The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, October 4, 1898, Page 6

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, TUESDAY, TUESDAY.. ~.......OCTOBER 4, 1808 JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Proprietor. Address All Communications to W. S. LEAKE, Manager. PUBLICATION OFFICE... i “Market and Third Sts. S. F. | Telephone Maln 1868 EDITORIAL ROOMS..........2IT to 921 Stevenson Strzet Telephone Main 1874. FHE SAN FRANCISCO CALL (DAILY AND SUNDAY) Is served by carrlers In this city and surrounding towns | for IS cents o week. By matl $6 per year: per month 65 cents. THE WEEKLY CALL. OAKLAND OFFICE NEW YORK OFFICE. Room 188, World Building DAVID ALLEN, Advert}alng Representative, WASHINGTON (D. C.) OFFICE. -Riggs House €. C. CARLTON, Correspondent. CHICAGO OFFICE... .Marquette Building C.GEORGE KROGNESS, Advertising Representative. _One year, by mall, $1.50 ..908 Broadway BRANCH OFFICES—827 Montgomery strect, corner Clay, open until 9:30 o'clock. 387 Hayes street, open until | 9:30 o'clock. 621 McAlllster street, open untll 9:30 o'clock. 616 Larkin street, open untli 9:30 o'clock. 1941 Misslon street, open until 10 o'clock. 2291 Market street, corner Sixteenth, open until 9 o'clock. 2518 Misston street, open until 9 o'clock. 106 Eleventh | street, open until 9 o'clock. 1505 Polk street, open untll 9:30 o'clock. NW. corner Twenty-second ana Kentucky streets, open until 9 o'clock. —_— | AMUSEMENTS, Paldgin—"The Last Word.” Baldwin Theater—Poddie Ross, Thursday afternoon. Columbia— - True to Life.” Aleszar—* In Mizzoura Moroeco's—“The Runaway Wite ° | Tivoli—*" The Bohemian Girl" Orpbeum-—Vaudevilia New Comedy Theater—* The Signal of Liberty.” Alhambra, Eddy and Jones streets—Vaudeville he Chutes—Pietro Marino, Vaudeville and the Zoo. Llympia—Corner M ¥y streets—Speclaities. il Central Park—OCireu ctober 1. By Frank W. But day, Cctober 4, Saloon and Farniture, at 27 Pacific street, at 11 o'clock. By Easton, Eldridge & (o —Wednesday, October 5, Works of Art, at Maple Roon W | FAILED AS A LEADER. HEN Mayor Phelan went into office there h-toned gen- | was a general fegling that a hi ! Mayor has secured it. | spectable contest. Ntlcman had reached the executive chair. those who had opposed him were willing to wait be- | fore giving a verdict as to his worth. | Mayor Phelan has been a disappointment. particular has he fulfilled the premise held out in the | beginning to gratify f His | official career, in the light of present knowledge, is a | long series of mistakes. It has been found that he | virtually appointed every man in municipal office. | He named the Supervisors and the members of the Board of Education. This fact is enough to con- | demn him. From the first the record of the Supervisors has | been one of shame. The way in which they dallied with the water company stamped them as an aggrega- Even In no | ends and reconcile foes. tion where rogues were in the majority. When the Mayor, disgusted with his own, attempted to oust | them, he adopted illegal means, which defeated the object in view. The Supervisors have permitted the construction of the new municipal building to drag. They have granted extensions of time to contracto who should long ago have foricited the contract, and | were the same Supervisors to continue in power there | is every reason to suppose these contractors could; have ten years, or a thousand, if they asked for it. But the record of the School Board has been worse. | They had hardly assumed power before they had sad- dled the people of this city with a lot of useless text- | books, some of these verging upon idiocy in their degree of uselessn Some of the members have | been accused of accepting bribes, and there is every reason except that of actual conviction to believe the charges well founded. There has been stealing in the department such as should send the guilty to the | penitentiary, and there have been hired teachers for | whose services there is no demand. In fact, the de- | partment has from the first reeked with scandal, and | it still reeks. When the fact is remembered that both of these august bodies were made up of the selections of Mayor Phelan, a doubt naturally arises as to his fii-i Yet the Mayor presumes this year to pick out | a committee of 100, and ostensibly to place in its | ness. hands all the power of the party. We say “osten- sibly”’ because the whole power rests with the Mayor. The committee is an idle farce; it is Phelan. When the Mayor has made such an abject failure of his for- mer selections why should he be intrusted with | authority to name the ticket from top to bottom? | We do not know, and are asking for information. That we have no confidence in the ticket hardly needs saying. It is no wonder that members of this committee protest and declare they will vote for Patton. It is no wonder that the Non-Partisans are feeling that in being cajoled into indorsement of Phelan they were swindled. They know that the purpose of their organization did not require them to espouse the cause of any candidate until his opponent should have been named, and they resent the imposition. Phelan will hear from the Non-Partisans on election day, and the tidings will not please him, while if he thinks his committee of 100 so hoodwinked as to vote for him he will be fooled by several. Two Oakland boys who confessed to petty lar- ceny have been exempted from punishment on the understanding that they would enlist in the navy. Judge Ogden was the jurist to arrive at this remark- able conclusion. We agree with the Report that he should be ashamed of himself. The American nation takes pride in its navy and does not desire it to be made a refuge for rogues and rascals. The young scamps from Oakland are not of the material to up- | hold the high standard the navy has set. They should | be promptly rejected. To accept them would be an | insult to the brave men who fought at Manila or chased the fleet of Cervera at Santiago. R T There is a rumor that the Spanish will refuse to re- linquish the Philippines. This ought