Omaha Daily Bee Newspaper, November 15, 1915, Page 4

THE OMAHA DAILY BEE FOUNDED BY EDWARD ROSEWATER. VICTOR ROSEWATER, EDITOR. The Bee Publishing Company, Proprietor, FEB DUILDING, FARNAM AND SEVENTEENTH. Entered at Omaha postoffice as second-class matter. TERMS OF -uuc%ummi. y carrier By mall per month. per yanr B:ny and Sunday.. fly without Sunday. Evening and Sunday Evening wnho\‘n Bunday. 3 EM C| by Graft, exprese or posta) order, Only two- cent stamps received In payment of sm ac- counts. Personal checks, except on Omaha and eastern exchange, not accepted. OFFICHS. Omaha—The Bee Buiflding. Bouth Omaha—218 N street. Council Bluffe—14 North Main street. Lincoln—2% Little Building. Chi carst Bull ing. New York—! 1106, 286 Fifth avenue. St. Louis-608 New Bank of Cnmmm%. ‘Washington—7% Fourteenth 8t., N. W. CORRESPONDENCE, Address communications relating to news and edi- torial matter to Omaha Bee, Editorial Department. OCTOBER CIRCULATION 54,744 State of Nebraska, County of Douglas, ss: Publ it Willlams, d.h“lladtlt:n manager of '{h'he' l?: ing company, being duly sworn, sa: a - Gireulation 'for the month of Octower, 191b, HT WILLIAMS, Circulation Manager. Subscribed In presence and sworn to before me, this 24 lovember, 1915, ‘Mmr uur&ln, Notary Publie. Bubscribers leaving the city temporarily should have The Bee mailed to them. Ad- dress will be changed as often as requested. Wovember 18 SR fie B Doy Selected by Gertrude Warren **A pessimist is @ man who has the choice of two evils and chooses both.’” However, there is solace for Colonel Bryan in the fact that Great Britain takes his writings seriously. Winston Spencer Churchill bas forsaken the ways of peace and gone to the front. Now look out for a bulge. | Fifteen of the elghteen provinces of China have spoken in favor of a monarchy. Vox popull, Vox Yuan Shih Kai. should have over the murderous holdup man, is the competition to see to it that he gets what is coming to him, The administration is waking up to the fact that the task of drawing defensive plans s much simpler than the job of getting the money, The 1roblem overflows with worry. S—— The relation of effect to cause is as plaln as a sawdust trail. Mr. Taft’s trumpet call for a re! of the paternal shingle is quickly an- BV by a rise in the price of lumber, Smm——— Beyond its novelty as an endurance test, living on 15 and 19 cents a day gets little ap- plause. Men have gone fifty days on water and lemon julce and escaped the undertaker. As a diagnosticien of the temper of the United States Dr. Dernberg is a respectable au- thority. Extensive observation and a courteous ‘exit gave him an inside view of American diplomacy. l Smm—— { That story about the Montana ranchman 128 | i dropping $10,000 on a “sure-thing” bet in Chi- 4ith patrons and putting social cheer into the of business. As a business getter the glad hand has the judicial hammor beaten a mile, E— Designers and promoters of lodge rituals will be appreciated by the regulars, If not by the initintes, \ S————— A grouchy professor of fine art rudely slams real live art by asserting that women deck them- selves in gay colors to attract attention. The same brand of emvious reasoning might charge the ralnbow ot self-glorification or accuse the flowers in their season of billboard designs, To woman falls the task of giving life the charm of color, the glow of animated art, without which the dull dreary garb of man would fill the world Can Hughes Be Forced? Charles E. Hughes on the official ballot for the April primary in Nebraska as a candidate for the republican nomination for president is likely to bring to a head the question whether the judge will acquiesce in the use of his name. No dissent will be found anywhere to the proposition ideal candidate to harmonize the republican olements and that, if nominated, his victory over Wilson would be fore-ordained, The editor of ihe Bee has been on record for some time as favoring Justice Hughes as a first choice, but wlong with most of his real friends has believed that the only possible way to secure his nomi- nation would e in centering upon Hughes after i1 was demonstrated, if it should be, that none of the avowed candidates could command the necessary majority In the convention. The present effort to force Hughes out into the open at this time is ill-advised from every point of view, Justice Hughes cafnot consent to liis name going on the ballot and conscientiously remain on the supreme bench and even | sllence might be construed to be consent. Nor can Justice Hughes afford to permit any coterle | ¢f political self-seekers to use him to pull them- welves up by their boot straps. If Nebraska were the only the direct primary state he might per- laps Ignore the move, but the same condition | would be sure to be presented in other states for Nebraska's primary does not come until the middle of April, while Minnesota, with a similar law, starts the ball in March. Tho misfortune is that Justice