Omaha Daily Bee Newspaper, October 28, 1894, Page 11

SHEARING THE PUBLIC LAMB Ménaoing Evils of the Spoils System in Popular Government, THE QUESTION OF MUNIC/PAL REFORM Machine Government and Political Bossism | Animical American Tostitutions - ews of Herbort Welsh of the Natlonal Municipal Leag There are two political reform movements which have long been before the American public separately, both of which would gain much at the present moment by a close con- junction. They are naturally and logicaily united, and there will be great practical bene- fit to the public if there is a general popular recognition of the relationship. civil service reform and municipal reform. Both movements spring from a deep desire | to sustain the American idea of free Institu- tions guarded by law and based upon sound moral and Intellectual principles, to guard that idea from the inevitable attacks of ignor- ance, greed and self-interest. Intellectual and moral aspirations, which are so greatly nourished and stimulated by religion and by Institutions of learning, are necessary to save the country from that narrow selfish- ness which Is always opposed to the public welfare, and from the control of popular sophisms which result from mingled intel- lectual uhsoundness and moral perversity. Men and women who, by reason of individual nature and of education, are peculiarly sus- ceptible to such aspiration, who are sincerely and intelligently patriotic, can with especial profit give close study to these two reforms, their history, characteristics and purpose, and they should use the means at hand to promote them. For not since the civil war, certalnly, has theré been a moment when a return to foundation principles was more necessary than at present, when there was more need to urge our people to 1ok to the rock whence we are hewn, the pit whence we are digged. The converse of the civil service reform dea—or the merit system—a more lucld and escriptive term, is the spolls system. These iwo opposed terms simply represent two ir- reconcilably antagonistic” ideas, which find their origin respectively in good and bad motives of human nature. The merit system i the expression of those who would use all the nonpolitical machinery of the govern- ment, federal, state and municipal—all those offices which are concerned simply with the honest and efficient administration of “busi- ness, not as bribes or rewards for party service, but with a view to the best inter- eats of the public. The spolls system, on the other hand, is the expression of those some of whom do not care primarily, some mot at all about the public welfare, who would use these offices and the salaries and influence which are attached to them for the good of the party to which they ~belong, or of the clique within the party, or of their friends, or most individually and’ selfishly of themselves. Of course there will always be until the millen- nium these two antagonistic classes of men in this or other countries, but the adoption of civil service reform laws and the propag: tion of the civil service reform spirit will turn the balance of power on the side of the better class of mén with the sound princi- ples, instead of leaving the worse class of men with the false and destructive principle free to get the lllicit rewards they are in search of and do all the harm they de- sire. The question for us to consider is whether the friends of good government or its enemies shall hold the redoubt. The salaries attuched to the federal civil service offices alone represent more than $60,000,000 It is a serious thing If you say to 60,000,000 people that this great sum and all represented by state and municipal service besides, is offered in a game of grab, that it is not to be used as the wage of legitimate service ren- dered to the public under conditions which shall stimulate motives. of self-respect and procure the best work, but that it is the prize of the strongest, the spoil of the fiercest and the least scrupulous who can seize and devour it. The spolls Idea appeals to all that is base and selfish in human nature, and with the immense rewards it has to offer it is not to be wondered at that it has gained & power so tremendous and so baleful in American politics. But It is inexplicable that & people so keen-sighted, ana among whom oducation is w0 general as ours, should not Lave perceived the dangerous nature of the guest which they were admitting when, In pite of the example and the precept of earl'er statesmen—of Washington, Madison, John Quincy Adams, Jefferson and others—they opened the door of American politics to the spoils system. As fatal an enemy of our free institutions as the sea to the meadows of Holland, the spoils system once let in by natural folly has ravaged the wide domain of our public life. It has given us machine government—a- political monstrosity which destroys consclence, crushes manhood and in- dependence, and Is designed only to let greedy men into the public treasury. It has lowered the tone of all our public life, executive and legislative, putting many men in office to make laws and to carry them out who