Norwich Bulletin Newspaper, December 8, 1915, Page 9

P — ' NORWICH BULLETIN, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1915 PRESIDENT WILSON'S INITIAL ESSAGE TO 64TH CONGRESS Submité ‘a Definite Plan for Action in Movement for Nationa! Preparedness FOR NATIONAL EFFICIENCY AND SECURITY Would Supplement Present Force of Regular Army With Four Hundred Thousand Citizen Scldiery—Tells Solons That if Full Navy Program is Carried Out We Will Have a Fleet for Defense That Will be “Fitted to Our Needs ‘and ‘Worthy of Our Traditions”—Asserts That Couniry’s Merchant Marine Should be Nurtured— Recommends Early Adoption of Measures to Give Full Justice to the Philippines and Porto Rico—Declares Na- tion’s Secret Foes Should be Crushed; National Resourc- es Conserved and Regulations Formulated to Meet the Railroad Problem OLLOWING !s the message of President Wilson delivered ata Joint seasion of tre senate and house at the beginning of the Sixty-fourth congress: Gentlemen of the Congress—Since 1 last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which bad then only begun to disclose 1its portentous proportions, has extend- ed its threatening and sinister scope until it bas swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemi sphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents & prospect of reorganization and re constructian such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart. studiously neu tral. It was our manifest duty to do Not only did we have no part or erest in the policies which seem to =nve brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a umiversal catastrophe to be uvoided. that a limit should set to tiie sweep of destructive war it that some part of the great fam + of nations should keep the process - of peace allve, If only to prevent wetive econcie ruin and the break vn througbout the world of the in- wstries by which it populations are “ead and sustuined. [t was manifestly duty of the self governed natiors infs Remispacte to redress, if possi the b ¢ of ‘economic loss and «-ntusion In the other, it they could 1: rothing move. In the day of read Sient and recuperution we earnest ope 20d belleve that they can be infinlte service. {u this neatraity, to which thes were bidden not ouly by their scp urate lfe and their babitual detach ment from the politics of Europe, bur 1180 by a clear percaptivn of interna tionai duty, the states of America have become comscious of a new and more vital community of iuéerest and morai partnership in affairs, more cle: conscious of the many common sympa thies and imterests and duties which bid themn stand together. There was a time in the early day of our own great nation and of the re publics fighting their way to indepe: ence in Central and South Amerien when the government of the United States looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to the south of ber as against any en eroachments or efforts at political con trol from the other side of the water: felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them, and 1 think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and disin- terested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas snd the anmolested self government of ber independent peoples. But it was always diBeult to maintain such # role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose free dom of @ction we sought to protect and without provoking =erious mis- <, conceptions of our jnotives, and every | tboughiful mav of affalrs must wel come :hs alterwd circumstances of the pew day !n whose light we now stand, when there is mo claim of guardian- whip or thought of wards, but instead » full and senorable association as of partners betweer ourselves and our nelghbors in the interest of all Amer- ica, north and south. Our concern for the indeperdence and prosperity of the mtates of Central and South America is not citered. We retaln naabated the spirit that has inspived us througbout the whole life of onr government and wbich was so frankiy put into words by President Monroe We stlll mean &lways make & common cause of mational indeperdence and of political Mrerty ia Amevica. But that purpose ts now better vnderstood so far as it cuncerns curselves. It is known not to na a relfish purpose. It 1s knowa to have In it no thonght of taking advan- tage of apy government in this hemi- sphiere or playiag its political fortunes for our own benefit. All the govern- ments of smericn stand. so far as we are sonceruned. upon a footing of genu- ine cquality and noquestioned inde- We have been put to tbe test in the case of 3Mexico, and we have srewd the test. Whether we have benefited Mex- ice by the course we have pursued re- mamo w0 Le seen. Her fortunes are in ber own hancds. But we have at leaat prewed that we will nog take advan- tage of ber in ber distress and under- talke 1o Ympose upon her an order and xmovernment of our own choosing. Lib erty Is often a fierce and imtractable thing, to which no bounds can be set and to which no bounds of a few men’s choosing ought ever to be set Every American who has drunk at the true fountains of principle and tra dition must subscribe without reserva tion to the high doctrine of the Vir ginla bill of rights, which in the great days in which our government was se: up was everywhere among us accept ed as the creed of free men. That doc trine is, “That government is or ough to be instituted for the common bene fit, protection and security of the peu ple. nation or community that “o! all the various modes and forms of government, that is the best which ix capable of producing the greatest de gree of happiness