Omaha Daily Bee Newspaper, October 18, 1916, Page 2

HUGHES LANDS HARD -ON WILSON SHAMS Trade Commission Law Mud- dles Instead of Clarifying e Bituation, FUTURE FOR AMERICANS (Ceontinued from Page One.) How to Obtain Peace. The peace of the United States need not be forfeited by standing for its rights. We stand in self-respect before the world, main- taining our prestige, demanding only that to which we are known to be entitled, ready for any emergency, and you may be sure that our just rights will be acknowledged by every nation. Shipping Bill Unwise. If rates are too high, provision can be made to correct them, If there is unjust discrimination, provision can be made to eliminate it; but the creation of a govern- ment board to purchase ships, even foreign- built ships, and allow them the privilege of our coastwise trade, is, to my mind, not an aid to business, but a very unwise govern- mental policy. American Bisiness Abroad. Dr. Eliot, former president of Harvard, a man whom I hold in the very highest es- teem, examined the record of the adminis- tration and' came to the conclusion that its record, with respect to Mexico, meant this: That hereafter we did not propose to afford full protection by force of arms to those who represented American enterprise in foreign parts. Yet, it is said that we have the best genius in the world, and should go forth into all parts of the world bearing the fruits of this genius for the benefit of others. What does that mean practically?—it means American engineers, it means American salesmen, it means American bookkeepers, it means American clerks of every descrip- tion in branch establishments in connection with enterprise in various places, in some of which revolution is frequent, where only the flag of their country stands between them and death; and, fellow citizens, while there is no occasion to use the force which that flag symbolizes, if we are firm and strong in the protection of American rights, it is unbe- lievable that we should depart from the his- toric doctrine of protecting those who carry American trade to the four corners of the globe, What Future Demands. A We must have an application for the benefit of American labor; for the benefit of American agriculture and for the benefit of American industry, of the doctrine of a ample. it is now said in substance that if T am elected to the position of ex- ecutive responsibility for which 1 have been nominated, that it will result in installing invisible government, What a preposterous suggestion! No Invisible Government. “I came into public life long before this administration was thought of as the opponent of invisible government. (Applause.) The fact that I was an opporent of invisible government was my title to public confidence, and it was because 1'was an opponent of in~ visible govérnment that, not accord- ing to my liking, indeed, against my desire, I was nominated for the presi. dency of the United States. (Ap- plause. know that we are in con- stant danger of subversion ‘of the principles of government, and I desire to say that as there was no invisible government in the state of New York when If had: the honor fo hold the executive place there, there will be no i le government in the United if I have the honor to hold the position of president. “I believe in government through constitutional agencies. I believe in government through the recognized . officers of ,overnmem accordig to the intent of the constitution and the statutes, I think, indeed, it might be said that the present administration has been in large measure an admin- istration of ‘unofficial spokesmen, of mysterious influences, and I can say, in entire good humor, that I desire government through two houses and not three, (Applause.) Not an Agent of War. “Now, another thing that surprises me very ‘much; and that is that in answer to“our criticism of the record of the administration, it is said that a vote for me is ‘a vote for war. I have devoted myself to the institutions of peace. My whole energies have been spent in connection with the peace- ful settlement of controversies, and if there “is anything that I represent, it is the idea that controversies, hows< ever sharp and determined, can be satisfactorily disposed of, provided there are adequate tribunal d op- ties for geueful disposition, 0 desires war? Who, in the face of the zrupnt conflict in Europe, could think .without horror of the ravages and waste of war? Who, indeed, would ,think for a moment of plung- this country into war? On the her lunch‘ does m{body suppose that it is the path of peace not to #tand firmly and convincingly for our known rights under international law? (Applayse.) J “Does anyone suppose for a mo- ment that any nation - desires our enmity? We desire. the friendship of ¢v:y nation. We wish to live in amity with and to pursue our - idi which can be attained o‘l;}y gh the activities of peace. We L are s t peaceful le, fortu- nately