have been forced by the conditions which created their political lite to think not of the things which ought to be done for the public good, but of what will help the party, or more frequéntly, help self. The influence of the 8poils. idea has been nowhere more apparent than in the great range of public work, whether belonging to the federal, state of munjeipal service, which is concerned with the education or the care of human beings and the relief of human suffering—the Indi service, public education, public hospitals, in- sane asylums and similar branches of public philanthropic work. In such departments of Mlort it has meant murder, theft, cruelty, in- efficiency, infinite loss In various kin moral intellectual material. The cold intel- lectual abstraction which the term clvil sery- Ico suggests assumes & vital meaning to one Who, from actual experience, nas learned to know and hate the spoils system, because his Une of experience has taught him how evil are its deeds. Personal experience in Indian Affairs taught the writer that a peaceful and satlsfactory solution of that problem was ob- structed mainly by the spolls system, which set every sound principle of management at deflance by effecting appointments and re. movals so that faithful and intelligent service was persistently buffeted and discouraged, while Incompetency, dishonesty and vice were rewarded, and a general condition of chaos malntained. But this practical experience bad also a bright side, since it showed clearl. bow effectively intelligent work may remove Such evils s formerly were rampant in the Andian service. By a systematic constant ap- peal to public sentiment, based upon actual and clearly stated facts, the spoils system, while it has not yet been wholly destroyed. has been at least greatly weakened, while the merit system has been Introduced, has produced hopeful results and Is slowly but steadily winning its way. It Is Interesting to note how this encourag- Ing change for the better has gradually been wrought in the Indian service—it is valuable Also to note it, because the methods by which the change has been effected can be appiied equally well to promote civil service reform throughout the full range of our public lite. Every effort should be made to interest a much larger number of our people in an un- derstanding and use of such methods, so that ihey may apply them freely and effectively for themselyes, 5o that harmonious and effective Actlon alming to secure good government may take the place of an Impotent desire to have it. The civil service reformers have accom- plished remarkable results considering their Insignificant numiNr and the obstacles op- posed to them, but how much larger would those results have been had funds been at thelr disposal to effect a more vigorous agita- tion, It may safely be assumed that every public evil will suceumb to public sentiment, but the problem is just how to create an in. Relligent and sound publio sentiment, and (hen to glve it the chance to act in time before the harm which it iy designed to prevent has been done. We must do procisely that for public sentiment which the gun barrel does for the powder which makes the explosion effoctive and drives the bullet to the mark. The Indlan Rights assoclation planted and fostered civil service reform in the Indian service in a way that a few words will ex- lain, The assoclation's first strong move a8 to acqualnt itsell with facts by frequent euuy- of its members and agents upon the estern reservations. Thus it came to speak | of theory In Its management wae absolutely | These are | places fn the Indian service are under cfvil with authority, and it could not be successfully disputed. The as- sociation soon learned that its main objec- tive point must be the destruction of the #polls system-—unreasonably partisan changes i the personnel of the service. Such a change necessary o supply a solid foundation for all kinds of work. The aesoclation found | many faithful, good people-—agents, and sub- | ordinatos—in the service, who under the | spolls system would be dismissed with the | outgoing of the adminiswations which ap- | pointed them. The problem was to protect these people from removal by calling public | attention to thelr work, their merits and the importance of their retention. Of course, this was trying work; it meant constant persua- sion, struggle, conflict cven, with republican and democratic administrations. It means arguing with the officers of the government and the public through the newspapers, case after case. Such work has been carried on for twelve years. The general principles of olvil service reform could be elucidated with telling force by Illustrations of mdividual cases of money and folly involved in removals for spoils. But the results were full compensa- tion for the trouble involved. Today 700 service rules, and the merit Idea Is making constant headway. All the while the stand- ards in the management are lifting. It ls eany to point out the elements of success in this pecullar work. One or two members of the assoclation gave up almost all their time and thought to the