Hughes may le driven to define his position so sharply as to remove himself completely from availability in the possible emergency when the convention might turn to him spontaneously and Issue a unanimous call for his leadership. Iowa’'s Btate Census Figures. The preliminary announcement of the re- sults of the state census taken in Iowa presents some Interesting figures. Of the 101 incor- porated communities in the state designated as citles the compilations show a gain in popula- tion of 106,950, and the report indicates that practically all of the cities show a gain. The three showing the largest per cent of gain, Des Moines, Sloux City and Waterloo, account for 40,131 of this total of 101,060, which would indicate the growth of the majority of the re- mainder is not large when distributed among rinety-eight cities. The figures would be much more interesting if they embraced the popula- tion of the country and small villages, but these have not yet been compiled. The last federal census disclosed an actual decrease in rural and small village population, and it is likely the ctate compllation will show the same condition, trough persistent effort has been made to coun- teract the drift of population from the farm. The analysis of the population figures would indicate plainly, however, that only those cities thow an appreciable gain which have expanded thelr manufacturing industries or added new cnes. In other words, the cities and towns which depend for their sustenance upon agri- cultural resources and rural trade have prac- tically reached their maximum and can hope for little further growth under present conditions. The gross farm production of Iowa and other states has not been increased through the medium of employing more people, but by sub- siituting more efficlent machinery for the old, end the consuming public tributary to the smaller towns and cities not devoted to manu- facturing is either stationary or decreasing, and uvnder such conditions these towns can hope for liftle or no increase in population, while better means of communication are even robbing them of much formerly tributory trade. These facts are things which stand out as the reasons for the showing made by the lowa census and plainly indicate the hope of towns and citles which are practically stagnant lies in building up an industrial population within themselves. Trend of Eleotrical Development. Few people approciate the growing use of electrical power, which is manifest not only by the increpsed number of plants for the develop- ment of electrical energy, but more startling gill, in the capacity of electrical generators. A technlecal journal recently recorded the installa- ton of a 30,000-kilowatt generator in Phila- delphia and the contract for the construction of one for use in Chicago of 85,000 kflowatts, This same journal, commenting on these two monster machines, the largest In the world, pre- dicts that within five years generators of 50,000 kilowatt capacity will be built, as in recent years the power capacity had increased about 5,000 kilowatts per year. Figures convey little idea of the immense power development of such ma- chines, but by way of illustration it is said one could furnish power to drive 16,000 twenty-ton cars, or current for 2,000,000 twenty-candle power lamps. ‘What this ability to create centrally such vast energy for industrial purposes and to dis- tribute it over wide areas means to industrial best of it Is that the power is avallable alike for the large and small user, and should help most the little manufacturer just getting a start. — Influx of European Crooks. One result of the European war generally overlooked is the influx of what are commonly denominated “high class crooks,” or in other words crooks who play for big stakes, are edu- cated, in outward appearance above the immi- gration requirements and apparently people of affluence, They have in the past preyed upon people who visited the noted resorts of Europe, but with the distraction of war they find their The filing of a petition to place the name of | R that Justice Hughes would be an | his | cevelopment {s almost beyond computation. The | cecupation, or rather their opportunity, gone and seek In America conditions more favorable for plying thelr trade. Their coming opens to the police, more particularly in the seaboard citles, a task largely hew to them, for the erimi- nals are of a type not common in the United States. To them are attributed the numerous big jewelry robberies and tho like which have baf- fled the police of the east, and give Indication that before long the officials all over the coun- try must commence to learn something new in eriminal detection, The United States can well ufford to forego this acquisition incident to the var and strike a balance in this {tem of forelgn cxchange. A majority of 460,000 against the New York constittiuon and 320,000 against a refer- endum weasure extending the term of county officers