re'r:ovel:l. drom n'.l'l’o re mptation . to_strife, We -haye n f do- . #h lnroh our bo ) | o :lcorrho‘ry th‘:tbvn do not possess. We do not seek by aggres- sion Whiu to which we are not en. . We have no wish to exrloh’. e are fortunately free from policies that endanger our peace. The peace of the United States need not be for- feited by standing for its rights. We stand in self respect before the world, maintaining our prestige, demanding only that to which we are known to be entitled, ready for any emergency, ad ":u;n ;Z ‘I:eh:l&‘!.:;:;r"j::; { itizenship is to have its dig- nation, (Applause.) - . nity maintained, we must show that % M - we understand its dignity and are pre- Mexico M g pared to maintain it. If in a world of “And then it is said by way of|arms we are to live undisturbed, with illustration that in that unfortunate| our rights recognized, it will be be- country to'the south of us may be|cause we understand ourselves, and found ‘the policy of peace. If that|make our convictions known and is not a most extraordinary asser-|stand before the world frepned, tion. 1 have never heard of one, for | peaceful, secure. (Applause. the policy there taken is worthy of In the Matter of Business. and we dught toexsrcise “Now, then, I turn from consider- our it, because it was not the policy of : } tions of this character. I meet with m‘fie policy of peace was the | ation on that the present nds p .| the sugg policy which would not have inter-| 0,00 tion "has done a great deal for business. It is said—I believe it was said in this city—that it had un- shackled busness. Well, when I in- guire how this has been accomplished It be applied in Latin-America and in Mexico and throughout the world if asting peace and security. (Applmaeg They are, first, that we do not meddle with matters which do not concern us, and, second, that we not only say, but that in fact we do respect the rights of oth ltl}el small as well as gre X ifindlly that it must be known in this hemisphere and thr out the world that Amcrlcan Alivu‘md American property an merican com! tion of th vernm will be safeguarded. (Applause.) | pine bu:i:eul: e There are some, when that assertion is made, who think that it means war. It does mean the sanction of eace. What it does mean is this: ou have in organized society, the sanction of force behind your courts, behind all your peaceful instrumen- talities. You do not have (to indulge in riots and bloodshed to carry out the decrees of your courts, because, behind all that 'is done through the peaceful activities of free institutions, you have the ping bill. we are to have private industry i acter as to make it the present, yet the merace to an impo this country, an rates are too high, made to correct th purchase ships, espect, we must respect ourselves. 1f we are to have the esteem of other nations, we mus t we under- stand our rights and respect them. what is the real at this n to partic certain-bankers who work renlly, gestion of for of China, Here was prise, our just influence basis for it. discouraged, and th the participation w vantage of. been recognized or not been recognized. That is a false He could have been rgcog- ed if .the administration thought le govern- orm its ‘obliga- tions. ‘If the administration did not think his government was of that character, it. was not under obliga- tions to recognize him. That was a matter for executiye discretion, But, neither under interhational law nor under the constitution of the United 39m was the executive entrusted with the broad power to launch this nation into war, not for the purpose mnl&ieu relcognition, but of ge' g only government that Mexico h7¢: (Applause.) That was not a policy of peace, and the con- trary was soon demonstrated, for in mwa of that policy our armed rces went to the invasion of this neighboring republic; we seized a customs house, we engaged in battle, several hundred men were slain, a core were slain of our own soldi am referred to the anti-trust act. said that business was heav with uncertainty, because of the lac of clear definition of the wrongs described in the anti-trust act, and on had come to and had se, cured adequate d n of evil. “] know something of the statutes, and I think I know what they de- clare and what they mean, or at least what it be said they do not accomplish, and I am free to say that I am amazed at any such claims as there has been put forward. There has been no clarification of the anti- trust act. There h n no defini- tion of the offenses described by the anti-trust act. What has beén done is the addition of a phrase to the law, the content of which no lawyer knows, (Arplnm.) 