate from the Turkish Government, as it would have to pass for a long distance through the ‘territory of that empire, and-it appears there is now a pretty sharp diplomatic struggle going on to obtain it. The objection to the British scheme has come mainly from the Germans, who for a long time have been working for industrial and commercial suprem- acy in Turkey and particularly in the Asiatic portion of that empire. Lately, however, it seems the French and the Russians have become interested in the mat- In short, the | ter, and the latter are decidedly antagonistic to both { the Germans and the British, for they are themselves building a line of railway to the Persian Gulf. The Vicnna correspondent of the London Times in com- menting upon the situation as presented at the Aus- trian capital says: “These energetic protests would seem to indicate It is printed in large, clear type on | that the realization of one of the competing railway | schemes is now looked upon as a not very remote It constitutes, in fact, a souvenir | possibility. Another explanation of the hostility | which finds expression in the Russian press may be the recognition that in the race to the Persian Gulf Russia is for the moment seriously handicapped. A | combination of financial with technical difficulties of | exceptional gravity will postpone the desired exten- sion of the Transcaspian Railway system for a long time to come. The disinclination of certain foreign money markets to make new loans, together with the constant and heavy drain upon the Russian | Treasury for the Siberian Railway, the Far East, and the further development of the army and navy, will necessarily cripple and delay the operations in Per- sia. In these circumstances it is quite conceivable that the progress of such powerful and wealthy com- petitors as Germany and Great Britain should excits | a little jealousy in St. Petersburg.” It is said the structural difficulties of the would be comparatively slight, and under either British or German control it would be easy to ob- tain the money to construct it. therefore, that a new route to India may soon follow the opening of the Siberian road even if it do not pre- cede it. , e e —— Patrolman Thomas Naylor has fallen heir to a for- tune left by an uncle. When he resigns from the force in this city he will quit rounding up the Chinese of San Francisco and take to chasing the “yellow boys” in Philadelphia. Admiral Dewey has given his fellow-countrymen another specimen of the way he has of slipping into a harbor in the gray dawn to furnish a surprise. The next thing we know the Liquid Air Trust -will be trying to corner the air supply and then the world will gasp and catch its breath. The oil men of California are certainly making the way smooth for prosperity. Three new companies weré incorporated yesterday. B e ful navies only are the great nations of Europe | road | It is quite probable, | OUR NATIONAL DUTY. The Question of Expansion and Annexation of the Philippines. By Frank H. Short. PART L WROTE and published at some length in December, 1888, my views upon the question of the propriety, advantage and expediency of annex- ing the Phillppine Islands. At that time the presumption was that without force and substantially by their consent the Philippine Islands and thelr inhabi- tants could be annexed and become & part of our country practically by the consent of the inhabitants, either as a modified colonial acquisition or in the shape of Territories having in view that they might ultimately become an integral part of the United States. The situation as it now exists is much less favorably viewed, either from a consideration of expediency or right and justice. While the San Francisco Chronicle oc- cuples the position of advocating that the islands shall be annexed as Terri- tories and prospective States, no other great journal and no leading statesman has taken this position. So this one paper, being quite alone in its advocacy of state- hood and citizenship for the Philippines, it is fair to assume that the question is now one of granting them independence or annexing them for colonial purposes in one form or another. Since my former article an open rupture has occurred between this country and the islands and a continued and aggres- sive warfare has been carried on. So the present situation is one where we have purchased the islands and their inhabit- ants from Spain and are prosecuting a war to enforce our dominion and sov- ereignty, so called, over them. This at- tempt is evidently quite as much against their consent and will as was the attempt of King George to continue his sov- ereignty over our colonies, and their op- position is apparently more unanimous than was ours, because there exists in the Philippines apparently nothing cor- | responding to the Tory party this country during the Revolution. The maintenance of the position form- erly taken upon this question is more em- barrassing than at the time of my former article upon this subject, for the reason that at this time we are engaged in an actual and more or less important war in in | Which it becomes the duty of every citi- | zen, whatever his view may be of the | real right or wrong of the controversy, to give his support to the Government ;\ndglhe army and navi; of the United States, though he may believe and does believe that the controversy and the war are unnecessary and the ends sought are Unjust. There