to cause the gal- lant Seventh to be less in a hurry to get back to pri- | vate life. The members have been pining for a scrap. There seems to be no hurry on the part of the Spanish to get out of Cuba. Perhaps the adminis- tration is equal to the task of devising some method of causing them to get a move. Talking about hustling the Spanish troops out of Cuba, and then saying they will all be out by the first of January gives a new and thoroughly Spanish idea of the term “hustle.” Happily the crisis in China does not concern the United States as intimately as it does some other countries, and we have a Dewey near the spot. A Cincinnati paper gravely states that the Oregon and Olympia were built in Portland: For its infor- mation we will state that they were not. | votes is lost. TREASON OF THE BULLETIN. HERE is nothing surprising in the fact that the Bulletin is a traitor. Professing to be a Repub- lican paper, its support is for sale to any deluded candidate who will buy. So notorious is its venality that indorsement from it is worse than yorthless, and the purchaser finds himself in possession of a gold brick but thinly gilded. Just what the terms may be on which the Bulletin supports Phelan is not a matter of particular interest. But it is a remarkable circumstance that a man deemed of sufficient intelligence to be Mayor of San Francisco should have yiclded to so palpable a bunko game. The Bulletin does not throw its supposed in- | fluence to any candidate until it has gone through the | formality of a business proceeding. Immediately after the nomination of Patton he was called on by a representative of the Bulletin, who | wanted to “do business.” The matter got nc farther. Mr. Patton is not buying the untrammeled opinion of great journalists, and as a shrewd business man he knows that even were such a course legitimate the Bulletin has no influence. ‘ It will be remembered that two years ago the Bul- ; | | letin demanded $5000 for supporting the Republi- | can ticket. Neither has it been forgotten that within | a year it swindled the business community by the most shameless confidence scheme a daily paper ever undertook. Because of these things it is not held in high esteem, and its support cannot be considered de- | sirable. Tt is a sheet without character and without | influence save of a negative sort. Therefore its edi- | torial approval may be regarded as a calamit; And now, in addition to his other woes, the misguided We do not approve of Mayor Phelan. We do not regard him as a reformer nor his expressions of love for political purity sincere, and yet we realize he has good points, and would willing- ly have seen him escape the woe of a Bulletin in- dorsement. While the prospect of defeating the Phelan am- | bition is pleasing, The Call and other respectable journals who view it with satisfaction do not wish the aid of the Bulletin now made certain. This is a re- The decent papers and the decent people who hope to see Phelan defeated demur at the idea that such a bogus editorial output as the Bulle- tin's should be sold to.an unsophisticated dictator | and guileless custodian of jobs. AFRAID TO SPEAK FOR SILVER. He is the candidate of three parties which fused on | silver and nothing but silver. It is*the sole and single issue upon which they are agreed and upon which | they found common action possible. It is the sole | and only issue upon which the free silver Republicans “ cut their connection with their original party. They | are protectionists. They are supporters of the general policies of McKinley’s administration. They indorsed | the President in their platform. They nominated | Maguire on free silver only, and he appeared in their | convention and accepted their nomination and their | platiorm issue of free silver. But he has been on the stump for weeks and has said nothing consequential 1 in favor of silver. | The Populists and free silver Republicans seem to | have been bunkoed. If ever free silver needed a de- | fense this is the time. But it is abandoned by thé | New York Democracy, and is only slightly flirted with by that party in several States, with the evident | intention of dropping it when its power to catch | N what speech since his campaign opened has | Maguire made an argument for the iree coinage of | silver at 16 to 17 | In 1806 Judge Maguire joined its other advocates i in declaring that the only means of rescue of the | people was by free silver at 16 to 1. The inexorable | logic of events has proved them to have been wrong. | The policies of the Republican party, by restoring | confidence, have restored a degree of prosperity which | seemed impossible in the hard years of 1804, 1805 and | 1806. To show the extent of this restoration we take the following market reports and prices from the Omaha | World-Herald, of which Mr. Bryan was the editor in | 1896, and on whose free transportation he was riding | on the Southern Pacific road on his visit to Califor- | | i | | nia last year, and whose proprietor, Mr. Hitchcock, | is the Populist fusion candidate for Congress in the Omaha district. The World-Herald market report makes the fol- lowing showing for 1896 and 1808: July 10, 5" July 10, '98. Bar silver, N. Y........ $. .58% Beef steers. eee 4.821 Cows. 4.15 Heifers : 4.50 Calves. . 5.00 6.25 Bulls . 2.90 3.60 Stags - . 2.90 4.00 Stockers and feeders. . 3.55 4.65 Hogs . . 5 3.85 Stock sheep . 3.% 4.37% Veal . vl .09 Cheese S 103 Green hides, No. 1 .04 .07 Green hides, No. 2 .03 .05 Dry hides.. . .09 14 Sheep pelts, green... .40 .75 Tallow. i L 02y | Wool, unwashed, heavy. .07 .16 Wool, unwashed, light. 09 18 Wool, tub washed... 5 .30 ‘Wheat, Nebr, and Dak .70 Wheat, No. 8 Rye....... Flax seed.. Flour, best. Flour, second. Corn, car lots. .28 Oats, car lots. .21 Bran, ton. 9.00 Chop... 10.00 Middlings, ton... 12.00 Linseed meal 24.00 Chicago markets: No. 2 red wheat. 56% 3 .7 No. 2 cash corn.:. 