work—they made a busi- ness of it. At less cost it could not have been done. This is the first point. Their appeal to the public aroused interest, because it was made upon an indisputable basis of fact. When the assoclation made requests or demands of the government it spoke as “one having authority,” because it had pu lic sentiment behind it. Without this support of public sentiment, its own requests, no mat- ter how just or reasonable they might have been, would, In most cases, have accom- plished little or nothing. The effective power evolved resulted from the combination of an alert organization, which had sufficient funds both to acquire its ammunition of facts and to place them before the public, and a re- sponsive public which was ready to give the organization the power for which it asked. The organization would have been powerless without the public, and the public without the organization, to effect the end desired. The organization, by such popular work run- ning on rational lines, all that Is good in public life is sustained and strengthened, all officers who wish to do thelr duty are sup- ported. The work of the Indian Rights association has been given only as fllustrative of the pre- cise kind of effort which at this juncture the country most needs. It is a systematic, well directed effort to turn latent forces for good into active vitalizing connecting with our public and political life. When our institu- tions are subjected to severe strain from po- litical corruptions of various kinds, when grave public questions recelve unsatisfactory treatment from noor material with which the spolls system fills our public offices, it is time to give the question of reform serlous consideration. We have allowed the poorest, least thoughtful and consclentious elements of our population, acting through the medium of the spolls system and of the machine, to gain_control of our politics, We have not taken our public life seriously enough, and now we are apprised of the danger of such peurile and light-hearted indifference when the time of harvest {s come. When grave emergencies arise, and we find weak or evil disposed or corrupt men in places of power, it_becomes clear as noonday that the question of public administration 18 among the most serious of all questions. The two routes by which a reform of American politics, which the present condition of public affairs show to be imperative, can best be reached, are, in the opinion of the writer, clvil service re- form and municipal reform. Let us keep the thought clearly in mind that these reforms are co-ordinate, both must be pressed for- ward at once and in harmonious union. Civil service reform, In which the late George William Curtis was the distinguished leader, has already by his efforts and those of the comparatively small number of men associ- ated with him accomplished much, but the main work is yet to come. It can only come through strong organization acting on public sentiment, The practical step to be taken is to strengthen and devetop immediately the National Civil Service Reform league, of which Hon. Carl Schurz s the president and Mr. Willlam Potts is the secretary. The headquarters of the league are in New York City. This organization should be equipped with not less than $15,000 annually, &0 that it can at once promote local organizations in all parts of the country where they are needed, but especlally in the south and west The movement for the reform of municipal government which is at present being agi- tated in many leading cities of the country, and for the management of which the Na- tional Municipal league has been organized, is based on civil service reform principles. The question of getting men of character and efficiency Into office and of holding them there despite the importunities or changes of par- tisanship, is the vital question. To convince voters that national questions should not be discussed and national campaigns fought within the sphere of municipal affairs Is the hard task before us; for nothing seems in practice more ditficult than to induce other- wise intelligent men to abandon so evident and dangerous a fallacy as that which main- tains that good city government can be had by action guided on party lines. The city must be ruled, not with a view to affecting this or that national issue, but to promote the comfort and welfare of its citizens. But it Is also true that by setting the city to mind its own business we shall indirectly purify politics at large, for national politics find a great source of corruption in machine rule, which centers in the great cities; free them from that tyranny of the machine and they cannot but be immensely benefited. The most essential means to the maintenance of any effective municipal league or organiza- tion which aims to secure good city govern- ment Is some method whereby those who are engaged In the work may have frequent and systematic opportunity for studying and dis- cussing the problem In its practical and Incl- dental phases. There must be the opportunity for easy and frequent associations if any effective organization of the dormant