is a very radical and im- proper disposition to confound such a po- sition and to undertake to hold all per- Sons in opposition to the policy upon the grounds of morality and expediency as in opposition to their own Government and its army and navy. The further unpleas- ant complication is that by reason of its responsible position in connection with the Philippine question the Republican party is more or less committed in ad- vance to the policy of annexation, the continued presecution of the war and the further policy of continued domination over the occupation of these islands; this latter policy or question being the one obviously material at this time. The position 1 occupy in this contro- s one common with many others versy much more prominent in the hlstore}' and counsel of the Republican party than I claim to be. 1t is therefore of sufficiently | general application to be stated that 1 have no political connections, past, pres- ent or prospective, with any Farly other the Republican party. I bélieve that policies and principles as * hitherto maintained and carried out have been for the continued advancement and Dros- perity of the country along constitutional and fundamental lines. As founded by Lincoln and his compatriots it was essen- tially a party of equal rights and civil liberty to all men of all colors and con- ditions; as_matured and subsequently carried on by Blaine and his adherents, the party is one having equal respect for civil rights and civil liberty; its first and foremcst principle the doc- trine of protection and reciprocity, the ad- vantages of internal development and trade as compared with foreign trade and its consequent necessary dependence upon | internaticnal peace and foreign support. T'o these policies of the Republican party 1 have given my most candid and undi- vided allegiance, have always given it and now give it the presumption of being right, unless obviously wrong. We' h: cess to civil liberty and the continuance of re- publican institutions. The predominance of such a spirit is illustrated by the pres- ent situation. There can be little question that if Mr. Bryan had been elected, if the war had been grosecu\ed and his admin- istration had adhered to the policy of the present administration in all of its detalls, the majority of the Democratic party would have been carried with it and would have now been arrayed on the side of expan- sion; while the Republican party would have been in practically united opposition. This is more plainly true when we come to consider that the acquisition of foreign territory and the furtherance of foreign commerce means an ultimate and inevit- able destruction of the doctrine of protec- tlion; therefore the Republican party is natura! the opponent of the po of cxpansion, and if there could be ary nat- urei support of the policy Its support | could_come and come alone from the i branch of the Democratic party ultra free trade and gold standard. So the fortunes of war and of politics have placed the Republican party where nothing but party enthusiasm and supposed party loyvalty could have placed it. It is the spirit of arty dominating not only the national pol- cy of the country, but actually subvert- ing the fundamental principles of the | party iteelf. So that I may not be misunderstood, T desire to say that wrile I stand in un- changeable opposition to the policy of ex- ganamn or_imperialism, whichever it may e called, T do so wholly within and as a member of the Republican party. and with no thought of allegiance or alllance with any other party. very party has many principles and it is hardly possible | that a member of independent mind could give full support to every varying prin- ciple of his party. In this instance the principle involved is of such overshad- owing Importance that fealty and loyalty to party does not in my judgment, and could not, mean silence or acquiescence. The policy cannot be the policy of the Re- publican party until it, in its representa- tive capacity and in convention, has so declared. hen this event has transpired, as it plainly may and probably will, while T cannot and do not expect to give any | countenance or support to the policy and shall labor as far as T can to assist in re- versing it,overthrowingitand defeating it. T shall nevertheless do so as a member of and within the Republican party, labor- ing not for the destruction of my party, but for its return to those principles that thus far have proved sufficient in every trial. not only sustaining the party but advancing the prosperity of the country; fully realizing in the meantime, however, that any party usefulness will be im- paired, and that in order to stand by and advocate what T conseientiously believe, T shall_be misunderstood by my bpolitical friends, and that all political preferment. if ‘ever thought of, must be abandoned and laid aside. If the question Involved was one of | mere trade; whether money should be of two kinds or one kind: whether taxation | should be of one kind or another: whether i a State should have a little more or a 1it- | tle less rights as against the general Government, a _person might be justified in ylelding at least sllence and acouies- cence to a policy with which he did not agree: but when the question is one that involves the fundamental rights of man, the fundamental objects, duties and obli- gations of a democratic form of govern- ment, there is no