from two to four years in Ohio, consti- tute the most impressive “political atrocities™ of the late electior sr/E: OMAHA, MONDAY Analysis of Proposed National Prohibition VAL J. PETER, Presidont German-American Alliance of Nebraska. BFERRING to the article from the Boston Tran- script's Washington correspondent reproduced in The Bee under the heading “The Prohibition Pro- gram,” it appears that he makes the popular mistaka of mentioning only the liquor interests as in opposition to prohibition. The prohibitionists, of course, want to make it appear that the liquor Interests, | e., the manufacturers and sellers, are the only ones opposing prohibition, and every argument pro and con seems to be made with that serfous error. The fact that there are tens of thousands of purchasers for every manufacturer, and hundreds of buyers for every seller. and that these many milllons of purchasers demand not only the right, but the opportunity to purchase, | is carefully concealed on the one hand and over- looked on the other—and #o is the fact that there are other milllons who may be quite Indifferent aboul drinking themselves, but who denounce It as unwise, inexpedient or wrong in principle to interfere with the privilege of others; and also that there is another great mass of people who, while in favor of local prohibition, are firmly convinced that national legis- lation on that subject would be a grave blunder. The apparent silence of all these people as to any public manifestation is not lack of Interest, but lack of cour- age and opportunity to volce thelr sentiments, and partly perhaps inertia caused by ignorance of the consequences of national prohibition The plan of the Anti-Saloon league is to impose prohibition laws first upon cities, then upon counties, and gradually extending to states. To accomplish this in a state, for instance, they will have embodied in the state law a special proviso permitting the indi- vidual to purchase from outside of the state whatever liquor he wants, knowing full well that without such & proviso the proposition would be turned down at the polls. They make the voter belleve that opposition is only to the maloon, and concede his right to use and order liquors from other states, so as to secure, for the time being, his support of the prohibition law. They carefully conceal, however, the ultimate plan of making by that process enough dry states to accom- plish eventually national prohibition, which would absolutely make it impossible to purchase liquors any- where in the United States, or to import them from other countries, thus taking away entirely the oppor tunity to purchase, which is equivalerit In effect to taking away the right to use liquors, except those which the individual could manufacture himself. The ingenuity of the prohibitionists in making propaganda with members of congress is contained in the following argument of Willlam H. Anderson, state superintendent of the Anti-Saloon league of New York: The Anti-S8aloon league is not asking any member of congress to declare that he is in favor of national prohibition, but simply that he shall not become an avowed exponent and protector of the liquor traffic by refusing to vote to allow the people of the nation by stats throu, their representatives, to determine that question in the manner provided therefor by the framers of the constitution. The danger in such doctrine as affecting the dutles and responsibllities of congress, and as belng opposed to the spirit of representative government, must be obvious to all thinking citizens. The constitution gives to two-thirds of the members of both houses of con. gress the right to propose amendments, which there- after become part of the constitution only ‘‘when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states,” each state having uniformly one vote, The wise proviso requiring a two-thirds vote in the house and senate Is evidence that the framers of the constitution recognized the serious responsibility of congress in proposing such amendments, which Is much more than a mere ministerial function of sub- mitting questions to state legislatures. The responsl- bility is all the more serious because our method of amending the constitution is anything but a recognition of popular majority. After an amendment is proposed to the states by a two-thirds vote of congress, it must be ratified by three-fourths (now thirty-six) of the stdtes. This ratification, however, is not limited to any specific period and may extend, therefore, over any number of years. Thus one state may ratify, through a ma- Jority vote of its legislature, this year, another state next year, a third state the following year and so on, thus finally, but maybe not for fifty years or mote lining up thirty-six states in favor of the amendment, which would then become part of the constitution. Now, mind you, and this is very important, no state which through its legislature has once ratified that particular