The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, October 22, 1898, Page 6

TH: S. FRANCISCO CALL, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1898 The 1B Call SATURDAY.... ~ JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Propnetor. Address All Communications to W. S. LEAKE, Manager. PUBLICATION OFFICE......Market and Third Sts.. S. F. Telephone Main 1868, EDITORIAL ROOMS.. 2T to 221 Stevenson Street | Telephone Main 1§74 THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL (DAILY AND SUNDAY) Is served by carriers In this city and surrounding towns | for I5 cents a week. By mall $6 per year; per montb 6L cents. THE WEEKLY CALL OAKLAND OFFICE NEW YORK OFFICE ..Room I88, World Building DAVID ALLEN, Advertising Representative. .OCTOBER 22, 1898 One ygar. by mall. $1.50 ...908 Broadway WASHINGTON (D. C.) Riggs House C. C. CARLTON, Correspondent. CHICAGO OFFKCE..... .Marquette Building C.GEORGE KROGNESS, Advertising Representative. BRANCH OFFICES—527 Montgomery street, corner Clay. epen untll 9:30 o'clock. 387 Hayes street, open until 9:30 o'clock. 621 McAllister street. open until 9:30 o'clock. 65 Larkin street. open until 9:30 o'clock. i941 Mission street, open untll 10 o'clock. 2291 Market street, corner Sixteenth. open untll 9 o'clock. 2518 Mission street, open untll 9 o'clock. 106 Eleventh street, open until 9 o'clock. 1505 Polk street, open | untll 9:30 o'clock. NW. corner Twenty-second ana | Kentucky streets, open untll 9 o'clock. ¢ Theater—'*Where's Matilda?" tan Stewart, Vaudeville and the Zoo. 1 Eddy streets—Speclalties. s afterncon. y. October 2. A CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. RAL publi tention should be called to | ct that at the election next month the = are to vote upon calling a constitu- ation to revise the fur ntal law of the “When two-t on provides th: ers elected to cach House of the Legisl 11 deem it necessary to revise this constit all recommend to the electors to vote at next general election for or against a conver on for nd e electors voting on the proposition for a conv vor thereof, the Legislature s its next session, provide by law for ¢ The importance of this matter is incapable of over- that purpose, at such electio hall vote in majority of t t of a revision which may give the attitude stitution invest olic i titution was produced, unfortun- of the sandlot potent spasm, d the reputation of California, and one | - | its revision, or substitution by a more pa: ument, is that the courts have been com- n construing it, to obsolete so much of its | matter that was in conflict witih rights entrenched in the Federal constitution, and so much that sought to leap over the prohibitions of t supreme law of the land. If we attempt revision in the delirium of successful | sandlotism that would f f State t, we will be sure to make matters worse in- | stead of bettering them. The fusion movement llow the election of the ion tic has | filled the air with fads as it is filled with thistle-down b, the summer wind, and the success of the job lot 1 ideas that are the cargo of the fusion move- ment would displace sanity and system for the time bei: and all sound notions of government would be led during the process of making a new con- stitutior 1 of citizens to beat Maguire and the fusion emphasized by the prospect of all the rights of person and property, which are committed to the care of the State, being put in a state of flux again, to be the sport of experiment by successful sandlotters | and fanatics. The motley set of principles for which Maguire stands would then be regarded as proper pro\'»ions; for the fundamental law, and the State would receive | a constitution that would fit it like a horsehair shirt, | imparting more torment than protection. It is, then, in the nature of a civic emergency to | have a constitutional convention impending during such a campaign as the fusionists have inaugurated | and Maguire is carrying on. In such an emery.;cncyI the good sense and local loyalty of the people must assert themselves, in the defeat of the fusion ticket, to the end that a probable and possible new consti- tution may not be a prolonged screed and discordant screech against all human dut, Private Meadors of the Eighth has been acquitted of the charge of murder. The fact ought to comfort Private Rosser of the Tennessee regiment. The ex- tenuating circumstance urged on behalf of Meadors seemed to be that he was sorry. Doubtless Rosser is just as sorry. From an unbiased standpoint the act of Meadors seemed far worse than that of Rosser. It was deliberate, while the other assassin acted ander the impulse of alcohol insanity, a poor enough excuse, to be sure, but one which permits belief in the ab- sence of malice. Meadors is of course to be con- gratulated, but it may reasonably be hoped that he will refrain from further slaughter. pensive. Trials are ex- With becoming modesty the Examiner claims credit for improved ferry service. Other people had thought the prospect of a rival line had something to do with the matter, and will be glad to be enlightened This is the Examiner's greatest feat since its brilliant victory over Montejo at Manila, when, as will be re- membered, its man Dewey did quite well. Editor Hearst certainly received a warm welcome after his long absence. If he still regards San Fran- cisco