honorable ground for a citizen of the country viewing the matter in this light. except to oppose such an in- novation and subversion of principles with all his strength and energy. regardless of the resulys to himself or his party. Dis- respect for the rights of the black man or the brown man lead to ultimate disre- spect for the rights of the white man. TIt.is in this spirit that T further present my views upon this subject. Tt is proper in advance to say that the declaration made early in the history of this country —although sounding somewhat extreme: “My country: may she always be right, but always my country”—is a true state- ment of the duties of a citizen of the TUnited States. Tn proportion to his coun- try’s needs it s as much the duty of a citizen to enlist and serve in the a and navy of the T'nited States, advance, protect and defend its flag_at this time, as at any other time in the history of our country.. No policy of right or wrong, no question of what we should or should not do. can be determined by giving aid or ecomfort to a forelen countrv in time o war, or in any way contributing to the de- feat of our own armies or to the success of foreign armies. 2 1 therefore wish to be distinctly under- stood as advocating the support of the administration, and so long as_the GOv- ernment carries on the war in the Philiu- pines those who enlist are entitled to the same recognition and same honor, the same loyal support from every citizen, as would be accorded in any other war. ‘While 1 should vote against every meas- ure looking to a continuance of the pres- ent policy, nevertheless so long as the war was continued or the policy was en- forced I should give every assistance pos- | sible to the full support of the G rn- ment and the full and successful pr tion of the war. This much is plain: the duty of a citizen is always with his coun- try. The further duty is also plain, that where a citizen does not believe that his | country is on the right side or Vpursulnfiv; the right policy it is his duty with equal | vigor to labor for and advocate the return of his country to fundamental principles | and right policy. Take the present situa- | tion, fol‘ Instance, and concede it is the | duty of a citizen to give all the support outfined to the Government; where the citizen believes that the continuation and ultimate establishment of the policy sought would subvert democratic princi- les and weaken if not ultimately destroy | is Government, it is then the du(g of | the citizen within his country to fight | such a policy with even more determina- | tion, ossible, than he would resist ui forelgn foe; for, while there is no appre- | hension that any forelgn foe can destroy | this country, it is admittedly true that such a resuit lles easily with the citizens of this country. T, those cheerfully assuming that lib- erty and democratic sel{-government can- not be in any danger we reaffirm that the old and undisputed aphorism that ‘‘eter- nal vigilance Is the price of liberty” is always true, and that this free and dem- ocratic people, with as much facility as the republics of ancient times, may fritter | away and destroy a democratic Govern- ment even more ragldly than such_a re- sult was accomplished in former times. It was never the intention of any people to destroy a free Government. They never thought they were doing so un- | til the destruction had been accom- plished; and therefore in this regard the utmost vigilance should be exercised; even the appearance of evil in such a direction should be avoided. The pres- ent high and haughty assumption that anything a republican form of govern- ment has done or may do is consistent is { to my mind the most dangerous and un- | republican doctrine that could be dissemi- nated. ! The expansionists now generally coneede | that if, as they state it, the fortunes of | war and the requirements of duty had not forced the Philippines upon us/ it would be best if we were entirely rid of the whole problem and responsibility. | As to this idea of being in entire controi | of the situation and nevertheless forced to assume a position or policy contrary | to the real interest of the American peo- | ple, such an assumption should be given no countenance, and for it I have littl respect. To the world and to mankind and human liberty the condition and char- | acter of the government in the Philip-| ines is of little consequence, perhaps not n a very great degree to the Filipinos themselves, but in the préservation of | this government in its simplicity and | purity, the whole world and the whole | future of humanity has a deep and abid- ing interest. ‘While no one would advocate any cruel or inhuman policy or disregard of na- tional duty, the assumption that national duty lies along lines hitherto unfollowes and inconsistent with our principles o government and previous declarations is a | most dangerous and destructive assump- | tion. The whole contention that we are carrying on a relentless war out of a sense of duty to a people that we are| in arms against is so sophistical and il logical and well known by even ourselves | to be false, that it is a shame that so | frank a people should be driven to or should resort to such a subterfuge. It was sald, I think, in France during the Revolutfoh with great truth, “O lib- erty, liberty, how many .crimes in thy name have been committed!” And to those | opposed to the present policy one of