Omaha Daily Bee Newspaper, December 4, 1901, Page 4

THE OMAHA DAII Text of the Messnge To the Senate and Honse of Repre The congress assembles this inder the shadow of a great calamity. September 6 President McKinley by an enarchist while attending the Pan American oxposition it Buffalo, and died in that city September 14 Of the last seven elected president 15 the third who has been murdered, and tha bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justity grave alarm among all loyal Ameri can citizens. Moreover, the circumstantes of this, the third assassination of an Amer ican yresident, have a pecullarly sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortufately not uncommon in hiatory. President Lincoln falling a vietim the terrible passions aroused by four vears of eivil war, and President Garfleld to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed ofMceseeker. President McKinley was killod he an utterly depraved. criminal belonging o that body of eriminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who aro against any form of popular liberty it it is guaranteed by even the most just and Iiberal laws, and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people’s sober il a8 to the tyrannical and irresponsible enta on tives ¢ [ was shot o ribute to President MeKinley. 1t 1s not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's death he was the widely loved mAn in all the United States, while wo have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political opponents were e first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of the sweetness and gentleness of which %0 endeared him to his ates. To a etandard of lofty ntegrity io public life he united the tender flections and home virtues which are all- important in the makeup of national char reter. A gallant soldier in the great war | most FIRST ME fusion and chaos fo form of soctal order. Hie protest of con ] for workingmen ls outrageous y impudent falsity; for if the political institu | tions of this country do not offord oppor tunity to every honest and intelligent toil, then the door of hope I forever closed against him. The anarchist is every- where not merely the enemy of syatem and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. 1t ever anarchy s triumphant, its triumph will last far but one red moment, to he sicceeded for ages by the gloomy night of despotism For the anarchist himself, whether he proaches or practices doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for an ordinary murderer. He I8 not the victim of social or political Injustice. There are no wrongs fto remedy in bis case. The cause of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and In the evil con- duct of those whe urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the state to do justice to him or hie. He is a malefactor and nothing else. He is In no sense, in no shape or way, a “product of social con- ditions,” save as A highwayman is “pro- duced” by the fact that an unarmed man happens to have a purse. It is & travesty upon the great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause. No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than It preach- ing the murder of some specified private individual Anarchistic speeches, writinge and mectings are essentially seditious and treasonable. I earnestly recommend to the congress that fn the exerciso of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons | professing pringipies hostile to all govern- ment and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such Individual$ as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glority thd murder of King Humbert of Italy perpeirate a crime, and the law should ensure thelr rigorous pun the most beneficent “on | ot for ths unfon, he also shone as an example 10 ali our people because of his conduct in most sacred and intimate of home velations. There could be no personal hatre of him, for he never acted with aught b consideration for the welfare of others. N could fail to respect him who knew him in public or private life. The defend ors of those murderous criminals who seel their criminality by asserting In exercised for political cnde, in- velgh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot be urged President McKiniey was a man of moder- ate means, & man whose stock sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soll, who had him self belonged among the wage workers, who had entered the army as a private soldler. Wealth was not struck at when the presi- dent was assassinated, but the honest toil whieh s content with moredate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in the hands | of any onc individual. The blow was not Aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest-champlons the wage worker has ever had; at one of the most faithtul representatives of the system of public rights and representative government one 1o excuse that it {shment. They and these like them should be kept out of this country: and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came: and far- reaching provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the congress. e Federal ¢ s Jurisd ton, The federal courts should be given juris- diction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the president or any man who by the constitutign or bylaw is in line of suc cession for the presidency, while the pun- fshment for an unsuccesstul attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the of- fepse against our institutions. Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race, and all mankind should band against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense agalnst the law of na- tions, like piracy and that form of man- stealing known s the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than efther it should be so declared by treatles among all civilized powers. Such treaties would give to the federal government the power of dealing with the crime A grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded by the at- titude of the law toward this very criminat in fis | most ! who had just taken the life of the presi- | dent. Tho people would have torn him | Hmb from limb if it had Dot been that the who has ever risen to public office. Presi- dent McKinley filled that political ofce for which the etire people vote, and no presi- dent-—not even Lincoln himselt—was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well (hought out wishes of the people; his oue anxiety in every criels was to keep In vloeest touch with the people—to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give exprossion to thelr thought, after having endeavored to gulde that thought aright. Ho had just been re-clected to the presi- dency because the majority of our cltizens, the majority of our farmers and wage workers believed that he had faithfully up- | held their interests for four years. They | with him felt_themeelves in close and Intimate touch so well and so honorably all their ideals | and asplrations that they wished him to | | ontioue for another four years to represent | More come to be filled by men of & SpITlt | ugitator has been bem. ! And this was the man at whom the assas- | siu struck! That there might be nothing lacking to complete the Judas-like Infamy of his act, he took advantage of an occaslon when the president was meeting the people | generally; and advancing as it to take the hand outstretched to him in kindly and | brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow. There is no baser deed In all the annals « crime, The shock, the griet of the couutry are bitter in the minds of all who saw the dark days while the president yet hovered be tween life and death. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath | went from the lips that even in mortal | agony uttered no words save of forglveness | 10 his murderer, of love for his friends and of unfaltering trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with infinite sor- row, but with such pride in what he had uccomplished and In his own personal char acter, that we feel the blow not as struc ot him, but as struck at the nation, W mourn a good and great president who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand herolsm with which he met his death. When we turn from the man to the na tion, the harm done is 50 great as to excite | our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wicest and most resolute action. This criminal was & professed anarchist, in- flamed by (he teachings of professed an- archists, and probably also by the reckless | utterance in the public press, appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot escape their share of responsibility for tho whirlwind that is reaped. This applies altke to the deliberate demagogue, 1o the exploiter of sensationalism, and to ithe erude and foollsh visionary who, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent The blow was aimed not at this president, but at all presidents: at every symbol of government. President McKinley was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the nation expressed through the forms of law as a New.England town meet- ing is in similar fashion the embodiment of the law-ablding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On no concelvable theory could the murder of the president be accepted as due to protest against “in- cqualities in the social order,” save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a pro- test against that soclal inequality which puts & malefacior in jall. Anarchy is no more an expression of ‘“‘social discontent™ than picking pockets or wite-b Anarchy Muat Be M The anarchist, and especially the anarch- ist in the United States, is merely one type ot griminal, more dangerous than any other bechuse he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advo- cates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or the man who apolo- glzes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himselt morally accessary to murder before | | disorder. | wrath, | ent abounding prospert | can never of those who, on the stump and | law he defled was at once iivoked in his behalf. So fa. from his deed being com- | mitted on bebali of the people agalnst the | government, the government was obliged a: once to exert its full police pawer to save | him from instant death at the hands of the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the | slightest dislocation in our governmentar | mant. system, aud the ddnger of a recurrence of such decds. no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of | strengthening forces of order. No man will éver be re- | They felt that he represented |3trained from becoming president by any|irysts would have been fear as to his personal eafety. If tue risi to the president’s life became great, | would mean that the office would more and which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend cv‘ This great country will not fall | into aharchy, and if anarchists should ever | become n serious menace to its institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but | would involve in their own ruin every ac- | tive or passive sympathizer with their doc- | trines. The American people are slow to but when their wrath fs once | kindled it burns like & consuming flame. nf of Prosperity. During the last five years business con= | fidence has been restored, and the nation | 18 1o be congratulated hecause of its pres- Such prosperity be created by law alone, al- though it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. 