as his home, however, it is likely that the motto above his desk is not exactly “God bless our home.” There is not time left for Henley to take out his first papers. While reputable citizens of Mexico are welcomed here, there are certain formalities to be observed before they can be eligible to office. Some correspondent evidently dreamed that latest fight at Manila. Nobody ought to be permitted to dispose of his nightmare phantoms at space rates. The wards which Phelan has decided contain no men good enough to represent them in the Board of Supervisors must feel flattered and friendly. | tection.” : ¢ ues with a | i one of the possessions of the United States. | in beginning your public life under these new aus- | pices, free from governmental oppression. Murderer Clark has been hanged, and deserves the tribute of praise for having been so scared that he could not talk on the scaffold, - P IS HENLEY ELIGIBLE? N his first speech in the campaign Mr. Henley took occasion to make a personal attack on his oppo- nent, Judge Murphy. The man who begins a per- nal attack cannot complain if the same weapons are turned against him. The Call has printed the doc- that Henley turned his back on his own country, prostrated himself before an im- perial usurper in Mexico, him *“Sire” and begged to be made one of his “subjects,” as his “Im- y had deigned to do in the case of other His “Imperial Sire” “deigned” and wde him a “subject.” Henley, Hoosier-born, and | ared in ifornia, a free citizen of this republic, de- clared in his humble petition to his Imperial “Sire” that Mexico under the “new government,” an em- pire, was the best country in America. The liberty wrested from Spain by revolution had | been stricken down by the Austrian Prince, backed by The republic, which had been courage of generations of patriots, umentary evidenc called perial Maj foreigners. the armies of France evolved out of the had been buried, and an empire, gewgawed and gar- nished, tawdried and tricked out in all the tinsel and forms oi the most exclusive royal court in Europe, had been founded on its grav Juarez, the patriot Aztec, was a naked fugitive, iiding in the caves and chaparral of the mountains. | Human freedom and the rights of man had been ban- | ished and a foreigh army rode the land with a hard | ay Henley, free born, of full age, and | having an estate of movable and immovable property in this republic, declared that Mexico was his preier- ence among all the nations of the Americas! He cast off his birthright as the citizen of a republic, pros- trated himself at the toes of a usurping Emperor, and begged his “Imperial Sire” to make him a “subject.” At this distance of time it looks like a scene in Armed with the naturalization papers which his “Imperial had “deigned” to bestow upon him, he set sail for San Francisco, as to a toreign intry. Landing here, he waited upon the French Consul, then the subject of another Imperial Sire, saluted him as the subjects of “Sires” do when eet, and put himself under that Consul's “pro- | hooi, when Barc| opera bouffe. zel The United States had no diplomatic relations with | Henley * were consigned, with other merchandise, | to the diplomatic and consular es of France. But those were ticklish here. ance had a large army Mexico. ies like Henley were crossing the line to find i and support his empire, and in the stress of our Civil War a sudden turn in European affairs | might project the French forces, commanded by Mar- | shal Bazaine, across our borders. So General Mec- | Dowell ed Henley, the subject of “Imperial | Sire,” to account wien he landed here. Senor Hen- ley responded that evidence that he was a subject of goods representa in hi: | i the Mexican empire had been deposited with the | French Consul, and that ended the incident. | ally the fortunes of war turned. Juarez came | perial Sire” in Mexico and subjects of | wn from the heights, gathered the wide sc:mercdi patriots together, and Henley’s Imperial Sire fell at | Queretaro. History gained a tragedy, the Monroe | doctrine gained a point, and Senor Henley lost his | Sire. ! It is for the voters of San Francisco whether they want to elect a country and flag, washed off his American citizenship as if it were the dirt left in a bath, and knelt to an | Emperor with a prayer that he would “deign” to make bject.” to decide man who deserted his PORTO RICO AND THE PEACE JUBILEE. COINCIDENCE, auspicious in every respect, | is to be noted in the fact that the celebration of he great peace jubilee at Chicago, which was national in its scope, took place on the same day that the American tlag was formally raised above the public buildings at San Juan, and Porte Rico became A beautiful and harmony prevailed | throughout the speeches made at the two cere-| monies so widely separated in space and so different in their natures. General Henry, in addressing the Alcalde and the citizens of San Juan, said to them: | “To-day the flag of the United States floats as an emblem of undisputed authority over the island of | Porto Rico, giving promise of protection of life, of | liberty, prosperity and right to worship God accord- ing to conscience. * * * Your future destiny | rests largely with yourselves. I congratulate you all | impressive Almost at the same time those words were being spoken at San Juan