Omaha Daily Bee Newspaper, May 27, 1894, Page 16

T THE OMAHA DAILY BEE: SUNDAY, MAY 27, 1894-TWE I8, POSITIVELY LAST WEEK. Great Consignment Prices. LADIES' double $3.00, Consignment price _ CHINA thick gl Cong UPHOL LAWN BOOKC/ BASEIL $1.50. 7 2 Regiic CE PLUSH MRS, e 2% 5 can CLOSETS, WARDROBES, extra large size, finished an- tique onk, worth § Conslgnment pric shelves, large size, worth $12.50. Consignment price REED ROCKERS, very sclls stylish seat, ordinarily ~ for polished worth 60. gnment price. ... TERED ROC tique, lntest style, worth $6.50, Consignment price. .. HALL RAC mirror, ugus Consignment price SETTEF wide, regular price, $3.50. Consignment price CHIFFONIERS, oak, well made, usual price $12 Consignment price ly sells for $12.00. painted red, extra large size , polished oak, adjustable solid oak, polish finish, worth Consignment price TER finish, worth §3.50, Consignment price RECE! ished antique, worth Consignment price CHAMBER SUI large mirror, antique or 16th c worth $30.00. Consignment price..... POTTS SAD three irons, one handle and stand. Consignment price. One lot E ished antique, worth sell them for.... 66 CHENILLE any color, well us to sell them for.... TABL latest style, ntury finish, 3 piece 3 pe fin- 0; consignor says JROOM SUIT! $17 couct nicely drap worth §15, consignor allows O8c == 5668 - $8.48 $6.18 42¢ <SR B $1.98 $16., B84c $9.10 $6.88 Terms Cash or Easy Payments. Close evenings at 6:30, except Monday and Saturday 140 PARLOR SUITS ished antique , but the c Over 2,000 antique, late cheap at for 140 FOLDING than $18 account of being consigned for. t style, you would BEDS, never 366 rolls BRUS: yard, consigned to sell for 204 rolls INGRAI yard wide, regular price {130 1,400 long, Intest dozen WINDOW best rollers, best clos consigned to sell for. made to 1l for $2.50, for W v A lot of GASOLINE STOVE size, bleycle wheels, ment price. cheap at SOLID fini: ha ge room, worth $ them for . 118 ICE BOXES, e, patent lock @ Consignment price DINNER SETS, rich royal blue color, $20. Consignment price A Dbig lot of 4-hole ¢ 50, t £12.00. Consignment price. . ALL COPPER WASH size, best cold rolled copper. Consignment price. . evenings. FARNAM Send 10c for postage on big’'94 catalogue. BABY CARRIAGCE AND REFRIGERATOR CATALOGUE mailed free. .S CARPET, OAK SECRETARIES, riting desk, p! %%%%%%%%x%%%%%%%%%%%%%&g 3 ay they were $12.00; they are consigned to sell 1 need one you can get one on pattern: consigned to sell five pleces, oak, fin fgnor says sell them for : NSION TABLI , finished $8.78 $898 424c ailed for less full 7 feet actual value 865 pairs NOTTINGHAM LAC TAINS, full length and width, latest s consigned to & guaranteed worth §6, consignment price. able BADY CARRIAG $10, consignor ‘says scll lined with best qu hinges, best make, worth 102 pleces, easily worth t RANGES from a foundry that only makes good goods, worth BOILERS, CUR- cach one : 56§ § : i in antique nty of book lity of AICRIRRACIOIICIOIOICIOIICISIIICIICIIICIISIOR ACICIOIRIIOIORBOICIOIIIOIOION “ NEBRASKA FORTY YEARS 0LD A Biv of National History Recalled by Its Anniversary, DECORATION DAY AN INTERESTING EPOCH May 30, 1854, the Nebraska and Kan- sas Bl that Did So Much to Lring on the Civil War, Was Approved. Besides being the annual Decoration day, next Wednesday is the fortieth anniversary of the approval of the Nebraska aad Kansas Dill of 1854 and the organization of the ter- ritory of Nebraska. A moment's reflection will show the appropriatencss of the co- incldence, especlally when the legislative and political history of the bill is taken into consideration. The Nebraska and Kan- sas bill not only conferred territorlal govern- ment upon a large portion of the northwest, but occasioned a most vindictive struggle between the friends of slavery in the south, and the almost unanimous north, While the victory was with the south, the preliminary skirmish more firmly united the enemies of slavery, and prepared them for the civil war it hastencd on. Further, the effects of that blll are to be felt even in the present day, for It was the first of a series of legislative events in which party lines were drawn along sectional lines, and which made the south the “'solid south.” In 1803 Louisiana, the largest ful acquisition of any country of time, was ceded to the United States by France What was after- ward called the “Nebraska country” formed a comparatively small portion of this fm- mense purchase. Yet the Nebraska country was larger than Texas and California comi- bined, extending from the southern boundary of the purchase, thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, to the northern boundary of the United States on the forty-ninth parallel, and from