2614 .32% No. 2 white oats. 18 .23% Now, we ask all men whose minds are open to rea- son, is there any reason in these reports of prices, taken from Mr. Bryan's own paper, for a return to the conditions of 18962 If politics and parties have an economic influence on the welfare of the people, what present inducement is there for a change? Is it not plain common sense to let well enough alone? The above list from the World-Herald covers the great staples which the farmer produces. Let us look at some of the staples which he has to buy, and others. These quotations are taken from the New York market reports: July 1, ’96. July 1, "98. Nalls, wire, keg $ 2.80 $ 1.65 Tinplate. 3.65 2.80 Coal, hard 4.25 3.75 Coke. 2.00 1.50 Phosphates, ton 5.25 5.00 Lumber, yellow pine. 17.00 13.00 Steel rails..... 28.00 20.00 Quinine, ounce. .30 .20 Print cloths... o L0238 .02 Sheeting cotton Seanedi 0% .04 In 1896 our exports of gold exceeded our imports of gold by $78,884,832. In 1897 the balance turned in our favor and we imported $44,653,200 more gold than we exported. In 1898, up to September 1, our gold imports exceeded our gold exports by $104,085,283. We make no argument that in this Government party control may not be safely and wholesomely changed. But when Judge Maguire makes the sole l | good government and demanding the overthrow of claim that his election is necessary to the material prosperity of the people, we demand that he answer specifically and state plainly how and when and where his success as a fusion candidate is going to further improve the conditions which have so rapidly im- proved since the same fusion was beaten in 1896. PHELAN'S JOB - CHASERS. HE rank and file of the local Democracy can scarcely “point with pride” hereafter to the rec- ord made by their first appointed municipal con- vention. The Committee of One Hundred comprised substantially all the dissenting Democrats of the city. For years these gentlemen have been clamoring for the bosses. Many people have been led to believe that they were not pursuing the offices, but really were in favor of a pure and undefiled administration of the law. Doubtless the Democratic State Commit- tee in appointing them took this view of their mo- tives. But these “reformers” are now all on record. As members of the Committee of One Hundred they have worked from the hour of their selection to get the offices. First, in defiance of the authority con- ferred upon them they resolved themselves into a mu- | nicipal nominating convention; second, in pursuance of a plan to nominate themselves to office they vio- lated a resolution forbidding the formation of job- chasing combinations; third, they bartered away everything in the shape of patronage to their relatives | or friends in a vain endeavor to form a political ring | which will carry the election. Mayor Phelan as their | boss has even nominated a man for Tax Collector who will give them control of the Election Commis- sion. Among the members of the Committee of One Hundred who have nominated themselves for office are the followin Auditor, John H. Grady; City Attorney, Franklin K. Lane; Treasurer, M. Green- blatt; Superintendent of Schools, James Denman; Superintendent of Streets, R. P. Doolan; Super- visors, L. de F. Bartlett, Lewis B. Byington, T. B. W. Leland, Charles A. Clinton; School Director, T. J. Lyons; State Senate, John F. Twigg and P. J. McCormick. Besides these A. A. Cavagnaro, brother | of one of the committeemen, has been nominated for | School Diréctor. Numerous attorneys in the bodyg are said to have secured the patronage of the various | offices for themselves, and other committeemen have | enforced pledges which will bring to them personally the fat berths within the gift of the Supervisors and other officials. Moreover, as is the custom with political bosses, Mayor Phelan vented some of his personal spites by | means of the power usurped by his job-chasers. He turned down William Broderick, the best Auditor the city has ever had, because he has not been able to | control his official action. Although loud advocates of civil service reform, the committee refused Public | Administrator Freese a renomination. His place was | awarded to a personal friend and adherent of Mayor Phelan, thus showing that the latter is a civil service reformer only when his own machinists are bene- ficiaries of the principle. Tt is barely possible that these facts are going to escape the attention of the people of this city and that | they will in ignorance vote these Democratic con- | spirators into office, but until events prove this we | may be pardoned for expressing our doubts. But whatever happens one thing is now thoroughly set- tled: The Democratic “reformers” of the Phelan- | McNab-Barry type are unmasked. In fact, they have unmasked themselves. Instead of being out for “good | government” they are out for the offices. Their ob-| | jections to municipal management in the past have | been founded upon nothing except a desire to do the | managing themselves. They are not reformers but | 15 | | | | AS THE BRITISH SEE job-chasers. MERICAN elections are more or less interest- | fl ing to the British, and they. are particularly so when questions of trade and finance are in- volved as in the present one. Consequently what is | now going on in the campaign is attracting a good | deal of attention there. As they view the situation the most salient feature of the contest between the | parties is that of a possible revival of the free silver agitation with a resulting disturbance of business. The National Review, the leading organ of the bi. metallists in Great Britain, concedes that the outlook for free silver in this country is by no means bright. | Maurice Low, who furnishes for it the monthly re- view of American affairs, says in a recent contribu- tion to its pages: “So long as the Republican party remains in power | silver is an impossibility, and a revival of the silver agitation in 1900 as violent as that which we saw in 1806 cannot, in my opinion, occur. Silver is weaker—much weaker—to-day than it was two years ago, and as silver has declined the sentiment in favor of adhering to the existing gold standard has cor- respondingly