amendment, can rescind its action. If, for instance, state No. 1, which has ratified the amend- ment thisiyear, should in ten years or twenty years from now, or in fifty years, through a large popular demonstration, wish to rescind the action of this year's legislature, it is impossible for it to do so under the constitution, which to that extemt is crude, insuffi- ciently elastic and unsatisfactory; it is especlally so when considering that the states act through their legislatures instead of through popular majorities; it 1s more so because of the vast difference in the population of the states, and nowithstanding that vast difference giving each each state one vote. This means that the states of Nevada and Wyoming with 228,000 population can outvote the state of New York with over 9,000,000 people, a proportion of about one person outvoting thirty-six. The twelve largest states contain over 60,000,000 people, the thirty-six smallest states 40,600,000; yet theso 40,000,000, through their state legislatures, would out- vote 50,000000. Now if national prohibition was adopted through these thirty-six smallest states with their 40,000,000 inhabitants, it would be against the opposition of 50,000,000 inhabitants of the twelve largest states. But, supposing that in a few years after the adoption of that amendment, the nation found it entirely un- satisfactory and wanted to retrace its steps, how could it do so, and what might happen under our constitu- tional provisions for amending that instrument? Con- greas could by a two-thirds vote propose an amend- ment to annul the prohibition amendment, thus sub- mitting it again to the several state | posing then that the thirty-five lars: nearly §7,000,000 inhabitants, through their state legis- latures, would ratify this last amendment effecting abolition of prohibition, and supposing the thirteen smallest states with 450,00 people would hold out agalnst such abolition—it would mean that 4,500,000 people could dictate to 57,000,000 people what they shall not do. Under such conditions it would seem highly im- portant that members of congress take their dutles personally and seriously, Instead of shifting the burden off of their shoulders onto the state legislatures. In trying to escape such dities and responsibilities they would plead weakness and timidity, and would arouse the suspicion that they are voting, not as thetr own personal convictions and consciences dictate, but with their ears to the ground, whichever way they think the political winds happen to blow at home. Twice Told Tales Hard to Swallow, An Idaho guide, whose services were retained by some wealthy easterners desirous of hunting in the northwest, took them to be the greenest of tenderfeet, since he undertook to chaff them with a recital some- thing as follows: “It was my first griszsly, so I was mighty proud to kill him in a hand-to-hand struggle. We started to fight about sunrise. When he finally gave up the #host the sun was golng down.” At this point the’ guide paused to note the effoct of his story. Not & word was said by the easterners, 80 the guide added, very slowly, “for the second time." “I gather, then,” sald one young gentleman, a dapper little Bostonian, “that it required a period of two days to enable you to dispose of that grissly ™ “Two days and a night,” said the guide, with a grin. “That grizsly died mighty hard.” “Choked to death? asked the Bostonlan. “Yes, #ir,"” said the guide, “Pardon me,” contibued the Hubite, “but what did you try to get him to swallow ™ ~Chicago News. OVEMBER 15, 1915 ® LeSer, Parole Business Is Overdone, OMAHA, Nov. 15.—To the Bditor of The Bee: Your editorial, “Relation of Crime and Punishment,” is timely. The Board of Pardons is to be commended for its decision to grant no more paroles | merely upon the completion of the mini- | mum sentence, especially as the same may relate to burglars and holdup men. Its conclusion to apply the rule broadly might be open to question Through co-operation of the courts and the pardon board the epldemic of | burglaries, holdups and consequent wolent assaults and murders might be somewhat arrested if the criminals who choose such fields could be made to realise that when they stick a gun in thelr pocket and engage in crime as a business, bent upon doing Wwhatsoever may be necessary to make small gains at the expense of every class of soclety, decency and womanhood, they have for- feited thelr place In soclety. We can be relieved from such brutes | only by keeping them under lock ani key. By cholce they surrender thelr right to freedom. ‘Such crimes are not accldental—do not flow from temptation nor weakness. They come through premeditation, desien and depravity. They should not be the subjects of senti- ment, to say nothing of sentimentality. The entire community is permeated with foar. Crimes which Indicate the criminal has resigned from soclety should be treated herofcally. When once caught, the resig- nation should