the Missourl river and the state of Missourl to the Rocky mountains, The settlement of the,Nebraska country was slow. In 1810, seven years after the purchase of Loulsiana, John Jacob Astor's American Fur company established a trading post at Bellevue, making the first settle- ment in Nebraska. When the Indlan trading post at Fort Calhoun was removed to Belle- vue & dozen years later, Bellevue became a place of some considerable importance. The Indlan tribes for hundreds of miles made It the market for their furs and pelts, and in Bellevue obtained arms and ammunition, and the liquor and trinkets so dear to the red- skin heart. At BHellevue was located the first mission In Nebraska, and there the first postmaster served as the first editor and the first schoolmaster of the country, Bellovue was the commercial, social, religlous and educational metropolis. TERRITORY FOR TRESPASSERS, As early as 1844 petitions were presented to congress asking the organization of a ter- ritory west of the Missourl. Though under the patronage of no less a man than Senator Stephen A. Douglass, the petitions were -carcely glven & passing thought. Aside from the little settlement at Bellevue, the country had but few white inhabitants, and they were, in the strict letter of the law, trecpassers on the reservations of the In: dians. Of the interior the little that was known was not favorable for the organiza- tion of the territory. Congress was not apt to organize a terrilory for the benefit of a handful of trespassers squatting on the lund that belonged to the Indian. But with the growth of the country came & more favorable receptiow for the proposi- tions. At each successive congress the mat- ter was presented, but for years falled to 88 the committee stage. In 1849 came the iscovery of gold in California, and the mad race to the wost. Many a weary tenderfoot $nvoluntarily. settled on the prairies of Ne- braska In 1849 and 1850, and In the despera- peace- any tion of his extremity undertook the appar- ently hopeless task of forcing a living from the soil of the Great American Desert. To his astonishment and delight he found land fertile and easily cultivated, and that he could “tickle the earth with a hoe, and it laughs with the harvest. Then settlers multiplied along the rivers; the possibili- ties of the country were better known, dand the propositions for the organization of a territory more respectfully received. In the second session of the Thirty-second congress Representative Willard P. Hall of Missourl Introduced a bill for the organi- zation of the territory of the Platte, com- prising all of the Louisiana purchase be- tween the Missouri river and the Rockies. Nearly two months' consideration was given the bill by the committee, which then re- ported it back as a “Bill for the Organiza- tion of the Territory of Nebraska,” there being no important changes except in the name. No reference was made in any way to slavery, but by implication the bill would follow the Missouri compromise of 1820. That compromise provided that Missouri might be admitted as a slave state, but for- ever prohibited slavery in the rest of the purchase north of the line of 36 degrees 30 minutes. Nebraska territory, as de- scribed In the committee’s bill, was within the prescribed area, and therefore when ad- mitted would come in as a free state. OPPOSED BY THE SOUTH. The bill met the bitterest opposition of the southern members, who were unani- mously opposed to the organization of fur- ther free soil territory. A stormy session of the whole house closed with a recom- mendation for the rejebtion of the bill, but in some way its defeat at that stage was pre- vented. The bill was passed by a vote of 98 to 48, but when sent to the senate it met an opposition most strongly organized to sccure its defeat. The bill was referred to the committee on terri- torles, of which Senator Douglass was chair- man. Though a strong minority of the com- mittee, headed by Douglass, is sald to have favored the bill, no report was obtainable from the committee. As the session drew near to a close the friends of the Nebraska bill made a Strenuous though futile effort to obtain & report. In the closing hours they became almost frantic. On the last day of the ses- slon but one a motion to take the bill up was defeated by a vote of 25 to 20. The next day a similar motion resulted In the motion being tabled for the few hours left of the session by the solid vote of the southern senators. On the following day Franklin Plerce was tnaugurated president. Mr. Pierce was a New Hampshire democrat who had been triumphantly elected over General Scott, the whig candidate. The campaign had been one of personalities alone; the