1 refer to the hrase “unfair competition” or “un- air ‘methods of competition,” which has been introduced into the law through the Federal Trade commis- n till. a term of unknown pur- When statutes are skilltully rawn and legal ts:ml are used they supposed to used in connec- tion with the meaning they have a quired, and so the ancient meanin of words referred to has a sort o index to the meaning of the statute. “Ample remedies exist for th Our courts, federal and _state, full ‘of that description. Every mer- chant' knows there is a remedy for No action, of course, was fe- cessary for that, This unfair com. petition manifestly does not mean that, and yet, nobody knows just what it does mean, and that is what the clarification of the anti-trust act is; but it is said that the matter is referred. to, the Federal Trade com- mission—and here is another extra- ordinary fallacy—the Federal Trade commission cannot define its own powers, or the legal meaning of the terms which confer these powers, and what has been accomplished by the introduction of this fake phrase, is the invitation of years of litiga- tion, in order that in some way we may find out what it means. (Ap- plause.) “Then, it is sdid that business has been ni(;ed'by the government ship- very clearly. I say have the word of on stration for ti be stated, I refer e con esteem. H 3 the administration, hereafter we did not full protection by was only four ponents wrote arge American citizens them throughout th they should have wherever they were lives and their The rt. on, subsequently confessed b v? the ’;lbinet, and ny the ’fl:fi sho pf the only existing gover: that country, I’I‘lmf was a war, not a policy of peace. “That led to Carrizal, “another instance of war; recently had upon our -entire rd assembled stated on official be a condition of war, s, not to detail the con- existing, or the record istration in respect to protest against the as- the alternative of the administration s a d for Americans., kequcatl said, dl'ddo 3 ular obal Tind thinge o we are entrusted with , but 1 do know the must be applied, that i applied. They i, They must ministration, notice should serve hul the world genius for —it means eers, it means it means it means in connection with of their count: and death; and fell firm and strong in Vit Now, that is the kind of aid to business which it does not seem to me business can afford to have. I do not believe in introducing the government into competition with d | (Applause.) This is a serious thing.| We can encourage should do all we can honorably to| stimulate industry, but the introduc- terms of the act are of such a char- should not have been passe: unjust discrimination, provision can be made to eliminate it; but the creation of a government board to even foreign-built ships, and allow them the privilege of our coastwise trade, is, to my mind, not an aid to business, but a very unwise governmental policy. “If we desire, however, to ascertain ministration to business, we have lit- tle difficulty in ascertaining tne fact. “We saw at the very.outset of the administration a great opportunity for I believe, at the sug- ‘mer administrations—to participate in the great loans which were to be made for the development for the extension of American enter- If the administration really desired that we should have Ameri- can enterprise expanded ' throughout the world, and that we should have there was an opportunity for a proper nstead of that, it was No Protection for Americans. “And then, a little later, under the administration, we had the action in| Mexico, whiéh disclosed one thing tinguished luRporters of the admini- mer president of Harvard, a man| whom I hold in the very He examined the record of the conclusion that its record with respect to Mexico, meant this: That those who represented American enterprise in foreign parts; and yet it {nrl ago that our op- that the constitutional roperty. (Applause.) ult is that, accordin, analysis made of the record of the ad- that full protection will not be ac- corded to those who go abroad car- rying American enterprise in foreign parts; and yet, it is said we should encourage foreign trade; yet, it is said id that we have the best the world, and should go forth into all of What dges that mean prlc-y American ‘salesmen, American American clerk: description in branch establishments rious: places, in some of which revo- lution is frequent, where only the flag stands between them there is no occasion to use the, force which ‘that flag sym American rights, it is unbelievable | that we| should depart from the his- toric dogtrine of protecting those who protective tariff to safeguard our industries. If there were ever any opportunity for de- bate on that question that time has passed. If there ever was a chance for a doctrinary discussion, that time has passed. We are facing today economic problems which we must meet squarely according to the facts. Prosperity for All. Now, we must not conserve our industries alone, but we must conserve our human life and resources. I am not interested in mere statistics of wealth; I am interested in pro- tection for the sake of protection. I am not interested in seeing a prosperity which is not justly distributed. This is a