be accepted once and for and the lock and key should be his guardian. Clemency is not due him, and none should be extended. It is wrong to put the whole blame upon peace officers. When they ap- prebend and bring to punishment this class, they are temporarily cared for, s00n to be turned loose In the same field of operation. A burglar and a holdup man should receive the limit every time, and he should serve that limit, leaving hope behind. You are correct in saying the trained criminal 15 best behaved ‘““‘when there is no other alternative.” Neither parole nor indeterminate sentence plan brings reform to criminals. A criminal s a criminal from choice and should be treated as such and locked up for keeps, Is it not time for all of us to think it over? F. 8. HOWELL, More Reanon and Less Fire, ANSLBY, Neb., Nov. 13—To the Bditor of The Bee: I very much apprecate “The Bee's letter box,” because through its columns one reads the various views ©of our fellow men upon a large varlety of intéresting subjects. I wolld like to add a few thoughts bearing upon the present issue bewteen Mr. Rosicky, Mr. 'Sunday and Mr. Bradshaw. Mr. Rosicky in his first article ‘Which, though I cannot full concur in all he sald, yet it was logical and to the point, 80 far as it related to Mr. Sunday's teaching. Though an adherent of Mr. Ingersoll, he shows the spirit of a gentle- man, and a defender of those who up- hold our laws; and as such s entitied to due respect, even though we may dis- agree with his Biblical views. It In Mr. Bradshaw’s mind our laws are wrong he would do better to exert his in- fluence towards having laws so ob- noxious to him repealed or ameuded, rather than blame our school officers for upholding the laws we have ma le. But Mr. Bradshaw would have thess gentlemen violate our laws, which they havé sworn to obey, merely to gratify his personal whims; and those who stand by our school officers in defending our laws, he attacks with abuse and harsh eppithete. Now it does not require a very bril- liant mind to paw the alr and sling abuse and vile epithets, and at the same time imagine they are great debaters, and this seems to be the extent of Mr. Brawshaw's ability as shown In his ar- ticle of reply. He poses as one versed in the scriptures, is a great stickler for the literal interpretation thereof, and anyone who has the audacity to disagree with his interpretation he is ready to condemn. God in His word says, “Come let us reason together,’ but He. never men- tioned a word about our reasoning with Mr. Sunday, or Mr. Bradshaw. I won- der why? and echo answers, why? F. M. SIMONDS, Pity for the Poor Officeholder. OMAHA, Nov, 18—To the Editor of The Bee: I noticed In your paper a few days ago that two or three of our prom- inent soclety women of this city called upon one of our city officers for the purpose of selling him tickets at $3.60 per to some entertainment, and were very much put out that he did not invest. Some time ago, while at the city hall, confidential manner and of our city officlals were in being forced to purchase tickets from ticket peddlars and different organizations, and it was estimated about 360 per month, each. It does seem to me that the promot- ers of dance concerns and the various entertainments should be able to finance their own enterprises without subjecting our public officers to the necessity of paying out from 10 to 15 per cent of their salary or humfliating them by refusing #0 to do. These people who insist that our public officers so spend their sal- ary are the first to protest against pay- ment of reasonable taxes, out of which to pay officers’ salaries. M. O. Loecation of Federal Prisons. GIBBON, Neb,, Nov. 13.—To the Editor of The Bee: How many feders! prisons are there In the United States and where are they located? Please answer as soon | as possible, as there are a great many | of us wishing to know. MAE WOOD. Note—There are three federa! prisons for civillan convicts, located at Atlanta, Ga.: Fort Leavenworth, Kan, and Mo- Island, Washington state. Was This One Never a Boyt? OMAHA, Nov. 14~To the Editor of The Bee: Last night the Crelghton foot ball enthusiasts, a couple of hundred strong, invaded the Brandels theater, filling the Place with their foot ball and college yells. 1 think they show a lamentable lack of perspective. There may be some excuse for such exhibitions of college enthusiasm that offend good taste and manners in a small college town where the college dominates everything and ‘where the people exist on their sarnings off of students. Such is not the case in & metropolitan city like Omaha and the boys have the wrong idea of the rela- tionship that exists. We suggest that the Omaha theaters hereafter protect their patrons from any exhibit of student enthusiasm of thias kind. & question came up in somewhat of a | the question | was asked what the expenditures of some | t to think well of Creighton uni- versity and we want to belleve that the boys go there for an education. The ordinary business man is anything but favorably impressed with the product of our colleges and auch exhibits as invad- Ing a theater with a howling mob of foot ball enthusiasts does not make for good opinion. R. P. ATWOOD. Seeln’ Things Again. NORTH LOUP, Neb.,, Nov. 13.