national plat- forms of the two great parties belng almost identical on the vital question of the day— slavery. Mr. Plerce in his inaugural address con- gratulated the country on the successful termination of the Mexican war. Though the acquisition of new territory had brought new responsibilities they had been faithtully met, and the ever disturbing slavery ques- tion, as far as concerned the Mexican acces- sion, settled by the compromise measures of 1850, These ho regarded as a final settle- ment of the questions they contained, and it was his intention, ho declared, by every means in his power to prevent any shock to the repose of the country by a renewal of the slavery agitation, Mr. Plerce was but reiterating the resolu- tions contained In the democratle and whig national platforms of the year previous, A majority of the members of congress had been elected on the strength of thelr pledges to prevent a renewal of the slavery agita- tion. It would have been impossible to bave more emphatically or officially declared the conflict at an end. The Thirty-third congress assembled on Monday, December 5, following the inauguration. Tuesday Presi- dent Plerco submitted his annual message, In the strongest languake he again promised to regard the compromises of 1850 an end of the discussion and denounced any attempt to shock the repose of the confederacy. PRESIDENT SWITCHED, But on the day previous Senator Augustus ©. Dodge of Iowa had given notice of his in- tention to introduce a bill for tho organiza- tion of the territory of Nebrasks, and Dodge’s bill later on radically changed the I president's position. On the 14th Dodge in- | troduced the bill, which, on_examination, | was found to be practicaly identical with the | unfortunate measure of the preceding ses- | sion. After the first and second readings | it was referred to Senator Douglass’ com- mittee on territories. The next day It was reported back with a number of amendments, which were recelved with surprise not unimingled with doubt, A number of northern senators expressed thelr surprise at some of the amendments, which seemed to operate as a repeal of the Missourl compromise. ~On January 4, 1854, the committee made a special report in ex: planation of the amendments which divested the bill of any ambiguity of meaning. The compromise of 1820, the committee said, was no longer operative, it having been repealed by the passage of the compromises of 1850, With which It was inconsistent. Congress had no right to interfere with the domestic institutions of the states. As each sover- elgn stute was sald to have the power of controlling slavery within its own boundaries the territory of Nebraska was, on organiza- tion, to be free soll or proslavery, as a ma- Jority of the voters might choose at the first election, The Issue, the committee claimed, was “The great principles of self-govern: ment, that the people should be allowed to decide the questions of their domestic in- stitutions for themselves.” The people of the morth were first as- tounded; then as the full conception of the effects of the bill dawned upon them, for the repeal of the Missourl compromise there was awful indignation, for ‘“squatter sover- eignty” bitter sarcasm. The south was also surp-ised, for the pro- posal to give slavery another opportunity to obtain additional territory came unexpectedly and gratuitously from northern sources. The proffer was as quickly accepted as made, Indeed the south was in desperate straits. Slayery could no longer control the senate it the north would unitedly oppose tlie insti- tution. Unless Texas could be divided, an unlikely contingency, the south could’ not add one new state. The north still had the Vast unorganized portion of the Loulsiana purchase to form Into states in which the Missourl compromise prohibited slavery, and many of which would be physically unfitted for the institution. The Nebraska country was the unorganized portion of the purchase best adapted for the slave. For these reasons the south coveted Nebraska. The conditions were now changed. Those who had been the friends of the bill now became its most unrelenting foes, and those who in the last session secured tho defeat of the Hall bill now were most eager to secure the passage of the committee's bill. ‘To account for the sudden change of front various theorles have: been advanced. It sooms highly probable that two elements compelied the embodiment of the repeal of {he Missourl compromise. The journals of the time openly charged that a conspiracy had been formed in the Thirty-second congress {0 glve the slave power additional territory, and the investigation of later times tends to Confirm this statement. It certainly