Archbishop Ireland was rousing | the audience at Chicago to the highest levels of patriotism by reminding them: “With America goes far and wide what America in her grandest ideal rep- resents—democracy and liberty—a government of the people, by the people, for the people. This is Ameri- canism more than American tergitory, American ship- ping or American soldiery. Where this grandest | ideal of American life is not held supreme, America has not reached; where this ideal is supreme, America reigns. It is gratiiying to learn from the reply made by the Alcalde to General Henry that the people of Porto Rico have an understanding of what Americanism is. They recognize that they have gained by the transfer of the sovereignty of their island from Spain to the United States. In the course of his speech the Alcalde said: “Porto Rico has not accepted American dominion on account of force. She came willingly and freely, hoping, hand in hand with the greatest of all republics, to ad- vance in civilization and progress, and to become a part of the republic to which we pledge our faith for- ever.” That cordial acceptance of the sovereignty of a conqueror, not as a power imposed by military force but as a blessing, is, we believe, unparalleled in the annals of war. It shows how nearly we have come to living up to our ideals of which Archbishop Ireland spoke. We have so far been true to them that we have made even our foes in war recognize them and believe we are sincere in them. Truly President Mc- Kinley was justified in saying at Chicago: “It is gratifying to us all to know that this has never ceased to be a war of humanity, and I am sure it is the uni- versal prayer of American citizens that justice, hu- manity and civilization shall characterize the final set- tlement of peace as they have distinguished the pro- gress of the war.” Nobody can make any sane person believe that a man who lives in one ward can by taking a grip and a nightshirt to another ward make himself a resident of the latter. Phelan is inclined to smile at the charge of having colonized voters and candidates. There was a time when Sternberg smiled about the same things. It may be said for the Bulletin that it has reached the intellectual stage where it thinks that it thinks, G | the nominees for patronage offices to award the} THE NEXT BOARD OF SUPERVISORS. OR the taxpayers and the people generally of ]:S.-m Francisco no issue of the election is of more importance than that involved in the election of the new Board of Supervisors. Upon the majority of that body depends the control of local affairs, and every desire of the community for economy, improve- ment, honesty and good government is included in the contest. The majority of the present board are virtually the appointees of Mayor Phelan. He dictated their nomi- nation, and it was on his indorsement, and perhaps largely by the use of his money, they were elected. Mr. Phelan had hefted them before their nomination and decided they were solid, reliable and as good as gold. | They have now been tried by a truer scale than that of the Mayor's hefting, and have been found false throughout. Never in our history have we had mo corruption among the Supervisors, more scandals of municipal jobbery and a more shameless “solid nine” | than that which was foisted by Phelan and his push upon the city and county at the last election. A people so badly fooled are not likely to be fooled | again in the same way by the same man. Mayor Phelan has once more presented to the electors as candidates for their suffrages a set of men selected by himself for the office of Supervisor. Their nomina- tion at the Mayor’s dictation was made this time even more audaciously than was that of the majority of the present board. To a great extent they are unknown men, but this much is certain—if they their pledges they will be the creatures of the “plug hat boss.” Is it to be doubted that men willing to be the servants of such a boss during election will be willing and perhaps eager to be the servants of other and better paying bosses if they get into office? In opposition to the ticket of the Phelanites, dis- keep credited by the record of the last two years, bearing | the stigma of a nomination gained in violation of all | precedents and principles of American politics and | disgraced in many instances by the trickery of false | registration for the purpose of making a pretense of | residing in wards other than those where they really | | live, the Republican party presents a ticket nominated | in an open convention, made up of men representing | the best elements of citizenship, and pledged to poli- | ies calculated to advance the welfare of the munici- pality No intelligent man can hesitate in choosing between | such tickets as these. Even the most stalwart of Dem- ocrats refuse to accept the nominees of the Commit- tee of One Hundred as the representatives of their | party. Even the independents who supported Phelan | two years ago refuse to any longer accept his prom- | ises after the record made by him and his nominees in the present board. | San Francisco needs a Board of Supervisors which | will support Mayor Patton in his work for the ad- vancement of the municipality, for honesty, economy | and reform. The people, therefore, irrespective of party, may be counted on to vote for the