forcus of good is to be obtained. Probably the sim- plest and best means for obtaining such as- sociation will be found in “the parlor meet- ing.” The politiclan has the liquor saloon for perfecting his plans and oiling his ma- hine. The municipal reformer must have his arlor meeting.” The soclal quality must mingle with the Intellectual and moral In this enterprise. Let some Intelligent woman in- terested In the cause and gifted with social tact Invite to her house a few friends of both sexes, some of whom are Interested in mu- nicipal reform and some of whom need to have their attention called to the subject or their sympathles aroused. The invitations might, with advantage, be wider than the social lines lald down in the hostess' visiting list. The first hour and a half of the even- ing might be occupied in short, pertinent ad- dresses, treating the general lines on which the municipal reform work should be con- ducted, but also leading up to some practical matters of immediate local need. Then let general disoussion follow. The remainder of the evening Is likely to manage itself and to flow along smoothly enough. Conversation, aided by some light refreshment, will take its direction from the addresses and will be as abundant as need be. This is a simple expedient, but a very effective one for the spread of ideas and the creation of public sentiment. Such meetings, held with reason- able frequency throughout a community, if Judiclously managed, aro likely to accomplish results which cannot be attained by more formal and expensive public gatherings. To the mind of the writer it seems clear that one of the most serious of our present problems centers in the corrupt conbination of unscrupulous wealth and machine polities which systematically corrupts legislation. This dangerous condition, which tends to bring a most important political function Into contempt and furnishes a plausible excuse for lawleas anarchistic utterances and acts, is most apparent in our great citles. The radical cure for this evil, which menaces our entire government, 1s to be found in a pro- found exigent public sentiment, working in numerous practical ways toward the accom- plishment of civil service reform, and the purification of the politics of our great cities., We should be taught by the alarming events of the past fow weeks the folly of delay in undertaking so necessary a work and the magnitude of the task which its accomplish- ment Involves, HERBERT WELSH, Philadelphia, Pa. —— Oregon Kidney Tea cures nervous heal. aches, Trial size, 25 cents. All druggists, If you have bought your Winter Qvercoat we are sorry for you—for we are .going to sell Overcoats to- morrow—-We are going to sell Overcoats at such prices as you nor dealers outside of our corner have ever heard of—We will save you enough money on some of them to buy a suit of clothes with—But don't miss this Overcoat sale tomorrow of Men's Overcoats--Real Blue Chinchilla with fancy worsted linings, warm and durable, LI L R S T worth $5.00. Fine Shetland and Frieze Storm Ulsters, three grades--go in Fine Kersey Overcoats in five shades, ele- gantly trimmed, blues, blacks and browns ==your choice in this sale..... o000 oun. all things you do. thin sale At Men's Overcoats--B'ue and black, plain beavers, cut medium long; these gar- ments are dressy and need no guaranty as to their wearing qualities, staple as sugar. worth g15.00--sale price....... . $2. $5.00 $7.00 $7.50 # # #® # o go in loose BB ERREE The pick of over 350 suits from some of the finest all wool cheviot sacks made will be in one lot tomorrow to stir up the business at less than half MO8 R TI CB I Wit e s et two shades, kérseys, chinchillas and worsteds, Fine Beaver Overcoats, in single or double breasted, blues, browns, tans and oxfords — you r choice at this sale......... Viyisers Overcoats, just the thing for short and stout people, and chinchillas, sizes 37 to 46, go in this sale at blacks or in beavers, kerseys blues and blacks, In this sale at 3 Fine kersey and beaver Overcoats, the best made in these fabrics, wool lin- ing, silk yoke, 5o inches long, in or tight fitting, single or double breasted, in blues and biacks, sizes 34 to 42, at this sale anly........... $(;£fl) $10 $12 $12 $16 ‘The M. H. Cook Clothing Co., Suceessors to Columbia Clothing Co., 18th and Farnam Streets. INEW YORK'S CONSTITUTION Substance of the Proposed Amendments to the Organic Law. VARIOUS IMPORTANT REFORMS OUTLINED Powerful Foes Battling Against Its Adop- tlon—Opposition to the Apportionment, Fool Selllng and Other Clauses —A Serlous Evror. The amendments to the constitution of the state of New York, drafted by the late con- stitutional convention, are to be passed upon by the electors at the approaching election. The proposed changes in the organic law are thirty-one in number, and are submitted to the voters in three parts. The amendment governing the apportionment of the state into senate and assembly districts, and that relating to the canals, are submitted separ- ately, and the remaining twenty-nine must be voted on as a whole. The first amendments propose a radical change in