appears Strango that on the day before the inaugura- tion of the Thirty-third congress, known to be of pro-slavery views, a bill {o organize the territory of Nebraska under the Missourl compromise should have been killed by the unanimous vote of the slave-holding sena- tors, and then that the Thirty-third con- kress should have recelved the same bill, Modified to please the slavocracy, with great avidity. SENATOR DOUGLASS' AMBITION. Agaln, Senator Douglass was known to cherish an ambition for the presidency that was all but overpowering. With the south he rightly belleved himsell popular. It is thought that he used his tremendous influ- ence as chalrman of the committee on ter- ritories and his glowing eloquence to more certainly secure the favor of the south while appeasing the north by engineering another compromise with insatiable slavery., Having committed himself, and having found that his course was not popular in the north, he bent his whole energles toward accomplish- ing his original plan. The combination of these two motives will account for the trend of the bill. On the second day after the special re- port Senator Archibald Dixon, a Kentucky whig, gave notice of his intention to amend the Nebraska bill when it should come be- foro the senate by inserting & clause re pealing the Missouri comipromise. Dixon was & man of marked influence and charac- ter. He had served as governor of Ken- tucky until sent to the semate to fill the vacancy occcasioned by the death of Henry Ck: Mr. Dixon was a representative of the first element named; the element which must have formed the conspiracy against the first Nebraska bill if such a conspiracy existed. He was a pronounced pro-slavery man, and had the frankness to announce that by the repeal of the Missouri com- promise he » oped “the citizens of the vari- ous states shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of the terri- tories. Clay had been “honorably identi- fied” with the compromise of 1820; his suc- cessor in the senate was the first to openly commit a breach of the old compact. Before the commencement of the debate proper on the bill a delegation appointed by the nominal inhabitants of the Nebraska country arrived in Washington and waited on congress. They made two requests—that the southern boundary be fixed at the Thirty- seventh parallel, and that the Nebraska country be divided along the Fortieth par- allel into Nebraska In the north and Kan- sas In the south. The first suggestion was made to avoid a division of the Cherokee country, the boundary line being placed thirty ‘miles north of the original Missouri compromise line, the first boundary pro- posed. The reason for the second sugges- tion was noc readily apparent, but it was intimated that there were more ulterior mo- tives than the gratification of local pride. For Nebraska the slavery element cared but little; its climate was thought too v orous and its soll too difficult of culti tion for profitable slave holding. Then Ne- braska was bordered by Towa, a free state, and Minnesota, Washington and Oregon ter- ritories, all free soil, 80 if finally obtained for slavery it would be isolated from other slavery states. Kansas was thought to be warmer and more fertile, and then it was nearer to Missourl, Arkansas and Texas, all slave states. If Kansas could be made a slave state the south would have one more link in the chain of such states, reaching from the Atlantic to the Pacific. To gain this the slavocracy was willing to give the north Nebraska, that it cared little for, thinking that such generosity would make the north more willing to give the south Kansas. However, the Miesouri and lowa delegations united in recommending the changes, and the committee on territories reported a bill to the senate providing for the organization of the territories of Ne braska and Kansas, and which was as em- phatic in deciaring the compromise of 1820 inoperative as thereport of the 4th of Jan- uary. DOUGLASS' SPEECH. A week or 8o after the speclal report Senator Douglass opened the debate. It was a battle of glantss The master minds of the nation engaged in the terrible combat Tacticians and generals whose sheer weight bore all before them; skirmishers and ponderous artillery; guerrillas and plodding infantry fought inithe war of eloquence and logic with desperation never equaled in the history of the country. Mr. Douglass' apening speech brings to view the second elbment—not at all radical on slavery questions, but standing on techni- calities, like a quilibling lawyer who is un Willing to go into the merits of his case. Senator Douglass’s argument was highly ingenlous. In 1848, just after the acquisi- tion of a large wmount of