1f the hand of the Lord Is heavy upon anmy country, if flood or drouth comes, human wisdom Is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us against the consequences of | our own folly. The men who are idle or credulous, the men who seek gains not by genuine work with nead or hand but by gambling in any form, arve always a source of menace not only to themselves but to others. It the business world loses its head, it loses what legislation cannot pup- ply. Fundamentally the welfare of each citizen, and theretore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which makes the na- tion, must rest upon individual thrift and encrgy, resolution and intelligence. Noth- ing can take the place of this individual capacity; but wise legislation and honest and intelligent administration can give i the fullesty scope, ‘the largest opportunity to work to good effect, Tho tremendous and highly complex in- dustrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity durlng the latter half of the mineteenth century brings face to face, at the beginning of the twen- tieth, with very serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which hal almost the binding force of IAw, were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumula- tion and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enor- mously increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer sufclent. The growth of cities has gone on beyond camparieon faster than the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling in. crease, not merely in the aggregate of wealth, but in‘the number of very large individual, and especlally of very large corporate, fortunes. The creation of these great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action, but to natural causes in the buste ness world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own Tho process has aroused much antagou ism, a great part of which is wholly witn- out warrant. It fs mot true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off s in this country and at the present time. There have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; vet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legiti- mate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condi- tlon of conferring immense incidental bene- | | the fact, The anarchist I8 a criminal whose fits upon othe Succeseful enterprise. of nd_giving harshness to the |, only exist if the conditions are such offer great prizes as the rew ! . Cambinations an Trusts, The cAptaine of industry who have driven the railway systems across (his continent who have buiit up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have the whole done great good (o our people. With- out them the material development of which we are so justly proud could never have taken place, Moreover, shonld recognize the immense importance this material development of leaving uns hampered as is compatible with the publle good the strong and forceful n upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest study of business conditions will satisfy anyons capable of forming a judgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a business operation: that the business ability of the man at the head of any business concern, big or little, Is usu- ally the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure An additional reason for caution in deal ing with corporations is to be found in the International commercial conditions of toe Aay. The sathe business conditions which have produced the great aggregations corporate and individual wealth have made thet very potent factors in international commercial competition. Business cerns which have the largest means their disposal and arc managed by the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial eu- premacy among the nations of the world America bas only just begun to assume that commanding position in the interna- tional business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the ul- importance that this position be not jeoparded. especially at n time when tho overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy and mechanical aptitude of our people maku foreign markets essential. Under such con ditlons it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our natlon Moreover, it cannot too often he pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence al the interests of one sat of men almost inevitably endangers (he interests of all The tundamental rule in our national life— the rule which underlies all others—is thar, on the whole, and in the long run, we shall g0 up or down together. There are excep- tions, and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of adversity some will suffer far more than others; but speaking generally, a period of gool times means that all share more or le in them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a groater or less degree. 1t surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this statement; the mem 34 o on as con- | ory of the lean years which began in 1803 |18 still vivid, and we can contrast with the conditions in this very year which Is now closing. Disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads throughout, and while it i bad. for cverys body, it is worst for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. The mechanism of modern husiness is 8o delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rash- mess or Ignorance. Many of those who have made It their vocation the great industrial combinations which are popularly, although with . technical inac. curacy, known as “trugts,’ appeal, spe- clally to hatred and fear. These are pre- them to denounce cisely the two emotions, particulaly when | combined with ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady Judg- In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world shows that legislition will geuerally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after Im inquiry and with sober self-restraint at the cedingly mis: chievous had it not also been entirely in- effective. In accordance with a well known soclological law, the ignomant or reckless the really effectiv friend of the evils which he has been nomli- nally opposing. In dealing with business interests, for the government to undertake by crude and fll-considered Yegislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incpr the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would be prefers able to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the impossible o the unde- sirable serve as the alli~, of the forcos with which they are “u.nally at War, for they hamper thoss who would endeavor (o find out in rational fashion what thé wrongs really are and to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. All this is true, and yet Much of the legislation directed it is also true the chief being over-capitalization