and safety and I+ most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration, and tha when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these pur poses a majority of the commuuity bath an indubitable, inalienable and indefeasible right to reform. alter o abolish it in such manner as shall be judged most conduclve to the pnblic weal.” We have unbesitatingly ap plied that herofc principle to the cas of Mexico and now hepefully awai the rebirth of the troublled- republic which had so much of which to purs itself and =o little sympathy from arn- nitside guarter in the radical but e asuary process We will aid and be friend feo. but we will not coercs ter. and our course with regard to he ought to be suffi~ient proof te all Amer fea that we seek no political suzeraint: or selfish control PAN-AMERICARISE HAS NONE CF EMPIRE'S SPIRIT. Economic Adjustments Inevitable With in the Next Generation. The morai 15 that the states of Awer feca are mot bostile rivals, but co-o; erating friends. and that their grow ing semse of commaunity of interest alike in matters political and in mat ters economic, is likely to give them new significance as factors in Interna tionul aff:irs » d tn the political his tory of the sworld. It preseats them a- in a very deep and true sense a nuni in world affairs. spiritual partners standing together because thinking to gether, quick with commeon sympathic- and common ideals. Separated, they are subject to all the cross currents o! the confused politics of a world of hos tile rivalries; urzited in spirit and pur pose, they cannot be disappointed o their peaceful destiny. This is pan-Americanism. It has non: of the spirit of empire in ft. It is th embodiment. the effectual embodiment of the spirit of law e¢nd independenc: and liberfy 4nd mutual service. A very motable body of men recenti: met in the city of Washington, at the invitation and as the guests of this government, waose deliberations are Hkely to e looked back to as marking a memoribie turning pelat in the his H tory «f America. They were repre sentative spokesmen of the several in dependent states of this hemisphere and were assembled to discuss the financial and commereial relations of the republics of the two continents which rpature and political fortune have s» intimately linked together. 1 earnestly recocramend to your perusal the reports of thelr proceedings and of the actions of their committees. You will get from them, I think, a fresh conception of the ease and intelligence and advantage with which Americans of hoth continents may draw together in oractical co-operation and of what the materfal foundations of this hope- ful partnership of interest must con- sist—of how we chould bufld them and of how necessary it is that we should basten their building. There is, 1 venture to point out, an especial significance just now attach ing to this whole matter of drawing the Americas together in bonds of hon- orable partmership and mutual advan- tage because of the economic readjust ments which the world must inevitably witness within the next generation, when peace shall have at last resumed its healthful tasks. In the perform- ance of these tasks I believe the Amer fcas to be destined to play their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take it within your view and permit the e of 1t to command your thought I not find the right light in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very front of my whole thought as 1 I mean natiornal No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we | are appointed to speak can fafl to per ceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed in the prac- tice of the arts of peace. Great detnoc- racies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought 1s of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life and the un- censored thought that quickens It Conquest and dominion are not in our reckoning or agreeable to our prinet ples. But just because we demand cn- molested development and the undis- turbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and Hiberty. we reseat, from whatever quarter it way come, the aggression we ourselves will not practice. We insist upon security in prosecuting our self chosen lines of national development We do more than that. We demand it also for others. We do not confine our enthusiasm for individual liberty and free national development to the incl dents and movements of affairs which affect only ourselves. We feel it wher: ever there ic a people that tries to walk In these difficult paths of independence and right. [rom the first we have made common cause with all partisans of liberty on this side the sea and have deemed it as importact that our neigh bors should be free from all outside domination as that we ourselves should be: have set America aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen. Out of such thoughts grow all cur policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rizhts of a peo ple against aggression. And we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dicta torial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army ex cept for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continuous ly needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and suflicient to take care of themselves and of the gcaernments which they have set up to serve them In our constitutions tlhemselves we have commanded that “the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.,” and our confidence has been that our safety in times of danger would lie in the rising of the nation to take care of itself, as the farmers rose at