territory from Mexico, the senate amended a bill before it by extending the compromise line of 30-3 to the Pacific. In $his amendment the house did not concur. By defeating the senatc amendment Mr. Douglass claimed the Mis sourl compromise had been abandoned. compromise ended and no longer operative a new discussion arose in 1850 and closed With fresh compromise measures whose lead ing feature was the doctrine of noninte vention by congress in the domestic institu- tions of the territories, The measures of 1850 were of universal application, the old line of 36-3¢ being entirely disregarded. The effrot of the Nebraska and Kansas bill, said Douglass, was neither to legislate slavery into or out of the territories, but to leave their inhabitants free to act as they chose in the premises. What could be more reasonable than this? Thus half of the states which recognized slavery at the adop tion of the constitution had “abolished the {nstitution. 1f there was any bad faith manifested it Was on the part of the abolitionists, who opposed the compromise of 1820, who opposed the continuwation of the g compromise line through the Texas acces- sion in 1845, and who refused to carry the line through to the Pacific in 1848, and yet were so zcalous in keeping unprofaned ihe compromise they maligned for a third of a century. Senator Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, after- ward appointed to the supreme bench, opened on behalf of the opponents of the bill. Mr. Chase began by moving to strike out of the bill a clause which declared the compromise of 1820 inoperative, leaving the committee's bill an unconditional repeal of the compromise. It was his intention, it the motion carried, to then move to strike out the whole clause, leaving the bill with no reference to the compromise of 182 The statement that the omnibus measures of 1850 superseded the Missouri compromise he promised to “demonstrate to be without any foundation In fact or history,” and his masterly speech he directed at this point. Mr. Chase represented another class of senators—men whose love of liberty or hatred of slavery, or whose defercnce to the expressed_wishes of their constituencies led them to fight the bill. There was anoth'r class, small and unimportant, who regarded terriforial organizations west of the Mis- sourl as unnecessary, in bad falth with the Indian tribes who occupied the land, and as altogether too costly luxuries. But where a principle was at stake mercenary motives could not long be the issue, and this class was compelled to join Chase, and Sumner, and Seward, and Fessenden, in opposition to the bill. Just so the Douglass element coalesced with Dixon's following, and fought under a pro-slavery banner against aboli- tionism. MADE IT DEMOCRATIC. The discussion had not progressed far hefore the administration adopted the meas- ure, and made it a democratic, as well as southern bill. Many northern democrats still refused to support the bill, protesting that they could not, with honor to the selves, disregard their pledges made in the campaign preceding. Then, many northern congressmen opposed the bill on account of the effects the Missouri compromise would have In opening additional territory to slavery. The whig party was unharmonious when ‘the discussion opened, and the debate completed the dem tion of the®party The democrats were much stronger in the south than ever before, but were much weakened by rebellion and desertion in the north. The northern whigs were badly divided; in the south they no longer had an organized existence. For over four months the debate pro- ceeded. The mercurial public opinion fluctu- ated from one extreme to the other. As the Dill neared a final vote in the senate the excitement hecame intense. The last formalities of the senate were watched with feverish anxiety, The lssue at stake was nominally the organization of two frontier territorles; really it was the extension or limitation 'of slavery. The northern sena- tors met their first defeat in the refection of Chase's amendment. Then the commit- tee's substitute for the original Dodge bill wae adopted, and an amendment proposed by Clayton of Delaware disfranchising for- cigners who had taken out only their first papera and making them ineligible for office in the two territories was incorporated. The bill passed by a vote of 47 to 14, A week after the senate committee had dlvided the Nebraska country into Nebraska and Kansas, Representative William A. Richardson of Illinois, chairman of the house committee on territories, reported a bill for the organization of the’ territory of Nebraska, which had been recommended by a majority of the committee. The Rich- ardson bill soon became