increased. Mr. Bryan’s star reached its ascendant at the time of his nomination, since then it has been steadily falling.” The London Statist, on the other hand, while rec- ognizing that the silver movement is for the time being weak and ineffective, points out that unless the supporters of sound money are vigilant and | prompt to profit by the advantage of the present sit- | uation, the movement may revive. It says: “It is to be recollected that in two years more the Presidential election will have to be fought. Nobody can tell what changes may take place before then, and it is at least possible that Mr. Bryan may come forward again, with better chances than now seem probable. That is no reason why the sound-money party should not bestir itself without delay to take ad- vantage of the good times and the enthusiasmaroused by the war to put the currency in an absolutely safe condition.” The view taken by the Statist is undoubtedly cor- rect. The time has come to settle the money ques- tion once and for all. The present House of Repre- sentatives is strongly in favor of sound money. The hold of the silverites on the Senate is weakening. If the supporters of the gold standard and a wise bank- ing system exercise due vigor in the elections, the coming Congress can be counted on to put our cur- rency on an absolutely safe basis and assure the financial prosperity of the people. According to the stories told by volunteers re- turned from Cuba the Spanish there were guiltyof such treachery as naturally tends to destroy faith in the diplomacy of that country. It would be a pity were that grand old man of Ver- mont, Morrill, to retire from the Senate. His bur- den should be made light and his honors continue to the end. Frenchmen keep on having duels over the Dreyfus case. These affairs lend to a tragic episode a divert- ing element of comedy. Spain seems to forget that she has been warring, and to think any concession she may make will be in the nature of a faver. OCTOBER 4, 1898 MAGUIRE'S WORK ON THE FUNDING BILL Some Interesting correspondence has passed recently between George W. Mon- teith and James G. Maguire, the fused candldate for Governor. Mr. Monteith has openly announced his intention not to vote for Mr. Maguire, while support- ing the Populist-Democratic ticket gen- erally. In an interview yesterday Mr. Monteith safd: “It is true that I am not supporting James G. Maguire for Governor, and I have no hesitation in giving my reasons. When I went to Sacramento last July 1 had given the political situation but lit- tle study, having been engrossed for some time with the Railroad Commission case. I represented Marin County, and being alone cast her four votes. On my arrival there I found a strong faction that wanted to nominate Maguire and make & fusion arrangement, and one, per- haps stronger, that was opposed to all fusion and that wanted a straight ticket. Most of the latter faction favored Mr. Shanahan for Governor. Between these two there were some delegations who were undetermined, but who leaned to- ward a straight ticket. Some of these wanted me to be the nominee, and it is possible they could have forced it. I did not want it, and refused to go into the race. “What I did want above all else was to make a cléan anti-railroad fight,and while opposed to fusion on any other ground favored it simply as a means to accom- plish the end of the railroad’s domina- tion of the government of this State. ““As to Maguire, while I had always be- lieved in and warmly supported him, I had strong personal reasons for opposing him. These, however, I was entirely wili- ing to put aside in case he was the man to lead the battle against the monopoly. I dld not for a moment doubt his sin- cerity as an anti-railroad leader, and upon thinking it over finally concluded that he was the one man to take the lead. “At that time I was ignorant of what I have since learned was his action on the refunding measure which passed Con- gress as a rider upon the deficiency bill. “That proposition was embodied in an amendment to the general deficiency biil, offered by Senator Morgan in the Senate on June 29 last, with unanimous con- sent, both White and Perkins being pres- ent, and passed with an amendment of- fered by White the same day. “The amendment was further amended by Judge Barham in the House, and pass- ed that body July 5 or 6. “The Popullst convention met July 12, so the Congressional Record did notreach California until after Maguire was nom- inated. 1 had only sean the meager ac- count in the newspapers, and like many others supposed that Huntington had finally won the fight by a trick. Maguire had opposed it, and I, in common with every one else here, thought it was a bad measure, and that he had done all he could_to’ defeat it. On Maguire's return, shortly before the Democratic convention, he denounced it unqualifiedly, and at the same time bit- terly attacked Senator Morgan, then in Honolulu, who, he intimated, had sur- rendered to Huntington. He also severe- | ly criticized Congressman Barham, who replied to him in an open letter, pub- | lished August 14, and to which Maguire made a rejoinder on August 15. Barham's statement and Maguire's reply 1 did not read until the Sunday after 1 returned from the Democratic convention in Sac- ramento, when my attention was called to both by my wite. I then looked up Maguire's speech, and concluded that something was wrong. ‘As soon as I could get away I went over to Oakland, where I got a copy of the Congressional Record from a club over there located on Washington street. The following Sunday 1 made & careful exam- ination of the Record and much to my surprise found that, if Maguire's asser- tion was true that the Morgan amend- ment was such an infamous surrender to Huntington as he claimed it was, he appeared to be morally particeps crim- inis to the infamy by not Stopping it, as it was apparent he could have done 0. There were some matters:involved in more or less doubt that might have been in his favor, and so I concluded to write and ask him about them, thinking he