the | most objectionable features is that we are | attempting to enforce our jurisdiction and | control upon an unconsenting people in | the name of liberty. | The poet wished that the gods could “some good gift give us to see ourselves | as others see us.” In this instance we have practically an opportunity to real- ize the poet's dream if we would avail | ourselves of it. For 300 years and over the Government of Spain, without the consent of the governed, has extended its jurisdiction to the remotest parts of the| earth. During all these years Spain has pursued her course of greed and conquest | with the most fulsome pretenses of piety, | love and desire for the amelioration o her subjects. As very forcibly put by Senator Thurston, when he stood in op- osition instead of imitation of her un- ovely policy, quoting the substance of what he sald: ““Spain has set up more crosses in more countries and under it | has assassinated more human beings | than all other countries.” We have seen | her always proceeding in the name of Christ and under the cross; we have seen her in his name and under the cross ef-| face from the map of the world whole | countries and obliterate and destroy the | Peruvians and Aztecs, bringingz poverty, desolation and death to untold millions | of geople, all in the name of the Prince | of Peace and the author of human rights | and democracy, and under the emblem of | his rule and in solemn, holy and sacri-| legious pretenses of christianizing and | ameliorating the condition of the people | that they robbed, subjugated ang de- stroyed. The cross is dear to every Christian, and the flag to every Ameri- can and every lover of liberty through- out the world. It does not better an un- christian deed that it is done under the | cross; it does not improve an undemo- cratic proceeding that it is conducted un- der the American flag. The cross is the emblem of morality and justice, the flag of liberty and law. The cross and the pretenses carried on under it deceive no one as to the greedy purposes and em- bitious designs of Spain. The use of the flag we love so well and the pretenses | of human and democratic purposes, but | faintly believed in the beginning, and doubtless to be whollg and practically unrealized in the eed, deceive no one and cannot relieve us, even In the forum of our own conscience and much less in tne judgment of the world from having de- | paried from the high plane of humanity | that we have hitherto occupled among the nations of the world. It is said that we mean to give the peo- ple we subject gocod and just iaws. I hope if this policy prevails that some little of this will be realized, but as far as we have fone there seems little to expect or hope for. It is well to remember, except from our own point of view, that we are not much better or worse than others, and that in our nttemgt to solve the race problem in the South we have proven more incompetent to handle and settle it than any other question with which we have been confronted. It is admittedly true that it is the most perplexing and | menacing subject with which we are at- | tempting to deal, and it would seem an unaccountable folly to seek more trouble of the same kind existing under more dif- ficult conditions. The expansiorists say that we have be- come a world power. If by this it is meant that we have become a peer of or upon an equality with the five or six other great powers of the world, so called, it is but the evidence of an alarming retrogression. This country for at least a quarter of & century has been the great power of the world; in the advantages of its position, in its reserved military strength, in its progress, in its increased financial re- sources, in the loyalty and intelligence of its citizens, it has been, and is, inestima- bly in advance of any other power in the world. To feel elated that this position of dominancy of one-half at least of the world, and of great moral influences thrm:‘ghom the other portion, and of un- questioned loyalty to democratic govern- ment, has been in a degree, or is to be, substituted for a position of equality among the imperial powers of the world, indicates in an alarming degree, if true. the tendency of the American mind away from Americanism and democracy toward impcrial and military power. It is well to bear in mind that all this argument has been with ourselves; that we, the beneficiaries, are sitting in this case as lawyer, judge and jury, and the amount of argument that we are having with our- selves would indicate that we have a rather weak case—a case that if we had to present to an Impartial judge or an jm- partial jury would never be presented at all. It is historically true that prob: countr{ or despotic rujer mergr e!v!;]ry u:? dertook to extend his jurisdiction over an- other coun eople without asserting l or some claim of nxfit and an additional d sire to benefit. not only his own countr. [ % x but the country and people subjected Alexander is reputed to have rather terse- 1y put it: “If I have destroyed cities and countries, T have founded greater.” The Caesars destroyed civil liberty in Rome as it had previcusly existed, and thought they had more than recompensed > Roman people by giving them an imperial army and imperial power and the imperial city of marble, substituted for the old Roman town of wood. But in the light of subsequent history the exchange is rnot reputed to have been to the