whole Ii\t" of Republican Supervisors as well as for the Repub- | lican Mayor. i | | | HOW TO “GET TOGETHER.” OVERNOR BUDD'S suggestion Democrats of this city should “‘get together” is excellent, but it comes alto- gether too late. Had the Governor offered this idea early in the summer, and had he then, in conjunction with other Democrats, insisted upon a fair primary election and fair representative State and city conven- tions, the Democracy might have been saved from its | alliance with the Maguire Populists and the bossism | of Mayor Phelan. It is too late now, however, to | suggest ‘“‘getting together.” True Democrats can never “get together” in this campaign and maintain their seli-respect. | Moreover, getting Democrats together at the pres- | ent time means substantially the continuation in power of Boss Phelan and the band of bolters and office- | seekers to whom he has given nominations. There- | fore Governor Budd's advice, while excellent from a | partisan standpoint, would, if followed, in the end com- pletely destroy the Democratic party of State and city. The organization never could survive the process of “getting together” on the Phelan-Maguire basis. There is but one safe course for Democrats who stand | for principle to follow in this campaign. They must knock out the entire brood of job-chasers who have | captured their party or abandon it forever. | In discharging the functions of party boss Phelan has thrown precedent and precept to the winds. He has appointed a State delegation and a municipal con- vention, and has given nominations to none but his | personal adherents. His lieutenants have pledged | that the immediately places under them to the “party,” which means Phelan. If the Democratic ticket is elected, not only | will the boss-ship of the Mayor be recognized, but he | will be made so strong politically that he will practic- ally own the city. How can Democrats “get together” on any such basis as this? How can they flock to the support of a gubernatorial candidate who represents single tax- ation and demagogism and a candidate for Mayor | who represents bossism and the spoils of office? It is all right to talk about the glorious principles of | Democracy, and the allegiance Democrats owe to the traditions of their party, but “getting together” means | on this occasion aiding in the triumph of a sandlot | demagogue, a political boss and a boodle newspaper. | In this campaign genuine Democrats can do but | one thing and maintain their self-respect, viz,, vote | the Republican ticket from top to bottom. In that | way only can they purify their party and rebuke the bolters, demagogues and office-seekers who have ob- tained control of it. For years these men have pro- claimed their unselfish devotion to Democratic prin- ciples and desire for good government. Democrats now see that ail this means merely giving them the offices. If it is made to appear that the game these men are playing results in defeat, this campaign will end them. So the ultimate regeneration of Democ- racy demands the election of the entire Republican ticket, State and municipal. That will be a real case of “getting together,” and one the moral of which will not be lost upon Phelan and his gang of job- chasers. There is nothing surprising in the report that Peary has been frozen in. A man does not go to the Arctic with the expectation of having to contend with sun- stroke. His object is to get frozen in and rescued. There is about the same danger of a fight between France and England that there is of some of the heavy-weight conversational pugilists getting into the ring. e The only purpose Murderer Keenan can serve will be in the capacity of a horrible example, and he can- not do his best at this without the experience of being hanged. People are freezing to death in Colorado. This is a great country, and did not need to take in the Phil- inpines to acquire all sorts of weather | other than T. W, H. SHANAHAN MAKES AN APPEAL T0 THE VOTERS OF THE PEOPLE'S PARTY Editor Call: In reply to many inquiries from throughout the State as to what action should be taken by members of the People’s party at the coming election I am constrained to offer the following: Except as a matter of independent vot- ing the party has been for the present wiped out of existence — First—By the action of the fusfonists of the late Peopie’s Party Convention at Sacramento, aided, encouraged and brought about by the attendance and par- ticipation therein by the then chairman »f the Democratic State Central Commit- ee, of a sub-committee of said commit- tee and a body of persons styling them- selves Silver Republicans; Second—By the dectsion of the Supreme Court in favor of the fusionis The most influential person in the be- trayal of the People’s party in the con- vention was E. M. Wardall, chairman of the People’s Party State Central Commit- tee, who holds the position of secretary to Congressman Barlow, at a salary of $100 per month, and who, no doubt, wished to perpetuate himself in that, to him, very important place, by bringing about fusion and the renomination and re-elec- tion of Mr. Barlow. John 8. Dore, a for- mer leader of the part and a then fusion nominee for Supervisor in Fresno County, took a prominent part in that behalf. In fact, the fusionis from the country districts in the convention