because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils. pervision of Trasta Deman: There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as (rusts are in certain of their features and tendenci hurtful to the general welfare. This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharltableness, nor lack of pride in the great industrial achlevements that have placed this coun- try at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the mecessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands that great things be donme. It is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this con- viction is right. It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from government the privilege of doing business under corporate form, which frees them from individual responsis bility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful repre sentations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to invested Corporations engaged in interstate com merce should be regulated if they are tound to exercise a license working (o the public injury. Tt should be as much the alm of those who seek for social better ment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions: and it |e therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with these institutions. ity Fiest ential, The first essential in determining how (o deal with the great industrial combinations is kuowledge of the facts—publicity. 1n the (nterest of the publio, the government should have the right to and ex amine the workings of (he great corpora- tions engaged in Interstate business. Pub- licity 18 the cnly sure remedy which we can now invoke. What further remedies are needed in the way of Kovernmeniat inspect regulation, or taxation, cap only bLe de of | that there are real and grave evils, one of | crmined proce ministration At has been obtained, in the ot t requisite s | knowledge full complete—knowledge which may be made public to the world Artificial bodies, such as corporations and Joint stook other depena- Ing upon any statutory law for their exdst« ence or privileges, should ubject to proper governmental supervision, and full and accurate information as to their opera- tions wshould made public regularly at reasonable intervals The large corporations trusts, though organized in one al- ways do business in many states, often do« ing very little business in the state whers they are incorporated. There is utter lack of uniformity ip the state laws about them; and as no Atate has any exclusive interest in or power over thelr acts, It in practice uroved impossible to get adequate regulation through state action, Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the nation ghould, without interfer- ing with the power of the states in the | matter itself, also assume power of super- | vision and regulation over all corporationa doing an interstate business, This s espe- clally trie where the corporation derives a_portign of Yts wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business, There would be no hard- ship In such supervision; banks are eub- ject to it, and in their case it is pow accepted as a simple matter of course. Tn- Aeed, 1t 15 probable that supervision of cor- poratione by the national government need not go 8o far as s now the case with the supervision exercised over servative a state as Massachus to produce cxcellent results When the constitution adopted, At | the end of the cighteenth century no hu- | man wisdom could foretell the sweeping 1lhm|l s, alike in industrial and political which were to take place publicity law, and The 1 and courae or aseociations, called commonly state, has was conditions | the beginning of the twentieth century { that time ft was accepted as a matter of {coureo that the several staics were the proper authorities to regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively in- | stgnificant and strietly bodies of the day. The conditions are now jwn.-nv different and wholly different action | I8 called for. 1 believe that a law can be { framed which will enable the national gov- ernment to exercise control along the Jines above indicated: profiting by the experl- ence gained through the paseage and ad- | ministration of the intersiate commorce lact. If, however, the judgment of con- | gress s that it lacks the | power to pass such an act, then a con tional amendment should be submitt confer the power. At titu 1 to f Commerce, There should be created a cabinet officer 1o be known as secretary of commerce and industries, as provided in the bill duced at the last session of congress. them by so con- | in order | by | localized corporate | constitutional | intro- | SSAGE OF PRESIDENT | | | It should be his province to deal with com- | | merce u its broadest sense; including | among many other things whatever con- cerns labor and ull matters affecting the great business corporations and our mer- chant marine. | “The courie proposed 1s one phase of what Ing echeme of constructive statesmapship for the purpose of broadening our markets, | securing our' business Interests on a sate | basls, and making firm our new position In | the internatfonm industrial world, while | scrupatously “sufeguarding the rights of [ wage 'workatsand capitalist, of investor and | private citisen, #o as to secure equity as | ot ween mansand man in this republic. With the sole exception of the farming | interest, noone matter ix of such vital | moment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage workers. | the wage worker are well off, it lutely certain that all others will be weli | off too. It is therefore a mutter for hearty | congratulation that on the whole wages are higher today in the Umied States than | ever before in our history, and far higher I than in any other country. The standard lof liviog i also. higher tham {ever before. - Every eftort sof legls- [lator and administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this conditou lof things and its improvement wherever | possible « is abso- Inese Exclusion Act. Not must our labor be pro- | tected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborera brought over by contract, or of those who, | coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them 1o a lower level. T regard it ms nece sary, with this end in view, to re-enact fm- mediately (he law excluding Chinese labor- ers and (o strengthen it wherever neces- sary in order to make its enforcement en- tirely effective. Protéétion (o Laborers The national government should demand the highest quality of service from its em- ployes, and in return it should be a good employer. 