the subject of as much debate as the matter had received in the senate. The public mind in the mean- time, was incredibly inflamed. “Town- meetings, conventions, state legislatures, denoun promise.” Three thousand New England clergymen, “in the name of Almighty God, and in His presence,” protested against the extension of the institution of slavery. Mass moetings and private citizens poured remonstrances into congress. But the pro gress of the debate in the house in a meas- ure" allayed the excitement caused by the senate debate, as amendments were tacked to the bill which xeemed too unpopular to permit its passage. Then the nation was again_tranquil, On the Sth of May Mr. Richardson offered an amendment to the house bill, making the latter almost identical with the bill passed by the senste. Fublio intercst im- ed the repeal of the Missourl com- | medfately re-awakened. The debates in the house were much more violent than the discussion in the senate—even marked with malignity of fecling. The sessions were unusually prolonged. Once the house re- mained In session thirty-six _consecutive hours in_di fon over the bill. The de- bate lasted but two weeks, yet the suspense was awful. No other theme was publicly discussed. Business suffered in the general stagnation. May 22 the house took up Its amended bill for action, and the efforts of the opponents of the bill to prevent a vote were even recklesc in the helght of their despair, It was well known that the vote would be very close; both sides used every exertion. Twenty-nine roll calls were or- dered in a twelve-hour session. Just before midnight the clerk called the roll for the last time, and the house passed its amended bill by a vote of 113 to 100. The house bill omitted the Clayton amendment to the sen- ate bill which disfranchised aliens who had declared their intentions but had not com- pleted naturalization. On Saturday, the 2th of May, the senate took up the house substitute. The upper house was known to bo strongly in favor of the bill, and the opponents of the measure of course saw how useless further attempts to delay its passage would be. The closing hours were, therefore, devoted to solemn warnings of the results to follow the pas- sage of the bill, and the scene was memora- ble as Sumner rose to close the debate just before midnight. SUMNER'S WARNING. “Sir,” he said, “the bill which you ara about to pass is at’ once the worst and the best Dill on which congress ever acted. worst bill, for it is a present victory of slavery. In a Christian land and in an age of civilization a time honored statute of free- dom Is struck down, opening the way to all the countless woes and wrongs of human bondage. Among the crimes of history a new one is about to be recorded, which, in better days, will be read with universal shame. The tea tax and stamp act which aroused the patriot rage of our fathers were virtues by the side of this enormity; mor would it be easy to imagine at this day any mensure which more openly defied every sentiment of justice, humanity and Christianity. Am I not right then in calling it the worst bill on which congress ever acted? 3 another side to which I gladly turn. is the best bill on which congress ever ac for 1t preparcs the way for that ‘All hereafter' when slavery must disappe annuls all past compromizes with siavery, and makes all future compromises impossi- ble. Thus it puts freedom and slavery to face and bids them grapple. Who doubt the result? It opens wide the door of the future, when at last there will really be a north, and the slave power will be broken, when this wretched despotism will cease to dominate over our government, Impressing itself upon all that it does at home and abroad; when the national government shall be divorced in every way from slavery, anc according to the true intent of our fathers, freedom shall be established by congress everywhere, at least beyond the local lmits of the states. Thus, sir, now standing at the very grave of freedom in Kansas and Nebraska, 1 find assurances of that happy resurrection by which freed will be se- cured hereafter, not only in o torritorics, but everywhere under the natlonal govern- ment. More clearly than ever before, I now see the ‘beginning of the end' of slavery. Am 1 not right, then, In calling this m ure the best bill on which congress ever acted? Sorrowfully 1 bend before the wrong you are about to perpetrate. Joyfully 1 welcome the promises of the future.” Just after 1 o'clock on the 26th, the bill was finally passed Sumner called for the yeas and nays, chorus of Oh, there I8 no ne sity for that,” prevented the call from being put The senate stood, however, hout s at the passage of the Dod, s, 13 