country of men and women devoted to work. It is not a country intended for a few to prosper at the expense of the many. It is the country of plain people, and I want to see prosperity in order that the plain people may have a proper basis for that prosperity. \ For the Eight-Hour Day. Now I believe in the general principle of an eight-hour workday. That principle has this for its basis, that by a restriction of hours of labor there will be a more whole- some life; there will be not only an absence of excessive strain, but there will be oppor- tunities for leisure, there will be opportuni- ties for education, opportunities for enjoy- ment; in short, a better rounded life, which tends to contentment. Who Pays the Bill? You will find that rates must be raised in order to pay expenses if expenses are in- creased. And, now, who pays the rates? Well, you say the shipper pays the rates. Well, if the ghipper is a farmer, I guess he will understand fully what that means; and the farmers of Nebraska have not been slow to understand what railroad rates mean. But, if he is a manufacturer, what does he do? Why, he passes it along to the jobber with his percentage, and the jobber passes it along to the retailer with his percentage, and the retailer, my friends, passes it right along to you, and you, and you, and every man in the country. That is to say, the great consuming public of which the workingmen themselves constitute the large majority; and that is where you come again to greet our dear old bosom companion, whom we ' cannot lose, “The High Cost of Living.” ners of the globe. (Applause)) In a Fool's Paradise. n this country.|under review, and that is in industry, We our present condition. ent into the ship- | under a stimulant, I admit that the pean war. paradise, entertaining ho destined to be blasted. labor abundan ing wants! cri cease as is that? It side millions of. impracticable for act constitutes a rtant industry in in my judgmcx;; provision can be em. If there is have been set to 'fighting, and co! titude of the ad- simply to munitions of war. a small part. Our exports, as ipate—I mean for ad taken up the Europe that cannot last. a legitimate basis | SMployment on der the influence of i e et Sty stimulant, the withdrawal e result was that as not taken ad-|Peace. (Applause.) What the Future Holds. consider. We shall have, as labor to compete with labor. this, because we e of the most dis- | ciplined and strong in producti clusion that is to \ kets, to Dr. Eliot, for-| Soid accumul AL y he prese ition. highest the present condition and he came to|pe converted, stronger economicall propose to afford | discipline that they force of arms to already planning for the future. in their platform, | 45 not seem to rights of should go with e world, and that | full protection fawfully, for their the; markets, to the has been served |and have done. the benefit of American of the doctrine of a protecth! to safeguard our plause.) manity. Yet, it is enius in bearing the fruits the benefit American ‘engin- facing today economic bookkeepers, o bery ing to the facts. Tariff Must Be Protective. enterprise in va- low citizens, .while bolizes, if we are the protection of en have been taken out of their ordinary pursuits. The: have been taken away from agricui- ture; they have been, taken away from industrial plants, by «the million, they suming, instead of producing. The re- sult is-a great abnormal opportunity for American labor; and American labor is employed on every side. Now, in filling that demand, I do not refer That is you know, have been going abroad in tre- mendous quantities to fill this gap, created by the condition of things in That labor so employéd will shortly, when the war’ ends, be turned into competition with our other labor in this country, We have had, through this abnormal an - unprecedented scale, the purchasing power developed in this country, by which all of our trade has been stimulated, and men are going about feeling prosperous and happy, just because they are un- this abnormal THE BEE: OMAHA, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1916. Hard Hits Made by Hughes in His Omaha Speech carry American trade to the four cor- “But, when we consider the rela- tion of the administration to business, we have a far more important matter con- nection with our domestic activities. No thoughtful student of our affairs can fail to look with apprehension on K What is our present condition? American trade is We are drugged by the demand created by the Euro- We are living in a fool's s that are ¢ have go ployed in satisfy- by war, that will |1 oon e war is over. Why cause on the other t i T of which will bring them down to the actual conditions of normal life in times of “It is a very serious situation to 1 say, We shall have reduced purchasing power, and on top of that, we shall have the product of Europe at peace, dis- competing with our own products in We have stores of