were nearly all interested In bringing about fu- sion for the purpose of securing local or other offices for themselves or friends. Twenty-six delegates from San Francisco voted for fusion despite their instructions to the contrary, and since the convention the two leaders of the number—Kinne-and Gillesple—have been actively engaged in bringing about indorsements of both Democrats and Republicans in_the city and county campaign in San Francisco, conditioned, of course, on the payment of ss nto the hands of their com- mittee. It goes without saying that neith- er Democrats nor Republicans have in- dorsed nor nominated any member of the People’s party in San Francisco. As a State question the People’s party has been traded out of existence for a few nominations that carry nothing with them, even in case of success at the polls, the few dollars that would reach the pockets of the Incumbents if elected. There nothing in the office )t Lieutenant Governor, Controller or uperintendent of Public Instruction (the nominations allowed the People’s party fusionists) of an executive, administrative or other character that could possibly impress the people of the State with any idea of the reform measures contemplated by the People’s party. The bargain made by Alford et al., to allow Wardall et al one member of the State Board of Equali- zatlon promptly rescinded by the Democra The nomination of Mr. Dry- for Railroad Commissioner was a worthless concessfon, as the Board of Railroad Commissioners have been so tied by decisions of the courts as to make its abolition desirable. Since its establish- ment eighteen years ago the commission has cost the State for salaries, rents and incidental expenses over $300,000, not tak- ing into account fees paid by the State to special counsel employed by the board. As a result of this enormous expenditure of money nothing has nor ever will be accomplished by Mr. Dryden or any other Commissioner in the equalization or re- duction of freights and fares. It is true, rallroad compantes have made some vol- untary reductions, but never by reason of the power exercised by the commission. This brings to mind that the only solu- tion of the transportation question fis governmental ownership and operation of railroads. The whole legislative ticket of the State, with one or two exceptions, has been turned over to the Democrats. ‘With neither legisiative, executive nor Jjudicial nominations given the People's party by the fusion bargain, how can that | party maintain the semblance of exist- ence, to say nothing of its identity, under the arrangement made? The so-called | Silver Republican party, consisting large- Iy of Nathan Cole Jr., H. A. McCraney, Walter Van Dyke and J. Noonan Phillips, has fared better in the fusion deal. In case of success, Mr. Van Dyke will be Justice of the Supreme Court for twelve ars, Mr. McCraney clerk of that body, nan Phillips State Senator, while ¥ Mr. Cole will occupy the dual position of a party boss and an admiring party con- stituency. The election of Mr. McCraney would mean- as little as that of the Peo- ple’s party fusionist nominees, but the election of Phillips would give him the opportunity to propose laws in two ses- sions of the Legislature and of Van Dyke | to file opinions as Justice for twelve years to come. From the foregoing it will be seen that the fusionists of the People’s party were willing to and did sacrifice every office that in its nature would give any oppor- tunity to carry out or perpetuate any prin- ciple of the People’'s party. In other words, the fusionists have been careful to prevent a nomination for any office falling to the People’s party that bv the enunclation, advocacy, malntenance or carrying out of a principle therein would permit a People’s party incumbent to ve heard of or from in the ensuing four years. It may be suggested that the nomination of Castle and Barlow (two of seven nomi- nees for Representatives In Congress) is at variance with the foregoing; but such is not the case. Their re-election would only mean that they would be again in- cluded in what is popularly known as Thomas B. Reed's list of reconcentrados, without power under the ruler of the House of Representatives to carry or be heard on any question except with the consent of the Speaker, in whom the en- tire power of the House is at present vested. On the other hand, if the Legis- lature is carried by the fusionists, the Democrats will be represented in the United States Senate for six years by a Democrat who will have the right under the written and unwritten rules of the Senate to call up measures for considera- tion and to advocate or oppose any and all measures before that body. So it will be seen that the People’s party fusionists have practically given up every office that would tend to perpetuate the life of the People’s party. The Democratic party is not a national party in any sense at the present time. The Democratic platforms of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Connecti- cut do not mention the silver question, yet the f.sfonists of the People’s party of California and other States have allied themselves with the party that in the States mentioned is as much opposed to them as the Republican party on that and nearly every public question. Except for fusion the People’s party would