nays. Thursday, the 30th 1854, just forty years ago, Presldent Plerce ap proved the bill, and Nebrarka and Kun entered upon their history as organized com- monwealths. The effects of the passage of the blll were tremendous., T indignation shown In the north was only equalled by the joy mani- fested In the south. The first effect was the widening of the sectional breach between the porth and south. Douglass had hoped to reach the presidency by the ald of the bill, but he bad no political following In New England, the middle and western states Sunday morning, Mr. but a It is the , 1 ! now. His aspirations for the highest post of honor in_the nation were completely frus- trated. The second effect, then, was the removal of Douglass as a candidate. The whig party, in the third place, was com- pletely destroyed. Fourth, the democracy of the north melted away, but made gains in the south until it was the only party having any perceptible fnfluence. Then after a short period of political unrest the rem- nants of the whig and democratic parties who opposed the Nebraska bill were compelled to unite in a new permanent party whose chief tenet was opposition to slavery. C. B. A. ——— CONNUBIALITIES, He—Well, what sort of a mood are you in this evening? She—Well, as I have squeezed your hand and let you kiss me I think I'm in my indicative mood. “Two men fought for a wife in Oregol remarked Mrs. Knags, looking up from the paper. “Which had to take her?” asked Mr. Knags sarcastically. Calloe—Women have ,mighty queer ways, don’t you think, Uncle S8i? Uncle S kaln't say thet I know much about women. I only been married four times. The formal announcement {s made of the engagement of Miss Hope Goddard, the only daughter of Colonel and Mrs. Willlam Goddard of Providence, R. I, to C. Oliver Iselin of New York city. Mr. and Mrs. Willlam Stransberry, the old- est married couple n Stark county, Ohlo, celebrated the sixty-fitth anniversary of their marriage last Tuesday. They are both in’ good health, he being 88 years old and she 87. They have eleven children and have lived om the same farm since thelr marrlage. President Carnot has signed a decree for- bidding members of the consular or diplom tie corps to marry without first asking the consent, not only of the young lady and of her papa, of the prospective mother-In-law and of a minister of the gospel, but of the minister of forelgn affairs as well. A Cincinnatl man recently presented his wife with a plano lamp, which she sald sl would call after him. ' On asking her the reason she replied: “Well, dear, It has & good deal of brass about it, it Is handsome to look at, it Is not remarkably brilliant, r quires a good deal of attention, s sometimes unsteady on its legs, liable to explode when half full, flares up occasionally, 1s always ouk at bedtime and is bound to smoke." “Who Is that young man standing over there by the door?’ inquired the lady in black, et me see,” replied the modern and udvanced girl, observing the young man critically through her lorgnette. ~ “His face is famillar. Why, I balieve that that's th young man I'm engaged to." When a man points out to his wife an- other woman who dresses, as he says, just the way he would like to see her dress, she can usually get her revengo by telling him how much the other woman's clothes must cost. Another elopement of a beautiful and so- complished white girl with a Sfoux Indian is to be recorded. The girl this time I8 Miss Alice Tucker, a daughter of prominent people living at Niobrara, Neb., and the Sloux, known by the adopted name of Joh Lauman, belonging to Rusebud agency. Mi Tucker is 16. At the marriage of the eldest son of Baby Raj Kuma Roy, Zemindar of Narall, recently, the procession was a most Imposing one, the bridegroom party alone conslsting of 1,200 to 1,600 men. A notable funovation in the shape of an Indlau temale string band, which drove with the procession in a wagonette, attracted a great deal of attention. The silver wedding of the emperor and e press of Japan, according to forelgn paper was celebrated with great pomp a few weeks ago. o was a review of the soldiers in afternoon, and In the evening thero was a gala dinner, to which all the prominent of~ ficlals and thelr wives and forelgners were {nvited. Afterwards there was a reception and dance in the throne rool Male danes ers produced the famous “Banzalraku,” a dance which was composed by the emperop Yome 0 years ago; the ‘‘Talhelraku,’ which was the fashion 1,037 years ago, and the “Bairo,’ & dance brought from India about the year 600, which, In Its various evos lutions, represents the subjection of all enes mies of the state, All the guests recelyed silver mementoes of the celubration, J