—To the Editor of The Bee a few words on the subject of abusing authority. The southern so®ty of sixty years ago was world. That soclety fant finally to the confederacy. The confederacy was a political power, the outgrowth of southern soolety. That confederacy, by political intrigues, took upon Itself the sovereignty of a nation. This once done, one of the greatest civil wars of the nations was the outcome. Back of the pleture stood “abused power.” In all ages and nations the abused power has been manifested. We see it among| We Everywhere in political individuals. We see it in soclety. see it in courts. life we may see the abused power. A great lesson that might be learned by the present ruling classes is the abuse of power, If the boards of trade, stock exchange, the associated bankers, the statesmen, the courts and the finan- clal classes continue to insist on making prices, controling elections, dictating political policles, inflated the currency and contracting the same, placing out false reports to change public opinion, manipulating rallway rates and fares, how long will it be until the turn comes, when the whole social fabric is drowned in an avalanche of public hatred and everything s torn down upon which to build a new civilization? The confed- eracy is one only of a thousand exam- ples of abused power. Why did Israel detest the prophet and teacher for telling Why do the financiers detest insists on telling the the truth? the person who truth of modern conditions? We are on the same road that has carried many peoples Abused power. and nations to destruction. WALTER JOHNSON. Around the Cities I The postoffice at Lacona, N. Y. has just received its tenth annual call from burgla: The number of repetitions M lost on the postmaster, who is out $2,000 in stamps, $100 in money orders and $2% cash. San Diego s all set for another year of its exposition, warmed over and fat- tened with exhibits from the San Fran. clsco show. Enough funds have been subscribed to pay expenses and make the show the chief attraction for next year's tourists. Permit me to write the admiration of the grew from an in- the | SMILING LINES. candidate is al for office? Daughter—Why ways referred to as is it a running ‘ather —Because there's usually a doubt about his getting it in a walk.—Judge. Sergeant (sternly»—Hah, then, yer young blighter, you ain't larfin’ at me, are yer? ‘\'ounu Blighter—Oh, no, sergeant; no, sir! Bergeant (more sternly)—Then what the ell else is there on parade ter larf at?— London Sketch. “Did you see where a husband in Pitts- burgh gloomily complained that whenever his wife wanted him to give her money she hid his false teeth until she got it?" “Poor fellow! No wonder he was down in the mouth.'~Baltimore American. ““Then you maintain there is no such thing as luck?" ‘I do.’ “How about a waif adopted by a mil- llonajre? Pure efficlency, 1 suppose?’— Pittsburgh Post Hub—Well, it takes rel, so I'll shut up. two to make & quar- Wife—~That's just like a contemptible man. You'll sit there and think mean things.—Boston Transcript. Blzzy—What's the matter, old man, you look worrled? Flasy—1 have some cause to. I engaged a man to trace my pedigree. |~ Bizzy—Well, hasn't he succeeded? Fizzy —Succeeded? I should say he has! i Now I'm paying him hush money.— Philadelphia Evening Ledger. The professor on political economy was | detailing the devices of finarice. “Moncy 18 a drug on the market™ he started. “Gee,” exclalmed the student in the fourth’ row. aisle seat, “I wish I knew a deetor who could write me a pre- scription."—Philadeiphia Ledger. “‘Charley, dear,” saild young Mra. Tor- kins, “did 'you know they were destroy- ing the forests to make paper?’ “I've heard something about it. “Maybe that accounts for something When I read some of the long arguments | on the tariff I felt exactly as if I ware getting lost In the woods.'—Washington Star. THE AWAKENING. Brown was a man of serfous kind— Yet when the war began, He took it coolly, and his' mind to optimism ran; With breezy confidence he read the “experts’ every_day, “They tell ua it's all righ Right from the first he claimed to know ‘hat quickly we should see Exhausted numbers place the foe Completely '‘on the knee; And though it seemed that losses vast The Germans could afford; He chuckled—"Ah, it cannot last— Refer to Colonel Maude!"” However, when a year had flown And things went on the same, Brown grew more thoughtful, and his tone Less cock-a-whoop became; And though no news of war's mishaps Hig British courage shakes, He's much less sure those ‘‘experts” chaps Can never make mistakes! Omaha. —SAM L. MORRIS. 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