would have no hesitation’ in answering | them. 1 wrote him this letter on August | 81st: SAN FRANCISCO, Aug. 31, 1898 James G. Magulre—Dear Sir: I have been examining the Congressional Record lately with reference to the funding proposition “which passed Congress as a rider upon the deficiency bill. I have also read your speech delivered | on your return, Mr. Barham's statement and your reply to it, and, to be frank with you, it looks to me as though you had not fulfilled your duty in the premises. However, as I do Dot want to do you any injustice, 1 would like to ask you a few questions concerning some matters that 1 would like to hear your side of. The amendment came before the Senate June 29, and SerMtor Morgan stated that it had the uhanimous approval of the Pacific Rallroad Committee. From the Record it would seem that you knew of the proposition before June 29, and it also appears that you attended some conference at which this matter was discussed. Upon this part of the matter 1 would like to ask you the following questions First—Did_you know of the Morgan amerfd- ment or of his intention to offer some kind of an amendment or bill upon the subject prior to June 207 Second—DId you discuss the matter with Sen- ator White on or prior to June 292 Third—When did you obtain the first intima- tion or information that the refunding proposi- tion would come up in any form in June or July last? Fourth—DId you attend any conference at which the refunding proposition was discussed, either as Senator Morgan offered it or as it was proposed to offer it for the consideration of efther house of Congress in the session just closed? Fifth—When you recelved the first intimation you had that the refunding matter was to come up either in the form it did or In any other form, did you notify the committee of fifty or any other of the interested parties here, or did you give the item to the newspapers, and, if so, when and how soon after you first learned of 1 ! Sixth—Did you make any effort to get any Senator to prevent the matter being tacked on to the deficiency bill by making the solitary objection that was necessary? Seventh—What did you do to prevent action in the Senate, if anything? As I understand your position it 1s this: That the only opportunity you had to have a vote upon the bill that would determine the senti- ment of the House was the final vote upon the motion ®¢ Mr. Cannon to concur. Under the clrcumstances it was clearly your duty and the duty of every other California Congressman to exhaust every possible remedy known to parilamentary tactics to have prevented the passage of that infamous measure. That being true, if you failed to do anything which might haye been done you were derelict, You claim, I believe, that under the rules of the House there was nothing which you could have done to have prevented that refunding proposition becoming a law except to have beaten it upon final vote. I think you are wrong in this par- ticular, but as you are more familiar with the rules than I am I will ask you one or two auestions upon that point. n page 7463 of the Record appears between ourselt and Cannon. Afeer whieh by conference report was adopted without any ob- Jection from you. Could you not at this point— that is, before the motion was made to adopt the report, or as a substitute for the report, have made a motion that the conference report be rejected and a further conference be re- quested under instructions, whereby the House would inform the Senate that it would recede from all its polnts of difference contatned in the report, saving that relating to amendment num- ber 30, and that the House would not concur in that amendment? Would not such & motion or something similar fo it have been in order and could it not have been utilized both to debate the question and to determine the sentiment of the House at that time? In other words, upon the presentation of the conference report, on July &, could you not have taken such action as would have enabled you o have discussed and beaten the proposition before you got into the tangle into which Mr. Cannon so craétily led you? 1t seems to me that the moment you let this opportunity slip you placed yourself at his mercy and lost the battle the people of Califor- nia have heen fighting for six years. . T am giving this matter a very careful exam- ination and intend shortly to publish the result of my Investigation and 1 will be frank and tell you that so far as I have examined 1t it has been a complete revelation to me. Indeed, I am stunned when I realize what it ail means, In the Congressional Record of August 3 ap- pears your speech upon that debate, and my understanding is that only a portion of It was actually delivered and that the letters and tele- grame on page T776 and the resoluition of the gislature were not actually read in the de- bate. Am I right or wrong about this? I should esteem it a favor If you will answer these ques- tions, and do not want to resolve the mat. ters they contain against you unless compeliea fo do'so by your refusal to answer the ques- ons. You, of course, understand that since I with- drew ' from the fusion arrangement T am not_supporting your candidacy for Governor—a matter which you will doubtless regard as of 7o especial moment, but . Which T mention merely to show you that T am not writing you from the standpoint of one of your supporters. When we gave you the Popullst nomination in Sacramento we were sadly deceived as to some yery important matters—a matter I do not care to discuss at this time, but will take it up in detall later on. { Trusting that you will find it agreeable to | object of this critical moment ‘upon the plea | glve me the Information I seek, I remain, respectfully yours, 3 P. S.—Have you any objection to sending me a marked copy of your speech of July 5 with those portions marked which were added after the debate, as it is very important for those of us who are interested in this matter to know exactly what vou sald when you were engaged in_making this fight. He sent me this reply the same day: SAN FRANCISCO, Aug. 31, 1898 George W. Monteith Esq.