gold accumulated here, as a result of War factories on the other side can be easily con- verted, and are made so that they can into peace factories Those nations, every one of them, are because of the ave undergone, and because of the knowledge that they have acquired. ‘They are ex- traordinary in organization, Th:ywe e e planning much for the futyre, They are planning for the future. After the cessation of the war, there is not the slightest doubt that are looking to the American Now, what must we do? Well, it is perfectly plain that we can- not do, or continue to do, what our opponents have said they would do, “We must have an application for ; 7!501’; for the benefit of American agriculture and for the benefit of American ipdustry, tariff industries. (Ap- If there were ever any op- portunity for debate on that question that time has passed. If there eyer was a chance for a doctrinary discts- sion, that time has passed. We are problems which we must meet squarely accord- “Now, my friends on the other side do not believe in protective tariff. They have never believed in it. They are a little soft in their whispers now. They do not say as much as they did. And yet they tell us in their platform that the Underwood bill represents their policy. They say they want a tariff commission. I want one. I agree with them. And the party I represent wanted |t first. (Applause.) We want it because we want the facts. We do not want abuses to creep in. We do not want unnecessary duties. I would be careful to prevent the abuse while 1 was using the power. (Applause.) And, so we desire the facts. But a tariff commission does not legislate. It is congress that passes the bill. It is idle, if we judge what is said by the leaders of our opposing party, to accept the application of the protec- tive principle by that party. They do not believe in it. If you want to see the protective principle fairly applied, then send a senator and representative to congress who believe in the pro- tective principle. ‘(Applause.) “Now, we must not conserve our in- dustries alone, but we must conserve our human life and resources. I am not interested in mere statistics of wealth; I am interested in protection for the 'sake of protection. I am not interested in seeing a prosperity which is not justly distributed. This is a country of men and women devoted to work. It is not a country intended for a few to prosper at the expense of the many. Ipt is the country of plain eople, and I want to see prosperity in order that the plain people may have a proper basis for that prosper- ity. (Applause.) And, so I desire that in connection with all these matters we recognize the interests of labor. I desire to see proper, reasonable hours of work, wholescme conditions of labor, the best wages that industry can afford. And I desire to see peo- ple engaged in the peaceful pursuits prospering according to the American method of free institutions. Stands for Shorter Workday. “Let me say a word with regard to the bill that was passed in con- gress the other day. I thought a few minutes ago I heard a whisper about the bill from the gallery. I may have misunderstood it, but T do not intend to let any views I have regarding that fail to be stated at this time. (Ap- plause.) \ “Now, I believe in the general prin- ciple of an eight-hour workday. (Ap- lause.) That principle has this for its basis, that by a restriction of hours of labor there will be a more wholesome life; there will be not only an absence of excessive strain, but there will be opportunities for leisure, there will be opportunities for educa- tion, opportunities for enjoyment; in short, a better rounded life, which tends to contentment., The principle involved is this: That through a re- striction of hours of labor there will be added health, greater happiness and a greater efficiency in labor it- self. Now, whether you apply that principle at a particular time to a par- ticular activity or industry, depends as a matter of common-sense upon the condition of that industry, the condition of that activity, and what it can fairly bear. Of course, as I said a moment ago, the first thing for labor is work; there is no use talking to a man who cannot get work about wholesome conditions of work and good hours of work and of the thinfis desirably incident to work, if work cannot be had, And I may digress to say that under the policy of our opponents here, less than two years ago we had the unemployed walking the streets of all our great cities, looking for work, and it would have been ;erfeclly idle to discuss with them the conditions of employ- ment when the very foundation of everything is employment itself. So, 1 want prosperity as a basis for so- cial justice. But I do not intend to stop when I get that foundation laid. want to see, as | say, the principle recognized, where it is fair to recog- nize it. And, whether or not it is practicable at a given time to apply the principle