to- day present a solld and unbroken front and line of battle to the Republican party in every State of the Unilon. It was therefore necessary the People’s party should be fused out of existence, to the end that the few crumbs of official place and emolument scattered from the table of Republicanism by the haste and greed of allled monopolles should fall to the Democratic party, and the Republican party be perpetuated in power by having opposed to it from a national standpoint a party whose strength is represented by a chain with broken and missing links. In consonance with this end the Su- preme Court in its decision validating fu- glon held that there could be no inquiry into the betrayal of the life of a political party, even where the delegates so be- traying it were under instructions to the contrary from the source from which they recelved their power to act as dele- gates. The decision’ was the last step re- anired to destroy the indenendent polif cal existence of the People’s party n this State. As the one to whom the Examiner gave credit editorially with carrying Australian ballot reform in the Assembly, I have believed, and still belleve, that the the- ory and intent of the law was not only to maintain the existence of but to en- courage the formation of political par- ties, so that all political opinions might be expressed and protected on a ballot printed at public expense. That so long as any number of persons were desirous of voting a party ticket as such, they should have the right so to do, where such party had polled 2 per cent, the per- centage required, of the entire vote at the last preceding election. It would have taken only five weeks from and after the decision of the court for the people to have decided on their ballots whether or not the party had the necessary 3 per cent to entitle it to remain iIn existence under the operation of the law itself. To show the party’s complete annihila- tion it is only necessary to suggest that two years from now it will be impossible in view of fusion for any certificate to be filed with the necessary affidavit attached that the party as such polled 3 per cent of the vote at the preceding election. The court stated that that point would be de- termined when properly an issue before it. The rule that perjury consists of swearing to that which one does not know to be true, as well as that which one knows to be untrue, will prevent any such certificate being flled in behalf of the People's party. With the party manipulated and traded and finally adjudged out of exlstence ex- cept on a fusion basis, as heretofore ex- plained, the question arises as to the duty of the individual voters of the People's party. It they vote the fusion ticket they will be voting with a party which, when in full national power, did nothing for a postal telegraph system, nothing in the line of governmental ownership and operation of railroads, nothing to reform the currency, in fact nothing in the line of People’s party principles. Reasonlng by analogy, if the postoffice system of to- day were in the hands of a private cor- poration it would remain there forever so far as efther the Democratic or Repub- lican party is concerned. A vote for tusion is a vote for Democracy and the complete extinction of the principles of the People’s party; a vote against fusion will constitute a rebuke to the fusionists who bargained away the life of the party that sprang into existence in opposition to the two old parties alike. The candidacy of Mr. Maguire is in di- rect opposition to the fundamental prin- ciples of the People's party. In a speech in the House of Representatives, Febru- ary 13, 1898, he safd: Soctalists, Populists and charity-mongers, the people Who would apply liitle remedies for a great evil, are all barking up the wrong tree. The upas of our civilization Is our treatment of land. It is that which {s converting even the march of invention into a blight. There is but one cure for business depression; there is no other; that is the single tax. What is the meaning of single tax as the words are used? It is a tax imposed solely on land val- ues to the exclusion of all other taxes not only for local and State purposes, but for national purposes as well, this last being evidenced by Maguire's motion to strike out the income tax feature of the Wilson bill and insert in lieu thereof the tax on land values. Every single-taxer is a free-trader, and on principle opposed to any tariff, license or any tax except on land values. Henry George, of whom Mr. Maguire 1s a disciple, supported Cleve- land by reason of the latter's opposition to the tariff. Let us see what the single tax would mean for this State. The re- port of the State Board of Equalization for 1894 (the latest I have been able to obtain) shows that the total assessed value of real estate in this State for the vear 1594, after deducting value of im- provements, to be: Country realty, $331,- 980,210; city and town lots, $138,589 to- tal value of all realty less improvements, $470,569,907. From the last named figures there would probably be exempted from taxation under the single tax, as that tax is aimed at the equity of ownership, the value of mortgages thereon, amounting to 3218,714,706; leaving actual value of owners to be assessed, $251,855,101. The valuation of all property in