—Dear Siy: Your | letter of this date is at hand. 1 must decline to enter into any personal con- | troversy with you concerning the matters there- in alscussed. Your suggestion that an objection | made by me, or by any member of Congress, | would have rendered it impossible for the | House to reach a vote on the general defi- clency bill, embodying appropriations for over $200,000,000 0f war deficiencies, as well as the Pacific’ Rallroad refunding provision, is so ab- | surd as to be irrational. The party in con- | trol of the House can, at any time, through | its committee on rules, bring any proposition | up for gonsideration and action. Respectfully, | JAMES G. MAGUIRE. | His letter was both insulting and evas- fve. I sought no controver. simply wanted facts. Then he proceeds to an- | swer a question 1 did not ask and a prop- ositlon not involved in my letter. I neither said nor intimated that his ob- jection ‘““‘would have rendered it impossi- ble for the House to reach a vote on the general deficiency bill.” He first puts up that man of straw, and then knocks him down. What I do claim is that if Ma- %ulre had sincerely wanted to he could have prevented the Morgan amendment becoming a_law, and if he denies that proposition 1 will take the affirmative of it and debate it with him before any au- dience in the State and stand or fall upon | my ability to prove it. lowever, although I thought his reply | discourteous and uncivil, nevertheless I | concluded to overlook his want of good | manners and make another effort to get the facts, so 1 wrote this letter: | fighting for, a unanimous agreement which em- bodied in the amendment he offered to }:}e ggnclency bill known as amendment 0. 30. Senator Morgan said, furthermore, that if Judge Maguire had asked him to with- hold the amendment so that the people of California could haye a hearing in op- gcsllion to it he would undoubtedly have one so, and even if he had not, there 2 ho would have were plenty of Senators who would have made the single objection said it could have been easily stopped in the Senate if Judge Maguire had made the effort. I asked the Senator if Maguire knew of the matter before June 29, when it came up in the Senate. He replied that he per- sonally had no conversation with Ma- uire, but did talk it over with Senator White many times before then, and that Maguire must have known about it, for it was under consideration at least twent days before it was offered. The amen: ment, he sald, was only in part his. It was, as Maguire certainly knew, before the Pacific Railroads Committee for months, but was not agreed to until Mor- gan's consent was obtained, and he gave that only when convinced that the Gov- ernment” would get® every dollar of its money, and when the rest of the commit- tee agreed to his proposition to use the money to construct the Nicaragua Canal, Morgan simply added that portion to “«i and when it was all agreed on consentei | to offer the proposition as amended by himself as an amendment to the deficiency. bill. “Senator Morgan’s explanation puts an entirely different phase on the whole matter and shows why Magulre is op- posed to getting into any ‘‘personal con- troversies,or any controversies at all, for that matter. Morgan is undoubtedly right in his po- sition that the Government has the pow- er to seize the road. He has been right and Maguire wruni. Morgan realized that the only way to kill the monopoly and give the people of California relief was by effective competition éither through Government ownership and operation of the Pacific railroads or through the con- struction of the Nicaragua canal. He wanted the Government to get the railroad, Maguire wanted it to get the cash. On the Morgan plan we would get just what every Populist in the land is viz.: Government owner- ship and operation at cost; and on the SAN FRANCISCO, Sept. 5, 15%. James G. Maguire Esq.—Dear Sir: Your let- | ter of August 31 was received during my ab- | sence from the city, and I will once more ad- | dress you upon the subject, If you would read | over my letter of August 31 you will see that there 1s no purpose to enter into what you are | pleased to term a personal controversy. 1 sim- | Py asked you a few questions which I had a | perfect right to ask of any gentleman under | #imllar circumstances, and which I had a per- fect right to expect would be answered in the same spirit in which they were asked, which | was simply the desire to know the facts. You | are a public man, seeking a high office, you | have been a public servant for a number of | years, and the questions which I asked cer- | fainly affect your standing before the public. | When I wrote the letter I was impressed with the idea that if the impression 1 had formed from reading the Congressional Record was | erroneous, your natural sense of Jjustice | would lead you to warmly welcome an oppor- tunity to put yourself right by promptly and | unequivocally denying the propositions involved | in those questions. I told you frankly that it | Was my purpose to exploit this whole funding | bill question. There is a feeling abroad among the people that you did not flll the fullest | measure of your duty upon that occasfon, and I secured the Congressional Record and made a_careful examination of all it contains. In addition to that, I considered in evidence the letter of Judge Barham of August 14, your re- Dly upon August 15 and your speech at Metro- p:rll!an !