Lexington. SUGGESTS BRCAD PLAN FOR NATIONAL DEFENSE. Increase Standing Regular Force—Four Hundred Thousand Citizen Soldiers. But war has never been a mere mat- ter of men and guns. It 1s a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fizht effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know bhow modern fizhting is done. and what to do when the summons cowaes to render themselves immediately avail- able and immediately effective. And the government must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. The ‘military arm of their government, which they will pot allow to direct them, they tnay properly use to serve them and make their independence secure, and not their own independence merely. but the rights also of those with whom they have made common cause, should they also be put in jeopardy. They must be fitted to play the great role in the world. and particularly in this bemisphere, for which they are quali- fied by prin~iple and by chastened am- bition to play. It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the depsrtment of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before iyou, and which I urge you to sanction and put intc effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the ) present sufficient. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from Its present strength of 5023 offi- cers and 102.9S5 enlisted men of all services to a strength of 7,136 officers and 154,707 enlisted men. or 141,843 all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of en- gineers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of fleld artillery and four aero squadrons, besides 750 officers re- quired for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, 792 non- commissioned officers for service in drill, recruiting and the like and the necessary quota of enlisted men for the quartermaster corps, the hospital corps, the ordnance department and other similar auxiliary services. These are the additions necessary to render the army adequate for its present du- tles, duties which it bas to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and borders and at our interior army posts, but also in the Philippines, in the Hawailan Islands, at the isth- mus and in Porto Rico. By way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger =cale should occasion arise the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of 400.000 disciplined citi- zens. raised in increments of 133.000 a year throughout a period of three: years. This it is proposed to do by a process of enlistment under which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind themselves to serve with the colors for purposes of train- ing for short periods throughout three years and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional “furlough™ period of ti\ree years. This force of 400,000 men ‘would be pro- vided with personal accouterments as fast as enlisted and thelr equipment for the field made ready to be supplied at any time. They would be assem- bled for training at stated intervals at convenient places in assoclation with suitable units of the regular army. Thelr period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months in the year. It would depend upon the patriotic feeling of the younger men of the country whether they responded to such a call to service or not. It would depend upon the patriotic spirit of the employers of the country wheth er they made it possible for the young: er men in their employ to respond un- der favorable conditions or not. I for one do not doubt tke patriotic devotion efther of our young men or of those who give them employment—those for whose benefit and protection they would in fact emlist. I would look forward to the success of such on ex- periment twith entire confidence. At least so much by way of prepara- tion for defense seems to me to be ab- solutely imperative now. We cannot do less. COMPREHENSIVE PLAN FOR GREATER NAVY. Always Looked to It as Our First and Chief Line of Defense. The program which will be laid be fore you by the secretary of the navy is similarly conceived. It lnvolves only a shortening of the time within which plans long matured shall be carried out, but it does make definite and ex plicit a program which has heretofore been only implicit, beld in the minds of the committees on naval affairs and disclosed In the debates of the two houses, but nowhere formulated or for mally adopted. It seems to me very clear that it will Le to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efliclency and to press that plan to completion within the next five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense; we have always geen it to be our manifest course of prudence to be strongz on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high in deed among the navies of the maritime nations. We should now definitely de- termine how we shall complete what we have begun and how soon. The program to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships. six battle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty de stroyers, fifteen deet submarines. elghty-five coast submarines, four gun- boats, one hospital ship, two ammuni tion ships. two fuel oil ships and one repair ship. number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battieships. two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers. fifteen destroyers, five fleet submarines. twenty-five coast submarines, two gun- boats and one hospital ship; the second year two battleships, one scout cruiser. ten destroyers, four fleet submarines. fifteen coast submarines, one gunhoat and one fuel oil ship: the third year two battleships, one battle cruiser, two | scout cruisers, five destrorers, two fleet submarines and fifteen coast subma rines: the fourth year two battleships. two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers. ten destroyers. two fleet submarines. fifteen coast subinarines, one ammuni- tion ship and one fuel oil ship, and the fifth year two battleships. one bat tle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten de- stroyers, two fleet suhmarines. fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one am- mmition ship and one repair ship. The secretary of the navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of 7,500 sailors. 