the State for assessment purposes in the year 1884 was §1,204,976,952, upon which the State tax levy was $0.493 on the $100. The amount collected therefrom, less costs and delinquents under the rate levied was $5,511,634. Taking the valuation of that year on realty alone, after deduction of the valueof improvements and mortgages, the rate of taxation required to produce the sum raised in taxes of $5,511,63¢ would have been almost $2.19 instead of $0.493 on the $100 valuation. Thus there would have been imposed more than four times the burden on land owners for State taxes on land as a whole proposition than they pald that year. But that is not all. The valuation of property for county purposes, being the same as the valuation of property for State purposes of assessment, any in- crease or diminution of property assessed, taking the countles of the State as a whole, affects the county rate and levy in exactly the same proportion as the State rate and levy would be affected. Therefore, taking an average of all the county rates and levies of taxation for the same year (18%4) we find the average rate and levy for county purposes was $1125 on the $100. Assuming that the counties would have stood in the same need of money for public purposes under the single tax system as was then the case, the rate and levy for county pur- poses, being confined solely to land values | ot owners, would have been, taking an average of all the countles, over four times the rate then levied on all property, that is $4.9 Instead of $1125 on the $100 of the valuation of the land of the State. A State rate and levy of $219 and a county rate and levy of $4.99 (dropping minute fractions), making the rate all told of $7.18 on the $1%0 valuation of land under the single tax, as against the State rate and levy of $0.493 and the average rate and levy for county purposes of $1125, making a total of $1.618, the State and average county rate levied in 1894. Or 3715, the rate that would have been required under single tax, against $1.618, shows the difference between the present and that system 8o far as land owners are concerned. It may be claimed, though, that even under the single tax the mortgage would be treated as an interest in the land, and assessed to the holder. Admitting that to be true the additional burden of taxation would have to be met by additional interest paid to the mortgage holder, thus leaving the mortgagor (land owner) in no better posi- tion than if he had paid the tax in the first instance. Still, the weight of the single tax is not all shown, for the sin- gle taxer would do away with the tarift, internal revenue, and all license taxes' national, State and municipal, thereby placing additional burdens on land, in taxes for the purpose of carrying on the Government. Under the single tax system the land would soon be sold to the State for taxes and the dream of the single taxer of State ownership, or ‘“natlonalization of land,” as he terms it, the State rental of land for taxes would be realized. Land would be valueless as security. No owner could pay the taxes. The money loaner would withdraw loans as speedily as possible, or falling in that, would let the land be sold to the State for taxes. No banker uld foreclose to become the owner property on which the rate of taxation would represent twice the interest of Government bonds for which a pr»ml_um | is paid. But the single xer says im- provements would not be taxed. _Very true; as I have already shown. Unable to pay taxes on the land the owner could uproot his vines and trees and remove his buildings or mining or other im- proveme where? The home would be destroyed; would become nomads. By ation rendering land so worthless by ta that any person could ure a portion of it, it would not be taken under the bur- déns imposed and would ultimately fail to furnish even revenue to carry on the Government. Henry George in erty,” page 380, quote: provingly as follow The land tax, whether great or small amount, partakes of the -ature of a re paid by the owner of land to the e. In a great part of India the land is owned v the Gov- ernment and therefore the land tax is rent pald perfection readily per- “Progre: Pov- Mrs. Fa smic be direct to the state. The ec of this system of tenure cefved If the single tax works so beautifully in India as a cureall for poverty, Why was it that in 1897 the Legislature of this State passed resolutions asking the National Government to furnish shipping to carry food donated in the United States to the wretched and starving inhabitants of that country ? Since the American Revolution, any variation at any time in existing methods of taxation has been a political question; yet the fusionists claim the single tax i8 not an issue. It is an issue. \When tne Democratic State Convention indorsed the acts of Mr. Maguire it indorsed his acts on the single tax question as well as his opposition to the funding bill and his op- position to Hawaiian annexation. In fact, the Democratic party is more nearly com- mitted by the acts of resentatives to the single tax than to t i as Senator White failed to vote against the refunding bill. Mr. Maguire has loaded the Congressional Record with speeches on the subject of the single tax for the purpose of making converts, and in the end electing men to office who will carrv out his