{nll delivered on your return from the | East. From the Congressional debate I gather the impression that you knew of the Morgan proposition before it was offered in the Senate, and if that is true you certainly had notice of the matter In time to have sounded the alarm | in California. Then I have been unable to | scertain that you ever sent any information | here to those of us who were interested in the | feht, 05,14 anything to enable us to have | p a determine stirréd opposition to this “rom the Congressfonal Record | that you and Senator White Pwere h'tl g\fl?!:: cord upon this question, and if so you were rqugll)'_rssnnns!hle with him for the action in the Senate, where a single Senator's objec- | tion would have killed Morgan's amendment. In your public statements you have acknowl- edged that the Barham amendment so sugar- coated the bill that a number of Republicans | swallowed it who would have otherwise been | against it enough, you admit, to have beaten | it, and your objection would have killed Bar- | ham's amendment, leaving the bill in an un. paiatable condition, that would have insured enough opposition to have beaten It, as it pased by but ten votes. You excuse your faflure to | that you did not then know the temper of the | House, and had no way to ascertain it. As | against that position, we find in the Record | the fact that you permitted the conference re- port to be adopted without objection, whi you could at that time, and before Barham's amendment was offered, have precipitated a debate, which If your own estimate of the sit- uvation is true, would have resulted in its de- feat, at least it would have enabled you to ! have determined the standing of the House upon the question without the matter beln, complicated by Barham's amendment. One of the questions I asked you related to the parli- mentary situation at that stage, and of course | You are open to one avenue of escape, which is, that they outgeneraled you, and you didn't sufficlently understand the procedure of the | House to have enabled you to take advantage of the situation. Unon that point would rise | the guestion of your bona fides in the case | and we might be influenced in its determina- | tion by what you said on the floor of the | House. The speech printed in the Congressional Record, which you obtained leave to print, | is, I understand, a different speech from the | one actually dellvered. That is of course a | right which Copgressmen assume, but one | that s hardly expedient to exercise at a criti- | cal moment, when every argument of any welght should be advanced before rather than after the vote is taken, provided, of course, that the pur;ose of the argument is to influ- ence the vote on the bill, rather than to secure the applause of a conflding constituency. This will explain why I asked you the questions con- tained in my former letter, and I think if you WLl calmly consider, the matter that you will find that it would be much better to answer the questions in detail. It will not take long to do so, and if you will answer them fairly and frankly, and if your course has been a proper one, they will settle the whole matter in your favor. I'know that you feel unfriéndly toward me, 1 but this is not a question of friendship, but one of good faith, and ome in which any per- sonal feellngs we may have should be wholly eliminated. The facts are all I ask, and you surely do not wish to place vourself in the un- fortunate position of refusing to state them, when thelr statement can do no harm, but may do_you much good. Wl you not then kindly look over my former letter and give me a frank answer to each of the questions, and I will assure you that I Will deal justly and fairly with you, which is my only purpose in this matter. 'We have, many of us, despite our personal feelings, given you our fullest and highest measure of confidence, and it would be an awful thing to find out now that that confidence has been misplaced. I cannot believe that we could have made so great a blunder, and it is pos- sible that the lil-feeling that' may exist be- tween you and myself may be the reason that vou refuse to answer my questions, and giv- ing you the benefit of the doubt I now appeal to -~ to put aside any personal feeling you mav have, and put me right If I am wrong. Very truly yours, This letter Maguire never and, as I understand, refuses I talked it over with John P. he urged me not to publish the corre- spondence as Mr. Hutchison want®l to talk it over with me. Hutchison, who is a good friend of mine, afterward talked with me about It, and I showed it to him and told him if Maguire would truthfully and satisfactorily answer those questions I would heartily support him. Hutchison thought he could get him to do so, but up to this time has not succeeded. saw Senator Morgan the other day and had a long talk with him about it. He was very much surprised to learn that Maguire had guestioned his motives in the matter. He said that he was fully satisfied with the measure under the cir- cumstances, and would stand on his rec- ord, and very sarcastically remarked that if Maguire could get elected Governor by running_him (Morgan) down he guessed he could stand it; he even thought that as a %ood Democrat he, perhaps, ought to be willing to suffer that much to get a D‘emocrnllc Governor elected In Califor- nia. Senator Morgan then carefully explained to me the whole situation. He sald he and Maguire never had agreed upon the Rroner way to treat the Pacific railroads. laguire always favored foreclosure in the courts, while he (Morgan) favored legis- lative action whereby fhe Government would seize and operate the roads on the ground they were forfeited to the Gov- ernment_when the owners became delin- quent. Foreclosure, the Senator said, meant either the full payment. as was done in the case of the Union Pacific, of the debt to the Government, principal and interest, or a Ionfi season of difficult and perhaps doubtful litigation and under cir- cumstances where the railroad owners would have a manifest advantage. Senator Morgan sald the reason he and Maiuh'e never agreed was simply because he favored seizure and Maguire firmly ad- hered to foreclosure. en Maguire's plan was followed in the case of the Tnion Pacific a precedent in favor of a cash settlement was established which seemed to meet with general approval. With that precedent in view he expected that the owners of the Central Pacific would do likewise, and that the Govern- ment would get its sixty millions in cash. When he was finally assured of that fact Senator Morgan consented to the settle- ment