1f possible legislation should ba passed, in connection with the interstate commerce law, which will render effectivs | the eftcrts of different states to do away with the competition of conviet contract labor in the open labor market. So far ns practicable “under the conditions of gov- | only rendcr the enforcement of the cight-hour law easy and certain. In all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the United States government women and chil- dren should he protected from excessive hours of labor, from night work and from work under unsapitary conditians. The government should provide in its contrac | that all work should be done under “falr | conditions, and in addition to setting a ligh standard should uphold it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the subcontractors. The goveenment should forbid all night work for women and chil dren, as well as excessive overtime. Kor the District of Columbia a ood factory law should be passed; and, a8 a powerful indirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the inhabited alleys, the existenve of which proach to eur capital city, Into minor streets, where the able to bealth and morals American wage workers work heads as well as their hands. Moreover they take a keen pride In what they are doing: so that, independent of the reward they wish to turn out a perfect job. Thix is the great secret of our success in com. petition with the labor of foreign countries The wost vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whale | civilized world, nas to deal, Is the proble | which has for one sido the betterment | soctal conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the eftore to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together wheu speak of “labor.’ The chief factor In success Of each man-wage worker and capltalist alike—must ever be | the sum total of his own individual qualt |tles and abilities. Second only fo this comes the power of acting in combination or assoclution with others. Very great g00d has been and will be accomplished by assocldtions or unlons of wage workers when managed with forethought, and when they combine insistence upon thelr own rights with law-abiding respect for the rights of others. The display of these with their the | tarmer | should be a<comprehensive and far-reach- | If the farmer and | | ernment work, provision should be made to | inhabitants can live under conditions favor- | of | | much of bitterness | comes here | Injury | markets abroad. | with | recipracity qualitias o such bodies is @ duty to ibe | remecdial action by congress THEODORE ROO SEVE less than he Finaly ases he action by nation to themeelves many order of all no associations | there must aleo \‘vi the government in | to =afeguard the rights and interests | Und our constitution there fs | much more scope for such action by the | state and the municipality than by the na tion. But on polnts such os those touchea on above the national government can act When all fs said and done, \(he rule uf | brotherhood remaing as the indispensable | prerequisite (o « o the kind of na- ! tional Iite for which we sirive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he so | works no putside help can avail him: but cach man must remember al that he 1s indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anvone else vet that each at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the help- | ing hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective, aid must always take the form of helping & man to help himselr, and we can all best help ourselves by joining together in the work that Is of common interest to all Immigration Laws Unsatisfactors, Our present immigration laws are un- satiefactory We need every honest and officieat immigrant fitted to become an Amerfcan citizen, every immigrant who to stay, who brings here a strong body, a atout heart, a good head ana | a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every way and to bring up bis children as taw-abiding and God-fearing members of the community. But there should be a com prehensive law enacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over present system. First, we should aim exclude absolutely not only all persons whe | are known to be helievers in anarchistie principles or membera of anarchistic | cleties, but also all persons who are of & low moral tendency or of unsavory reputa. | tlon. This means that we should require a | more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid eystem of examination at our immigration ports, the former being | espectally necossary | The second object A propdr immig tion law ought to be to secure by a carefut and not merely perfunctory educationat test some intelligent capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely American citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them he long to the intelligent criminal class. But | it would do what is also in point, that s, | ie ccons | our | | s0: | an | tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in producing the envy, suspicion, | malignant paesion and hatred of order, out | of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all persons should be ex- | cluded who are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our industrial fleld as competitors with American labor There should be proper proof of persona! ( capacity to earn’an American living and | enough money to insure a decent star: under American conditious. This would stop the influs of cheap labor and the re- sulting competition which glves rise to so in American industrial life, and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations have thelr greatest