2,500 apprentice seamen and 1,500 ma- rines. 1Ris increase would be suffi- cient to care for the ships which are to be completed within the fiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will early in 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midshipmen at the Na- val academy at Annapolis should be increased by at least 300 in order that the force of officers should be more rapidly added to, and authority is ask- ed to appoint, for engineering duties only, approved graduates of engineer- Ing colleges, and for service in the avi- ation corps a certain number of men taken from civil life. COUNTRY SHOULD HAVE FINE MERCHANT MARINE. United States Should Be Its Own Car- rier on the Seas. 1f this full program should be carried out we should have built or building in 1921, according to the estimates of sur- vival and standards of classitication followed by the genera! board of the department, an effective navy conslst- Ing of 27 battleships of the first line, G battle cruisers, 25 battleships of the second line. 10 armored cruisers., 13 scout cruisers, 5 first class cruisers, 3 second class cruisers, 10 third class cruisers, 108 destroyers, 18 fleet sub- marines, 157 coast submarines, 6 mon- itors, 20 gunboats, 4 supply ships, 15 fuel ships, 4 transports, 3 tenders to torpedo vessels, 8 vessels of special types and two ammunition ships. This would be a navy fitted to our needs and worthy of our traditions. But armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be con- sidered if we are to consider the su- preme matter of national self sufficien- cy and security in all its aspects. Thbere are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether wa will or not. There is, for It is proposed that of this | be completed | example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved in this great problem of national adequacy It 1s necessary for many welghty rea- sons of national efiiciency and devel- opment that we should bhave a great merchant marine. The great merchant fleet we once used to make us rich, that great body of sturdy saflors who used to carry our flag into every sea. and who were the pride and often the bulwark of the nation, we have almost driven out of existence by inexcusable neglect and indifference and by a hope- lessly blind and provincial policy of so called economic protection. It is high time we repaired our mistake and resumed our commercial independence on the seas. For it is a question of independence. If other nations go to war or seek to bamper each other's commerce our merchants, it seems, are at their mer- ¢y to do with as they please. We must use their ships and use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot bandle our own commeérce on the seas. Our inde pendence is provincial, and Is only on land and within our own borders. We are not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in ri- valry of their own trade and are with- out means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situa- tion is not to be endured. It is of capi tal importance not only that the Unit- ed States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic inde- pendence which only an adequate merchant marine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independ- ence and seif sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of Euro- pean affairs. Without such independ- ence the whole question of our polit- ical unity and self determination is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own—not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and car rying much more: creating friendships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water. They must move constantly back and forth between the Americas. They are the only shuttles that can weave the delicate fabric of sympathy. compre hension. confidence and mutual de pendence in which we wish to clothe our poliey of America for Americans. The task of building up an adequate merchant marine for America private capital must ultimately undertake and achieve, as it has undertaken and | achieved every other li%e task among as in the past. with admirable enter- prise. intelligence and vigor. and 1t seems to me a manifest dictate of wis. dom that we should promptly remove every legal obstacle that may stand in the way of this much to be desired re- vival of our old independence and should facilitate {n every possible way the buflding., purchase and American registration of ships. But capital ean- not accomplish this great task of a sudden. It must embark vpon it by dezrees. as the opportunities of trade develop. Something must be done at once. done to open routes and develop opportunities where they are as yet undeveloped, done to open the arteries barrassment than to fulfill our prom- ises and promote the interests of those dependent on us to the utmost. Bills for thé aireratiou and reform of the government of the Philippines aad for rendering fuller political justice to the people