depends on the con- ditions of the industry at that time. Effect of Adamson Law. “Now, in railroading at this time to which we are referring men were not paid on the basis of hours alone. They were paid on the basis of hours and miles. In other words, the basis was ten hours and 100 miles. If a man made his 100 miles, say, in four hours, he got his day's pay. If he made his 100 miles in twelve hours, he got his day’s pay and two hours’ additional pay. It was a basis of hours and miles. Now, this proposition was not a propositioh to put in an eight- hour work-day. Not at all. That was not the proposal, and that was not done. It was not proposed to restrict the hours of labor. Men were left to work just as long as before. Whereas, the very principle of an eight-hour work-day statute is that they should not be allowed to work more than the prescribed period except in an emergency. (Applause.) e have railroads with their division points and tours of duty. There was no no- tion of revolutionizing the practical business of railroading; there was no notion of putting in an eight-hour work-day. The men particularly rep- resented in this bill never desired any- thing of that sort. Sometimes hasty legislation has extraordinary sur- prises as a result; for now, some of our friends do not quite know whether if they complete their 100 miles in less tfian eight hours they are, going to get a day's pay or not if it is on an eight-hour basis. (Ap- plause and langhter.) But, the point is this, what was done was to change the basis for paying wages, not to impose an eight-hour work-day, but to make a ditferent basis for wages and thus increase wages. So, you see what a subterfuge it was to invoke the principle of an eight-hour work- day, in justification of that measure. If that measure, as a wage measure, was a justifiable one, then there was no need in trying to cloak it with the eight-hour work-day suggestion. If, on its merits, it was not justifi- able, then it was inexcusable to tr; and bolster it up by talking about it as an eight-hour work-day measure. (Applause.) Why Make Distinctions. “It is said that the judgment of society had passed upon the matter, so it was not arbitrable, so it was not open to discussion. If that was so, why did not they give it to the 100 per cent instead of to the 20 per cent? (Applause.) If that was so, why did tgey except men who work on electric railroads? Is the man working on an elecrtic interurban rail- road outside the pale of the judgment of society?y(Laughter and adpphuse.) Does the ‘eight-hour work-day have no application to him? And then think of the poor unfortunates who labor on railroads that happen to be less than 100 miles long. Because it is ninety-nine miles instead of 101, the judgment of society does not seem to move any in their favor. (Ap- plause.) | “Why, of course, the answer is that we have nothing to do with the judgment of society; that that was not applicable, was not involved be- cause the eight-hour work-day was not involved. What was involved was an increase of wages by chang- ing a wage scale. Now, if that was a right (hing to do, let it stand on its merits. do not oppose an in- and shown to be a fair thing after a proper inquiry. But when we deal with increases of wages for a select group, amounting to millions of dol- lars, we must understand what the effect of that will be, What is the effect? Who Pays the Freight? “Why, the effect, when you raise the expenses of railroad companies by millions of dollars is that some- body pays those millions. If you think the railroads are not thinking you have another guess coming, when you buy your goods. (Applause.) You will find that rates must be raised in order to pay expenses if expenses are increased. And, now who K'ays the rates? Well, you say the shipper pays the rates. Well, if the shipper.is a farmer, I guess he will understand fully what that means; and the farmers of Nebraska have not been slow to understand what railrogd rates mean. (Applause.) But, if he is a manufacturer, what does he do? Why, he passes it along to the jobber with his percentage, and the jobber passes it along to the retailer with his percentage, and the retailer, my friends, passes it right along to you, and you, and you, and every man in the country. That is to say, the great consuming pub- lic of which the workingmen them- selves constitute the large majority dnd that is where you come again to greet our dear old bosom com- panion, whom we cannot lose, ‘The High Cost of Living’ (Continued applause.) “So, my point is this, that this is not a matter when you are dealing with the expenses of railroad com- paies, to toss off in a playful way and d|sposg of as though it were not a serious problem. Someome told me today that it seemed that the motto of the administration was, ‘A problem avoided is a problem solved.’ (Applause.) . “If this is right, then it will bear investigation; but, we ought not to have legislation on. any subject with- out inquiry. We ought not to have, least of all, legislation with regard to a matter affecting the transporta- tion systems of our country without inquiry and knowing that what is done 1s fair. If there is an industrial grievance, let lel go to the bottom of it and find out What is right, and then attend to it. . “The public has got to bear, even if it does not like it, whatever rates are fair, The public has got to bear whatever increases are fair; but, be sure you know what you are doing be- fore you legislate wage increases overnight. (Applause.) It Will Work Both Ways. “Now, then, with respect to that, I want to say this additional word: I think that this is a very serious blow at labor, and I think so for these reasons: If you have, by the application of force, a legislative act passed without inquiry, to increase wages overnight, then, ‘by the appli- cation of force, you can have, witgout inquiry, legislative action to decrease wages overnight. (Applause.). I do not think that labor, when it comes to think this matter over, and when it comes to study carefully what has been done and the way il which it crease of wages, if it is a fair thing| course of action. Only two years ago, or less—about that time—the | American Federation of Labor passed a resolution putting itself on record against legislation fixing hours of | labor and fixing wages, except in the case of governmental employes or where health or morals were involved. They passed the same resolution in 1915. Now, what was the point of that? It was not that labor did not want shorter hours and did not want improved wages, but_they recognized that in the long run it was better not to have those matters fixed by leg- islation. I am not speaking now of the validity of this bill; I am not speaking of its effectiveness. Those are questions of law, I am talking of the policy of the bill. Labor has stood for collective bargaining; that has been its principle. Labor has stood for arbitration; that has been its rinciple. There was a time, not so ong distant, when' labor did not get the hearing it thought it was entitled to when it asked for arbitration of great disputes that affected society. We had, in 1898, an act passed pro- viding for a method of conciliation in connection with disputes affecting interstate commerce, that was re- Jenacted with some amendments in 1913, indicating the policy of the country. “But what I want to emphasize is this, I say it is un-American, abso- lutely without justification, ever to surrender either executive power or legislative power to the demands of force of either labor or capital. (Applause.) Why We Are Great. “The old theory of our government is that we have organized public opinion; and that we have schools and newspapers and every chance for public information and of public dis- cussion. The idea is that while we think differently, we have the free- dom of controversy; while we have many points of view and varieties of interest, we have a way of threshing out our difficulties in open discussion and following the processes of rea- son. That is the way we have won in the past against every form of tyranny and every form of force. Every step of progress has been through the rescuing of a people from treason by those who would not per- mit treason to rule. Every vantage ground we got with pride in these days has been for'an opportunity to take counsel and enforce a reason- able judgment. We have fought force ir the past and it was a plain people who rebelled against it. It was the plain people who finally became vic- torious over every form of tyranny and e.tablished this free country where we can reason things out. Will Solve Our Problems. “I know the problems that will press upon us. I can see the social difficulties confronting us. I can see the great ambitions and aspirations that move us. I know the difficul~ ties in our path in these years of the Twentieth century, but America can i solve them. We have the fulness of vision and we have the determina- tion to solve them and advance progressively if we hold to the path of reason, and say now for all time, in rebuking this administration for this act, that in this country force shall never prevail” (Great ap- was done, will care fo ratify that{ plause.) e THOMPSON-BELDIN & CO. o= The fashion Certer Established 1836 Suits Hand-Tailored by Men Women who desire individu- ality in dress, will appreciate these clever adaptations and originations of the most fashionable style ideas. Love- ly fabrics, charming beyond description. to $125 $65, $75, $85 of e fiddieWed — Our Alteration Service is without extra charge. Schmoller Your present piano will be accepted as part payment. $550 Our 25-Year Iron-Clad Guarantee Goes With Every Instrument. Grand and Upright Pianos for rent, $3.50 a month and up’ SCHMOLLER & MUELLER PIANO CO. 1311-13 Farnam St., Omaha, Neb. 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