possibility of growth Both the educational and economic testa in a wise immigration law should be de- | | signed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social. A very close super- vision should be exercised over the steam- ship companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be held to a strict accountability for any Infraction of the law. Reciprocity Under ective Tarifl, | There is geueral acquiescence im our present tariff system as a national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this econom'c policy. Nothing could be more unwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncer- talnty are exactly what we most wish (o avold in the interest of our commerctal and material well-belng. Our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic in the business world. Yet it 1s pot only vossibly, but eminently desirable, 10 combine with the stability of our economic system & sup- plementary system of reciprocal benefit ana obligation with other nations procity s an incident and result of th firm establishment and preservation of out present ecomomic policy. It was speclally provided for in the present tariff law Reciprocity must be treated as the hand- | matden of protection. Our first duty is to | see that the protection granted by the | tarift in every case where It is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for o far as it can safely be done without to our home industries. Just how far this is must be determined according to the individual case, remembering al- ways that every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the dutles must never be reduced be- low the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad The well-being of the wage worker Is a prime consideration of our entire policy ef economic legislation. Subject to this proviso of the proper | protection necessary to our industrial well. | being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade | emphasizes the urgeucy of the need for wider markets and for a liberal nolicy In dealing with foreigr: sations. Whatever s merely petty and vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The customers to whom we dispose of our sur- plus products in the long run. directly or indirectly, purchase those surplus p.-n.m.w-“ by giving us something in -return. Their ability to purchase our products should as | tar as possible be secured by so arrangin our tariff as to enable us to take from them | those products which we can use without harm to our own Industries and labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefir 1o us It is most important that maintain the high level of our present | prosperity We have now reached the point in the development of our interests | where we are not only able to supply our own markets but to nroduce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find To wsecure there markets we can utllize existing duties in any case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection, or in any case where the article is produced here and the duty I1s no longer necessary for revenue, giving us something fo offer in exchange | for what we ask. The cordial relations with other natlons which are so desirable | will naturally be promoted by thus required by our own Interests | The natural line of development for a | policy of reeipracit 1! be in connection of our productions which no | longer require all of the support once needed Lo cstablish them upon a sound basis. and | with those others where either because lvVi natura! or of economic hh.) yond the reach of suecessful competition 1 ask the attention of the senate to the treaties laid hefore it by my | should | we not the course those causes we arc predecessor. American Merchant Ma s The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for immediate It 1s dis- | therewith creditable to us as chant marine sh cant in comparison { A uation that our mess 1 be utterly insignific that of other nations which overtop in other forms of buste ness. We should not longer submit to con- ditions under which only a trifiing portion of great commerce is carricd in our own ships. To remedy this state of things would merely serve fo bulld up shipping interests, but it in benefit to all who are interested in the pormanent cstablishment of a wider mar ket Amerfean products, and would pre vide an auxillary force for the navy work for thelr own countries, Just as rail roads work for thelr terminal points. Ship ping lines, it cstablished to the principal countries with which have dealings, would be of politicai as well as commerciat benefit. From every standpofnt it s une wige for the United States to continue to rely upon the ships of comrating nations for the diatribution of our goods. Tt thould be made mdvantageous (o carry Amerlean goods in American bullt shipe AL present Amerfean shipping is under certaln great disadvantages when put ‘u competition with the shipping of forelgn countries, Many of the fast forelgn ateamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are subsidized; and all our ships and steamors ailke, cATRO carriers of slow epeed and mail carriers of bigh speed, have to meet the fact that the original cost of building American ships In greater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers and seamen are very much higher than thoee pald the officers and seamen of forelgn competing countries. and that the standard of living on our ships fs far superior to the standara of living on the ships of our commerciat rivals Our government should fake such action will remedy these foequal'ties. The American merchant marine should re- stored 1o the acean Malntain Gold Standard The act of March 14, 1900, intended un equivocally to establish gold as the stanad- ard money and (o maintaln at a parity all forms of money medium us has been shown to he timely and judiclous. The price of our govern ment bonds in the world's market, when compared with the price of similar obliga- tions issued by other nations, Is a flatter ing tribute o our public credit. This con- dition it is evidently desirable to maintain In many respects the national banking law furnishes sufficient liberty for no our for we vessels use with proper exercise of the banking functions, | but there seems to be need of better safe- guards against the deranging commercial crises and financia! Moreover, the currency of the oanies, country , should be made responsive to the demands /ot our domestic trade and commerce. Question of Surplus. The collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to exceed the ordinars expenditures of the government, thanks mainly to the reduced army ex- penditures. The utmost care should be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit; but, after providing against any such con- the limit of our actual needs. In his report to, congress the secretary of the trei ury considers all these questions at length and I ask your attention to the report and | recommendations. 