the first article of the present constitution. They authorize the passage of general laws for the drainage of agricultural lands across the lands of others, prohibit pool selling, bookmaking, lotteries and all forms of gambling, and repeals the clause limiting to $5,000 the amount of damages recoverable for Injuries resulting in death. The second clause of the constitution, re- lating to the suffrage, Is amended by making ninety days the minimum time in which a foreigner shall be a citizen before he can vote. It also directs the legisiature to pass laws excluding from citizenship persons con- victed of bribery or other infamous crimes. Inmates of charitably institutions not wholly supported at public expense are not to be deprived of their votes, but they are pro- hibited from voting in the district in which the institution is situated. Only by going to their former residence can they exercise the right to vote, Regarding registration, an amendment s submitted prohibiting the legislature from requiring personal registration of voters in communities having less than 6,000 inhabi- tants. The legislature 1s given discretionary power to adopt other means of voting than by ballot. This is intended to permit the use of voting machines. All registration and elec- tion boards shall be bi-partisan. Hitherto ihh plan has been confined to New York City. The amendments relating to the legislatufe effect several important reforms. In event of the lieutenant governor failing or refusing to act in his capacity as presiding officer of the seuate, the senate is authorized to elect a president, who shall perform the duties of the office. This is designed to prevent a repetition of an offense committed last win- ter, when the lleutenant governor attempted to block legislation by refusing to entertain motions. Every bill shall be on the tables of members, “in its final form,” for three legislative days before it can become a law, unless the governor certifies under seal to the necessity for its immediate passage. As an additional safeguard against hasty legisla- tion at the closing hours of a session, it is provided that no amendment shall be of- fered to a bill on its last reading. The apportionment article divides the state into fifty senate and 150 assembly districts, against thirty-two and 128, respectively, under the present constitution. The plan of apportionment departs from the common rule of numerical representation in restricting the county representation, regardless of popula- tion. No one county can have more than one-third of all the senators, and New York and Kings mlm\.y mfflher shall not have more than half of that body, no matter how large the combined population may be. Dis- tricts may be altered and made to corre- spond with population within the limits named, after the state census of 1905, and every ten years thereafter. The amendments relating to the judiclary make many important improvements in the existing system. An Intermediate appellate court is created, composed of five judges sppointed by the governor. Appeals from this court to the court of appeals Is limited to qugstions of law. As the judges of the new court are not to sit In department courts, as s now the practice in the intermediate supreme court of the state, it is expected they will have sufi- clent time for deliberation and consultation and thus expedite the hearing of appeal ‘Two amendments cover very completely the vexing question of appropHiating public moneys for other than publfe institutions. The legislature is prohibited from granting money to any sectarian school, mor shall any subdiviion of the state appropriate money for the support of any school or InStitution of learning “‘wholly or ig}!)\m under _thie con- trol’ of any religious denomination, or In which any defomination tenet or doctrine is taught.” "The ‘‘state shall provide for the maintenance and support of a system of free common schools, wherein all the children of the state shall be educated.” A state board of charities is provided for and vested with the supervision and regula- tion of all charitable and correctional insti- tutions in the state not a state prison. The commissioners are appointed by the governor, the senate concurring. The legislature is authorized to make what provision may seem proper to it for the blind, deaf and dumb and juvenile delinquents, and the duty of regu- lating such Institutions devolves on the com- missloners. Countles, municipalities and towns are at liberty to provide for orphan asylums and other instilutions for the care of the unfortunate, whether those institutions are under public or private control. They are authorized to contribute to institutions under private control, but no public money may be expended for any 4nmate of an in- stitution who s ‘not received and retained therein pursuant to the rules established by the State Board of Charities.” The separation of federal and state elec- tions s provided for by an amendment mak- ing the next state election in 1897 and there- after every alternate year. The terms of state officers are reduced from three to two years. % The amendment