upon the condition that all the answered, to answer, Dunn, and | school | quirer, Oakland, Cal. Maguire Flan the Government would get sixty millions of dollars, which the rail- road owners, as in the case of the Union Pacific, would water and add to their capitalization, and thus impose an ad- ditional burden upon the people, who in freight and passenger rates would pay the piper. By using the money to construct the Nicaragua canal Senator Morgan has found a way to mitigate the evil of tak- ing these railroads away from the people, | who could have had them if Senator Mor- gan, the best friend California ever had, could have had his way. For these reasons I shall oppose the election to the highest office in this Stats of the man who seeks to advance his can= didacy by traducing the gray-haired o.d hero, whose everv act and every impulse has been to rescue monopoly ridden Cali- fornia from the domination of Collis P. Huntington. . “Do_you intend to oppose the whole fu= sion ticket?’ was asked of Mr. wion= teith. ““Not by any means. I shall vote fom Mr. Hutchison for Lieutenant Governor, Maples for Controller and Runkel for School Superintendent, who are Populists; Judge Van Dyke and Judge Conley for Supreme Judges, R. A. Thompson for Sec- retary of State, Hinton for Railroad Com- missioner and John P. Dunn for Board of Equalization. For Governor I shall write Shanahan’s name on the ballot. I think many Populists will do the same, al- though some will vote for Harriman, tna Socfalist. The only thing Populists can consistently do is to support the -anti- railroad men everywhere, especially the fusion candidates Van Dyke and Coniey for Supreme Judges and Hinton and Dry- den for Railroad Commissioners, for these are the vital points.” ANSWERS.TO CORRESPONDENTS. THE NEXT CENSUS—A. 8., City. The next census of the United States will be taken in 1900. It is taken every ten years. THE CHICAGO FIRE—J. E. R., City. The great fire in the city of Chicago, IIl. broke out.on the night of the th of Octo- er, 1571 S ART INSTITUTE—J. B. D, City. The Hopklnis Institute of Art is open from 9 o’clock in the morning to' 5 o'clock in the afternoon, and is free to the public on the first Friday of each month. It is open evenings only on the nights that exhibi- tions are held there. COLONIAL SCRIP—C. 8. C., Santa Rosa, Cal. “Colonial gerip of, the year 1779 for sixty Spanish milied dollars” has no commercial value, and as a relic is worth only what one might be willing to give for it, as such are not uncommon. TRAINED NURSE—A Reader, City. 34 | you will call 3t the City and County Hos- pital or at the Children’s Hospital you will be given all the information requisite to one who desires to become a trained nurse, as at each place there is a training for nurses. HEARST'S DONATIONS—En- The donations by Mrs. Phebe Hearst to the University of California amount to a very large sum, but the exact amount is not given in the list of donations. She at this time is con- tributing yearly to the maintaining of twelve scholarships for giris. B T Cal. glace fruit 50c per Ib at Townsend's.* —_———— Spectal x:nmrmmmm supplled dally ta business houses and public men hfi the Press Cllpp!ng Bureau (Allen’s), 510 it gomery street. Telephone Main 1042. * —_—— Declared His Intentions.—Fond Mother— Has Signor Arturo, with whom you have been dancing all the evening, at last dee clared his intentions? ‘Yes, mamma.” 'Thank goodness! What did he say?” > declared « ~ would never get mare ried.”—Roxbury Gazegte. ———————— DYSPEPSIA CAN BE CURED BY USING Acker's Dyspepsia Tablets. One little tablet Wil give immediate rellef or money refunde. Sold in handsome tin boxes at No Percentas: Pharmacy. —_————— Angostura Bitters, the great regulator of the digestive organs. Get the genuine, Dr. Sfe- gert's, imported from South America. MRS. ADVERTISEMENTS. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY'S NEW BOOKS. David Harum. A Story of American Life. By ED- WARD NOYES WEST -OTT. 12mo. Cloth, $150. “The main character ought to become fa- miliar to thousands of readers, and will proba- bly take his place in time beside Joel Chandler Harrls' and Thomas Nelson Page's and Miss Wilking’ creations.”’ —Chicago Times-Herald. “‘We give Edward Noyes Westcott his trus place in American letters—placing him as a humorist next to Mark Twain, as a master of dialect above Lowell, as a descriptive writer equal to Bret Harte, and, on the whole, as a novelist on a par with the best of those who live and have their being in the heart of hearts of American readers. If the author is dead lamentable fact—his book will live.”—Philadel~ phia Item. . Spanish Literature. By JAMES FITZ MAURICE-KELLY, Member of the Spanish Academy. A new volume in the Literatures of the World series, edited by Ed- mund Gosse. Uniform with “An< cient Greek Literature,” “French Literature,” ‘“Modern English Lit- erature,”” and “Ttalian Literature.” 12mo. Cloth, $1 50. “The introductory chapter has beén written to remind readers that the great figures of the silver uge—Seneca, Lucan, Martial, Quintilian ZWere Spantards s well as Romans. Tt fur- ther alms at tracing the stream of literaturs from its Roman fount to the channels of the Gothic period; at defining the limits of Arahig and Hebrew influence on Spanish letters. ey refuting the theory which assumes the exist. ence of immemorial romances, and at expiain. Ing the interaction between Spanish on the ane side and Provencal and French on the other., Spain’s literature extends over some hundred and fiity years, from the accession of Catlos Quinto to the death of Felipe IV. This pertod Bas been treated, as It deserves, at greator length than any other.”"—From the Preface. These books are for sale by all booksellers; money recovered from the Pacific rail- roads should be placed in trust to be used for the construction of the Nlicara- gua canal, and upon that basis the Sen- ate Pacific Rallroads Committee came to or they will be sent by malil, - Ceipt of price by the publishers, To ot O% T D. APPLETON & COMPANY, & Fifth ave., New York,