1 call special attention to the need of strict economy in expeaditures. The fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly careful to husband our national resources, as each of us husbands his pri- vate resoutces, by scrupulous avoldance of anything like wasteful or reckless expendi- ture. Only by avoldance of spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income fo the point required to meet our needs that are genu- ine. Interatate Commerce Law. In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate rallwaye, commonly Kknown as the interstate commerce act. The cardinal provisions of that act were thar railway rates should be Jut and reasonable and that all shippers, localities and com- modities should be accorded equal treat- ment A commission was created and en- Such rect- | oy 00 with what were supposed to he the | necessaiy powers to execute the provisions of this act That law was largely an experiment. Ex- perience has shown the wisdom of its pur- | poses, but has also shown, possibly that some of {ts requirement are wrong, cer- tainly that the moeans devised for the en- forcement of its provisions are defective. Those who complain of the management of the railways alloge that established rates are not maintained: that rebates and sim!- lar devices are habitually resorted to; that these preferences are usually in favor of the large shipper; that they drive out of business the smaller competitor; that whils many rates are too low, many others are excessive, and that &ross preferences are made, affecting both localities and com- modities. Upon the other hand, the all- ways assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce maay of thess illegal | practices by depriving carriers of that right | clatm 1s noa- of concerted action which they necessary to establish and maintain discriminating rates. The act should be amended. The railway is @ public servant. Its rates should be | just to and open to all shippers alike. The | government should see to it that within fts jurisdiction this s so apd should pro At the same time 1t remedy to that end | must not be forgotten that our railways |lower reaches of fhe same stroams. are the arteries through which the com- merclal liteblood of this nation flows. Noth ing could be more foollsh than the enact- | ment of legislation which would unneces- sarily interfere with (hé development and operation of these commercial agencies calls for the ¢ Department of Agricritnre, The Department of Agriculture during the past fifteen years has steadily broaa- ened its work on economic llues and nhas accomplished results of real value in up- bullding domestic and foreign trade. 1¢ has gone into new fields until it rnest attention of congress with two of the island groups that have | lately come under our juriediction, whose | from which people must look to agriculture as a livelt- bood. It is searching the world for grains, grasees, fruits and vegelables fitted for introduction into localitlex in the soveral states and territories where they may add materially to our i‘sources. By scfentific at ble new crops, to breeding of new varletles of pla to experimental shipments, te enimal industry and applied chemistry, | very practical #1d has been given our arm- | ing and stock growing interests. ucts of the farm have taken dented place in our export the year that has just closed The prod- an_unprece trade duriug Forest Preservation. Public opinion throughout the States has moved steadily toward appreciation of the value of whether planted or of natural grow(h great part played by them in the ¢ and maintenance of the national wealth Ix now more fully realized than ever hefore Wise forset protectiop does ot wewn United would also result | Ships | the | influence of is now fn | touch with all sectfons of our country and specially | niion to soil survey and possi- | foreste, | The | (he withdrawal of forest resources. whether water or grase, from contribut- full share to the welfara of the on the contrary, gives the as | surance of larger and more certain sup | plies. The fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. For- st protection in not an end of itaelf, it e & means to increass and sustain the re sources of our country and the industries which depend upon them. The preserva tion of our foreats is an imperative busi- necesaity We have come to see clearly that whatever destrove the foreat except to make way for agriculture, threat- ens our well-being | The practical usefulness of the national foreat reserves to the mining, grazing. ir- rigation and ofher interests of the ragions {10 which the reserves lie has led to & wid | apread demand by the pecple of the west for their protection and extension. The | foreat reserves will inevitably be of) stift | greater use in the future than in the pas | Aaditions ‘#hould be made to them when- | ever practicable And their usefulness should | be increased by a thoroughly business-like management | At present the protection of the fore | reserves rests with the general iand omee, | the mapping and description of thelr tim- | ber with the United States geological sur- vey and the preparation of plane for thelr conservative use with the bureau of for which is aleo charged with the g {eral advancement of practical forestry in | the United States. Theas various fune- tions should be united in the bureau of [ torestry. to which they properly belons. | The present diffusion of responsivility is bad from every standpoint. 