relating to municipalities divides the cities of the state into three classes—the first class consisting of ecities having more than 260,000 people; the second, cities having more than 50,000 and less than 250,000, and the third all lesser cities. General laws may be passed governing the cities In each class. All special laws are to be submitted to the city affected and if it is disapproved by the city speaking through its mayor and council, it must be again passed by the legislature before it can be sent to the governor. Other amendments relate purely local interest, Of the thirty-one amendments submitted to the voters only four provoke opposition, but the manner of submission is such that the opposition threatens to defeat the entire work of the convention. The apportionment articles, against which the democracy Is battling fiercely, is submitted separately and may be defeated without imperiling the re- mainder. Not only is the Hill democracy arrajgned against it, but the mugwumps also, and all the independent newspapers of New York and Brooklyn. The main point of at- tack |8 the provision giving an undue propor- tion of representation to the rural over the city districts, The twenty-nine amendments submitted as a whole have provoked opposition of a dan- gerous kind in unexpeeted. quarters. The principal opposition comes frem patrons of the turf, who are a unit iagaimst the amend- ment prohibiting pool sefling and bookmaking at races. This is a large, ‘powerful element of New York's population, ‘and they are in the fight with the despefatiod‘of men battling for the existence of thefr favorite sport. In- terviews with horsemen) cotihty fair officials and others, published irfh& New York Her- ald, shows a practically’ dhanimous senti- ment_against the destryeildn of a business in_ which millions are' inygsted, and their following Is sufficiently nujnerous and influ- ential to sericusly alarf (he friends of the proposed constitution. The, gorporations will undoubtedly fight the amendment repealing the $5,000 damage clapge ,and leaving to jurles the question of amguijt of damages to be recovered for injuries resulting in death. Thelr opposition, however, is.carried on under cover, as a public demonstration would prove a boomerang. But there are many ways of Kiiling & cat without working a brass band while the massacre Is on. Sharp opposition has also developed against the amendment limiting the employment of convicts in prison, Another obstruction to success is the growing fear that the clause relating to “‘other forms of gambling” may, It adopted, imperil specu- lation In the various commercial and financial exchanges of the state. The fear is acceler- ated by the announcement of the prosecuting attorney of New York City that he will, if the amendement becomes a Jaw, prosecute all complaints against parties dealing in options wherein the foods are not delivered. Last byt not legst is the discovery of an er- ror in the final clause of the proposed consti- tution. It provides that “the constitution shall be In force from and Including the 1st day of January, 1895.”' This nullifies the election of members of the next legislature, and if adopted will leave the state without a leginlature until 1896, to matters of IMPERIOUS CAESAR CUFFED The Autocrat of Anaconda Rouses the Ire of Helena People, BATTLING FOR THE CAPITOL PRIZE Unlque and Vigorous Contest for the Seat of Government of Montana—The Con- testing Citles, Thelr Surroundings and Characteristics. The ruddy glow of prospective gore singes the hilltops of Montana. From the placid plains of Miles City to the rugged cliffs of Kalispell, and from the meadowy moorings of Missoula to the varlegated shacks of Vir- ginla City. a thrill of anxious suspense pervades the lend. The solemn hush that precedes a battle envelops town and trail, and those peacefully inclined are scooting for shelter before the crash comes. The immediate cause of these wide and wild alarms is the contest between Helena and Anaconda for the capitol prize Two years ago a preliminary bout was had, In which seven cities participated, viz: Anaconda, Boulder Bozeman, Butte, Helena, Deer Lodge and Great Falls. It was agreed that the two cities receiving the highest vote should be the ilnal contestants for the prize. Thus it happens that Helena, which recelved 14,010 votes, and Anaconda, 10,183 votes, are now In the race for blood and victory. Helena has been the territorial and tempo- rary state capitol since 1874, It is con- ceded to be the most accessible, convenlent and attractive site for the seat of govern- ment, and having in possession a decided advantage over its competitor, it expects to be the winner. But talk and hope and su- perior advantages are not effective vote- getters when pitted against boodle, booze and corner lots. Ascend the barren crest of Mount Helena, forming a background for the clty, and the eye rests on an enchant- Ing perspective. A well built city of 20,000 people, surrounding the old diggings of *'Last Chance,” and a gently sloping valley, twelve miles wide, through which the crystai Missouri meanders, flanked with timbered