views. On the evening of Septem- ber 14, In his speech in San Francisco, Mr, Maguire claimed it was not an issue and then forthwith delivered what constituted a column of close print in a morning newspaper on that question. Among otner things, he claimed that the single tax would break up the monopoly of Miller & Lux of 14,000,000 acres of land in the ra- cific States and Territories. He forgot to explain that the constitution of this State requires that land, improved and unim- proved, of the like quality, shall be as- sessed at the same value, thus going as far as law can equitably go against hold- ing lots vacant or lands unused for spec- ulative purposes. He negiected to say that a tax on land values that would break up the monopoly of a greater acre- e would as effectually break the monon- oly of an acreage devoted to a small y e. “Prior to 1852 the Examiner, referring to “Progress and Poverty,” Henry George's work on single tax, said: ‘‘Progress and Poverty” must in time produce deep ef- fects, and give to the most important dis- cussfon a new turn. It cannot long be ignored by those who regard its doctrines as dangerous.” At page 32 of the above mentioned work George says: But when the times are ripe for them, ideas grow, even though insignificant in their first appearance. One day, the third estate cov- ered thelr heads when the King put on his hat. A little while thereafter, and tbe head of a son of St. Louis rolled from the scaffold. The anti-slavery movement in the United States commenced with the talk of comp - ers, but when the four millions of emancipated, the owners got no compensation, nor did they clamor And by the time the people of such a country as England or the Unlted States are sufficlently aroused to the in- Justice and disadvaniages of individual owner ship of land to induce them to attempt its natlonalization, they ~will be sufficiently aroused to nationalize it in a much more di- rect and easy way than by purchase, i. e., by taxation. They will not trouble themselves about compensating the proprietors of land. Following the above predictions we have the single tax before us. If Mr. X!‘.:\A n- uire is elected the single tax will be gc’l‘sed; and if as zealous in that behalf here as he was In trying to secure its adoption in Delaware he will, with the power in his hands, keep the people in strife on that question to the exclusion of all genuine measures of reform for four years to come. But the single tax can be removed from politics and from ublic consideration by the defeat of Mr. glngulre on the 8th day of November next. Two years ago I Introduced an incomes tax bil? in the Legislature. Our cons: tition has provided for such a law since 1879. I believe In taxing incomes whether derived from land or from stocks, bonds or property of any description. I do not believe in taking & mouthful of food from any hungry human being by taxation, nor do I believe in (Bxlnilhe homes from men who in most cases have labored the better part of a lifetime to earn or main- tain them. Surplus wealth should be taxed; and any person who has a net in- come over and above operating expenses and cost of living for himself and fam- ily has surplus wealth which should be taxed. The Republican majority in the Assembly did not dare kill my bill, but as a matter of delay referred it to a committee of three to consider and re- port upon to the Legislature which meets next January. It should then be reintro- duced and become a law. But the ele tion of Maguire would give such an im- petus to the single tax, as I have before suggested, that the income tax and other measures of reform would be lost sight of for four years to come in the strife on that question. While on the subject I cannot refrain from stating that man otherwise well informed persons thin! a State income tax unconstitutional b reason of the decision of the Unit States Supreme Court on the income tax feature of the Wilson bill. Instead of so bolding, the court held the income tax to be a direct tax, and that, as such, the power to levy it was vested solely in each of the States and not in the Federal Government. The way to reach and carry the meas- ures of reform heretofore proposed by the People's party and to restore the life of the party is to_defeat Mr. Maguire and the single tax. If the defeat of the single tax idea In its incipiency is not a question of Solltlcs. it is a ?uesnonvo{ patriotism. And to the end of removing the single tax from public consideration I shall, as a member of the People’s party, vote for Mr. Gage, who, as a private citizen and lawyer, recovered milllons of acres of the public domain from the raliroads; who, as a lawyer, never foreclosed a mortgage on a home and who, as a candidate for Governor, declares himself ainst the single tax and against taxing land own- ers lr and homes out of existence. With his election, barter of principle for oflice, being all things to all men, the candidacy on three platforms, the destruction of a political DH!X for personal ends will be rebuked. And the men, women and ohil dren of California will rest in compas tive peace, knowing that mer}(nil‘;fr of d?is"oidnf their homes by an insidious and unjust method of taxa- tion has been defeated. i T. W. H. SHANAHAN. Peanut taffy, best in world. 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