1t prevents that cffective co-operation hetween the | Rovernment and the men who utilize the resources of tne reserves, without which the interasts of both must suffer. The scientific bureaus generally should be put under the Department of Agrleulture. The | president should have by law the power of | transfercing lande for use as forest re- | serves to the Department of Agriculture | He alroady bas such power in the case of | lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. | The wise administration of the fore | reserves will be not less helpful to the | Interests which depend ob wager than to those which depend on wood and grass The water aupply itseif depends upon the forest. 1In the arid region it is er, not land, which measures production. The western half of the United States would | sustain & population greater than that of our whole country today if the waters that now 1un to waste were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water | problems are perhaps the most vital in- ternal questions of the United States. Certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the wild forest creatures. Al of the reserves should ba bettor protected from fires. Many of them need special protection because of the great injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The increase in deer, elk and other animals fn the Yellowstone park shows what may be expected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and properly guarded. Some of these wood ing their people, but of nets estry | tingency, means should be adopted which |areas have been so denuded of surface will bring the revenues more nearly within | vegetation by overgrazing that the ground- | breeding birds, including grouse and quail, | and many mammals, including deer, bave | been exterminated or driven away. At the same time the water-storing capacity of | the surface has been decreased or de- | stroyed, thus promoting floods in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between rains. In cases where natural conditfons have been restored for a few vears, vegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are coming back and hundreds of per- sons, especially from the immediate neigh borhood, come each summer to epjoy tbe privilege of camping. Some at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to the pative fauna and flora safe havens of refuge to our rapidly dimin Ishing w!ld animals of the larger kinds, and free camping grounds for the ever-increas ing numbers of men and women who have learned (o find rest, health and recreation in the splendid forests and fower-clad meadows of our mountains. The forest reserves should be set apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not sacrificed to the short-sighted greed of a few. The forests are natural reservoirs. By | restraining the streams in flood and re- plenishing them in drouth they make pos #ible the use of waters otherwise wasted | They prevent the soll from washing and 80 protect the storage ressrvoirs from filling up with silt. Forest conservation I8 therefore an essential condition of water conservation Irrigation Problems. The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the waters of the arid reglon. Great storage worka are necesary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Thelr construction bas | been conclusively shown 1o be an undertak- Ing tco vast for private effort. Nor can It best be accomplished by the individual | states acting alone. Far-reaching inter {atate problems are involved, and the re | sources of single states would often be in- | adequate. 11 is properly a pational fusc- tion, at least in some of its features. It fs as right for the national government to make the streams and rivers of the arid Tegion useful by engineering works for water storage as to make useful the riv ers Aci harvors of the humid reglon by engineering vorks of vother kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the | headwaters of our rivers s but an enlarge | | vide a speady, inexpensive and efective | ment of our presemt policy of river con | trol. under which levees are built on the | The goveroment should construet maintain these reservoirs as | publie works | regulate the flow of streams, the water | should be turned freely into the ehaonels !in the dry weason 10 take the same course and it does other purpose s to | The subject is one of great imporiance and | ynder the same laws as the natural flow | The reciamaticn of the uosetiled arid pub lic lands presen‘s a iffersnt problem. Her It s not enough to regulate the flow of | strcams. The oblect of the government |2 to dispose cf the land to asttiers who will | build homes upon it. To accomplish this object water musi be brought wiihin thelr re The plonevr settlers on domain cheas their hom they (he arid publie along streams themselves divert | ihe waters to reclaim their holdinga. Such | opportunities are practically gone. There Temain, howeycr. vast areas of public land | which he made avallable for home stead sottloment. but only by regervelrs and main-line canals impracticable for private caterprise. Thess {rrigation works should be built by the national govern- went. The lands reclaimed by them should | be reserved hy the government for actual settlers and the cost of construction should 5o far a8 posalble he repaid by the land re- Lclatmed. The distribution of the water, the | division of the sireams among irrigators. should be left to the wettlers themselves in conformity with state laws and without nterferance with those laws or with veste1 ‘Huhvi The policy of the national govern | ment should be to aid irrigation fo the wtates wnd territories In such manmer as will enable the people in the local com- | mynities to help themselves, and As wil' stimulate needed reforms in the state laws and regulations governing irrigation. The reclamation and géttlement of 1a could eral perverted lnstincts ITd bim to prefer con- |the type wbich beuefits all manking, cas ) 4 e A BN 1 0 B ARSI AP AN