foothllls. Toward the northwest, plerced by the Northern Pacific, the countless tops of the Bitter Root range unfold themselves to view, presenting a picture of marvellous mountain beauty. To the west mountain peaks rise to loftier heights and kiss the receding sun. Southward the spurs of the Prickly Pear valley and the snow capped dome of Old Baldy, forty miles away, The pioneers of the city, forlorn and fatigued prospectors though they were, might have searched the valley in vain for a more de lightful spot to pitch their tents and found a city. Little did they dream when, dis- couraged by months of fruitless prospecting they threw themselves on the rocky sides of a purling creek, exclaiming, “This is our last chance,” that a city would rise above the graveled earth from which fortunes were extracted. The city is substantially bullt, stone buldings predominating. It has ‘all the accessorles of a progressive, wealthy and prosperous community of 20,000 people, and is surrounded by mineral wealth in product and value second only to Butt Anaconda is on the west side of the Bitter Root range, twenty-elght miles from Butte. It is wedged in between two mountain spurs enclosing a mnarrow valley through which flows a branch of the Silver Bow river. The town was founded by Marcus Daly, and was named after the mines in Butte, owned by the company of the same name, of whic he is president and general foghorn. The company owns the town and Daly runs it Here the company's smelters are located, and when in full blast give employment to 3,000 men. Outside of the smelling plant and a handsome hotel, the finest in the state, the buildings give one an exceedingly tired feellng. They lack the metropolitan mold, for the reason that the town, depend- ent as it is on one chief industry, furnishes no incentive for the enterprising investor. Mr. Marcus Daly is the autocrat of Ana- nda and exerts a powerful pull in Butte and more remote points. He struck the site of Butte on foot with a blanket on his back, touched the earth with a pick, and is now worth anywhere from $1,000,000 to §10,000,000, He s a democrat when the ticket I to likiog, and & republican when his inter tend that way. At all times he is for Marcus Daly and Anaconda. He makes and unmakes politicians, as several distinguished aspirants know to their sorrow. Tnomas H. Carter, ex-congressman, land commissioner under Harrison and chalrman of the republican na- tional committee, was boosted to fame by Daly, not because Daly loved Thomas H., but ‘because he had a score to settle with his opponent, W. A. Clarke of Butte. Some yea back Clarke purchased at a nominal figure a water right which was necessary to the suc- cessful operation of Daly’s mills at Ana- conda. He pinched Daly for $100,000 on that deal, and Daly is squaring the account by de- grees, Clarke was defeated for congress in 1888 and his defeat for United States senator in 1892 was due to Daly’s power in perfecting a deadlock In the legislature. Lavish with money, unscrupulous as to means, and a spirit that knows no defeat, Mr. Daly and his town will give Helena a lively chase for the capitol prize. No wonder the denizens of Last Chance are in a per- spiration, and scarcely know which way to turn to circumvent the combinations of the terror of Siiver Bow. The unique campaign Is getting decidedly warm and vituperative. Helena at the outset ridiculed the pretensions of Anaconda, dub- bing it a jay town in jeans and similar en- dearing terms, _Daly retaliated with what he concelved fo Be a knock-out—a pamphiet profusely illusirated with pictures showing the shallow, kid glove cult of the erstwhile capital city, The point of the pamphlet was o prove that while Helenaites lived by their wits Anaconda thrived and prospered on the dinner pail brigade. To make the showing clear a series of statistics were inserted, of which the following is a sampl Hel Anaconda, Men who wear kid gloves...... 4,552 Men who wear overalls.. 0 Paiches on knees...... 0 Patches on conscience. A 1,691 Dinner buckets in daily use.. 2 Manhattan cocktails, dafly con- sumpt 4 Gin_fiz a Beers, dafly Ladies who bics Ladies w ing ke Ladies' Who danc 17,69 18,133 1,088 own psumption . consumption nurse their do ies who Kick the ch Ladies who rip other the back........ Skeletons In Closets. .. ... 16 The shabby cont:ast of brawn and cul set Helena by the ears and raised town pride to.a fighting pitch. Daly's campaign scay- enger imagined the pamphlet would arouse the workingmen in favor of Anaconda, but the indications point to a contrary effect. The ladles of Helena, feeling grieviously in sulted, are up in arms, organized and going from town to town exposifg Daly and his town to the sneers of the multitude and lauding their home ecity to the ekies. Their missionary work is actively supported by the men of Helena, who are not only out for scalps, but propose to put up two dollars to Marcus Daly’s one and fight it out on that line till the last vote is counted on Novem ber 6. Helena expects to hold the vote cast for her two years ago, and in addition the votes of east sid> towns, which were scattered