advantage of the Roman people, If It could be determined in advance that our purpose in annexing the Philip- pines was to a ire them as colonial sub- jects and not as prospective citizens, un- doubtedly we could not do so under tne constitutien; but since there is no means of enforcing the admission that we are assuming jurisdiction over them w 1out ever intending to afford them citizenship, the constitution affords little protection, because it has been construed to contem- plate the admission of territories and in- habitants without the right of immediate citizenship, but with the view of pros- pective citizenship, and since such right of prospective citizenship cannot be dc- nied in advance the provisions of the cor stitution afford no means of protect against the procedure contemplated. Bu obviously, if it could be spread upon records that we were bringing in colonies and subjects, the constitution would pre- sent an impassable barrier, and while we may be doing this as a matter of fact the fact cannot he put upon the record and therefore avails nothing. In our con- stitution and scheme of government, as interpreted by the federalist pap and our official procedure (and it/will be found within the whole scope thereof), there is not one word or line providing for or authorizing jurisdiction over subjects or colonies. Citizens and States alo contemplated. But the spirit of the c stitution may avail little, for the rea that the continuance of the present cond tions, or the intent that they shall be ¢ tinued, cannot be determined. For t reasons it has been uninteresting to me to discuss at length the constitutional question involved. — POSTAGE ON SUNDAY CALL. SUNDAY CALL wrapped ready for mailing—postage 2c to all points in United States, Canada and Mexico, and 4c to all for- aign' points. are THE DEWEY BADGE. T o e 5k ok ok sk ok sk ok ok ok ok ok ok ok ok ok ok L * - s 2 - X g * x x * x x x x wx (/71 x &'.‘ X £ UnoeR THE SR X oricom J icronsasy x x * * R R R 2 R L PR AR R R R S R R R R SR S S ek KKk ko ok ok ok & 1 ke ke ke ok ke sk ke ok ke ok ok ok ok ok kok B MEDAL-TO BE PRESENTED BY THE UNITED STATES TO THE OFFI- CERS AND MEN WHO SERVED IN THE SQUADRON UNDER ADMIRAL DEWEY IN THE VIC- TORY OF MANILA BAY. — e ANSWERS TO CORRES>ONDENTS. CHENOWETH-CARROLL TRAGEDY A. C. R, City. The killing of Richard T. Carroll by John M. Chenoweth occurred in the office of the former at 306 Market street on the 28th of August, 1890. After killing Carroll Chenoweth killed himself. THE BLYTHE ESTATE—-A. O. S, City. The Biythe estate has been dis- tributed. Whether the lawyers in tho case have been paid is a private matter between the lawyers and the parties who emploved them, consequently there is no record of settlement. AUTOMOBILE—C. B., Oakland, Cal. As has already been announced in the lo- cal department of The Call, a company has been organized for the construction of automobiles, but it has not ‘yet been determined whether they are to be built in this city or in Stockton, but they will be used in this city. MINT MARK-W. The letter D on gold coin of the United States signifies that the coin was minted at Dahlonega, Ga., which branch mint was opened in 18%. and in_which opera- tions were suspended in 1861. The letter Stockton, Cal. appears only on gold coin of that mint. A $5 gold piece of 1560 with that mint mark upon it has a selling price of from $7 to , but is not such a coin as dealers pay a premium for. = e Every traveler and visitor should see Townsend's display of California Glace Fruits, 50c I, fire-etched boxes, 627 Mkt. ¢ —_———— Special information supplied daily to business houses and public men by the Fress Clipping Bureau (Allen’s), 510 Mont- gomery street. Telephone Main 1042, —_—— High Chief Ranger. G. A. McElfresh of Los Angeles, high chief ranger of the Independent Order of Foresters, will arrive in this city on Sat- urday, ard on the evening of that day he will be the guest of the local board ot deputfes at a well-known restaurant, where a banquet will be given in his honor. —_—e———— “Mrs. Winslow’s Scothing Syrup” Has been used for fifty years by millions of mothers for their children while Teething with perfect success. It soothes the child, softens the gums, ailays Pain, cures Wind Colic, regu- lates the Bowels and is the best remedy for Diarrhoeas, whether arising from teethinz or other causes. For sale by druggists in every part of the world. Be sure and ask for Mrs. Winslow's Scothing Syrup, %c a bottle, —_—————— T Northern Pacific Railway. Upholstered tourist sleeper through to St. Paul every Tuesday night. No change. This car is nicely upholstered In leather and is ex- tremely comfortable in every respect. Fuliman sleeping cars of the latest pattern on every train. Tickets sold at lowest rates to all points East. T. K. Stateler, Gen. Aat., Market st., San Francisco —_——————— Cheap Rates. September 2 to October § inclusive the San- ta Fe Route will sell tickets to Chicaso at very low rates. Occasfon. corner-stone laying Government building and fall festivitles. Get full particulars at 625 Market street. —_————— HOTEL DEL CORONADO-Take advantage of the round-trip tickets. Now only $i0 by steamship, including fifteen days' board at ho- tel; longer stay, $2 50 per day. Apply at 4 New Montgomery strest, San Francisco. ——————— Age tends to kill the halr and turn it gray. Parker's Hair Balsam renews color and lfe. Hindercarns. the best cure for corps. «in. 4