at that election. This alone would giye her 20,000 votes, about one-half of the number expected to be cast. She also expects to make inroads in Anaconda’s strength on the est side by working on the jealousy rival towns, The battle Is an Interesting spectacle al long range and the result will be awaited with impatient interest. — Huda Sorlous Time of It. While in Chicago, Mr. Charles L. Kahler, a prominent shoe merchant of Des Moines, Towa, had quite a serious time of It. He took such a severe cold that he could hardly talk or navigate, but the prompt use of Chamber- lain’s Cough Remedy cured him of his cold 50 quickly that others at the hotel who had bad colds followed his example, and half a dozen persons ordered it from the nearest drug store. They were profuse In their thanks to Mr. Kahler for telling them how to cure a bad cold so quickly. For sale by druggists, of e RELIGIO) Tests on fatigue for different kinds of work should be made to let us know how much the average child or the weakest child can stand at each age. Bishop Newman of the Methodist Episcopal church attended the recent international Methodist conference at Stockholm, Sweden, and was chosen president The Swedish Parlizment has shown its in- terest in religlous influences for Swedish sallors by an appropriation of 10,000 crowns for church worki among those who wre gathered in forelgn harbors In Madrid recently Tord Plunket, the archbishop of Dublin, assisted by the bishop A NEW LINK CUFF porsia Anmiile Autidoe” for 7 g i other excowace. ‘Frice, 10, 2 and Bloenes, A\ | Arooies Brome-Geterg, oy T Y B seital, o aspega) donrsultl e os THE ARNOLD CHEMICAL CO. 16T 8, Western Avenuc, CHICAUO. For sale by all druggists, Omaha. of Clogher and Down, consecrated the prots estant church and immediately after conses crated _Benor Cabrera, a Spanish clergyman, as the first protestant bishop of Madrid. Mrs. Caroline E. Haskell of Ohfca opened the - subscription list for -ng:‘::: :::ll“"‘”.l‘(‘l chapel with a check for $10,000. he University of Chicago will for the memorial, & Lo 40t Do The Pennsylvania raflroad departme the Young Men's Christian pucilllo':: g: Pliladelphja keeps its bulldings open all night for the accommodation of crews run- ning into the city late. There are beds fop fl'lll:(ll |l|un'.“ The library contains 2,000 volumes, he memb h = ton K Ta0) ership of the ocia- Rev. Sabine Baring-Gould, the popular hymu, “Onward, Christian Sole dier.” is at once a country parson, country squire, & lord of the manor, a sermon writer] A student of comparative religion, a popu- lar novelist and a poet, He has written fifty books, Is deeply versed in medlaeyal myths and legends, and at the same time in eympathy with modern lite and progress, He is sixty years old, and lives in the beauti- ful old Elizabethan manor house at Lew Frenchard, where the Gould family have lived ever since the days of James I, In order to allow tired mothers, who can not leave thelr children at home, to attend public service on Sunday, Rev. Charles Town« send, pastor of the Woodland Avenue Pres- byterian church of Cleveland, O., has estabe lished a sort of nursery In the chapel of the church. Mothers bring their little children there and leave them during the service In the hands of trustworthy persons, The privilege is a free one open to all mothers, #nd it is sald that many have enjoyed |t, Dr. Good, a missionary in the interlor of Africa, says that the poverty of the native languages s a serious hindrance to mis~ slonary effort. In the Bule language, for Instance, there s no word ““thanks” o “thanksgiving.” “To belleve,” “to trus “to have faith” are all expressed by one verb to which there s no corresponding noun. There is no word for “spirit.”” The Bule have always belleved in an Invisible god, but they have never given such a being @ name. With the Bule a living man hag @ body and a shadow—the literal shape cast by the llving person—which at death Iraves the body and becomes a disembodied spirit with & new name which can not be used to apply to God and the angels. So Dr. Good {s driven to say that God Is a “shadow” and that Christ will send His “"holy shadow" into men's hearts, ete. e The Fun of the Thi A boy who was recently sent to a boarding school, says the New York Tribune, has § sent the following letter to his loving an apxious mother: “I got here all right and E to write before. It is a very nice to have fun. A feller and I went out in 4 boat and the boat tipped over and a man got me out, and [ was so full of water that I didn’t know nothin' for a good long while. The other boy has to be burled after they find him. His mother came from Lincoln and she cries all the time. A hoss kicked me over and T have got to have some money to pay the doctor for fixing my hemd. Wi are going to set an old barn on fire tonight, and 1 should smile It we don't have bully fun. I lost my watch and am very sorry, I shall bring home some mudturtles, and T shal bring home a tame woodchuek it I can get 'em In my trunk." —-— Mother—Horror How 4id you muddy? Small Son—Runnin’' home to there was anything you wanted me to da, the author of t o