of Porto Rico were submitted | to the Sixty-third congress. They will | be submitted aiso to youn. 1 need not | particularize their details. You are) most of you already familiar with| them. But I do recommend them to your early adoption with the sincere| conviction that there are few measures | you could adopt which would mora | serviceably clear the way for the great policies by which we wish to make good. now and always, our rizbt to lead | In enterprises of peace and good will | and economic and political freedom. The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined and for the general policy of adequate prep- aration for mobilization and defense | involve, of course, very large addition- | al expenditures of money. expenditures which will considerably exceed the es- timated revennes of the government It is made my duty by law whenever the estimates of expenditure exceed the estimates of revenue to cull the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficlency that it may be wise or pos- sible for me to suggest. 1 am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case, and 1 feel partica- larly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the congress of m2asures which 1 my- self urge it to adopt. Allow me tkere- fore to speak briefly of the present state of the treasury and of the fiscal problems which tbe next year will probably disclose. On the 30th of June last there was an available balance in the general the outset now. The new bilis should be paid by interna! taxation. To what sources. then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the house of representatives are expected under the copstitution to propose an answer to tbat you will bardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very general terms. We should be following an al- most universal example of modern governments if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income iaxes. By somewhat lowering the pres- ent limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to be imposed and by increasing. step by step, throughout the present graduation the surtax itself, the income taxes as at present apportioned would yield sums sufiiclent to balance the books of the. treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without anywhere making the tmrden unreasonably or oppressively seary. The precise reckonings are | fully and accurately set out in the re- port of the secretary of the treasury which will be immediately laid before you. And there are many additional sources of revente which can justly be resorted to without hampering the in- dustries of the country or putting any too great charge upon individual ex- penditure. A tax of one cent per gallon on gasollne and naphtha would yield, at the present celimated production, $10,000.000, a tax of 50 cents per horse- power on automobiies and internal ex- plosion engines $13,000.000, a stamp tax on bank checks probably $18.000,- {000, a tax of 25 cer™ per ton on pig fron $10,000.090, a tax of 25 cents per won on 1 EIC bly $10.000,000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the buirdens of taxation s s Sieel proud fund of the treasury of $104.170,105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1016, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last conzress will not be extended beyond its present limit. rhe 3list of December, 1915, and that the present | duty of 1 cent per pound en sugzar will be discontinued after the 1st of May. 1916. will be $670. of Junme last and | enues come therefore to a grand total of $774.535.605.7S. The total estimated disbursements for the present fiscal | year. including twenty-five millions for | the Panama canal. twelve millions for | probable deficlency appropriations and $50.000 for miscellaneous debt redemp- tions, will be $753.801.000, and the bal ance in the general fund of the treas- ury will be reduced to $20.G44.605.78 The emergency revenue act if contin- aed beyond iis present time limitation would produce during the half year then remaining about forty-one mil- Hons. The duty of 1 cent per pound on sugar if continued would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after the 1Ist of May about fifteen millions. These two sums, amounting together to fifty-sis mil | Nons, If added to the revenues of the second half of the Gscal year would yleld the treasury at the end of the year an available balance of $76.644.- | 605.78. The additional revenues required to carry out the program of military nnd naval preparation of which | have xpoken would. as at present estimated. of trade where the currents have not yet learned to run, especinlly between the two American continents, where they are, singularly enough, yet to be created and quickened. and it is evi | dent that only the government can un- dertake such beginnings and assnome the initial financial risks. YWhen the risk has passed and private capital be- gins to find its way in sufficlent abun- dance into these new channels the gov- ernment may withdraw. Buot it can- not omit to hegin. It should take the first steps, and should take them at once. Our goods must not lie piled np at our ports and stored upon side tracks in freight cars which are daily needed on the roads, must not be left without means of transport to any for- i eign quarter. We must not await the permission of foreign shipowners and | foreign governments to send them where we will. With a view to meeting these press- | Ing necessities of our commerce and | availing ourselves at the earliest possi- ble moment of the present unparalleled opportunity of linking the two Ameri- cas together in bonds of mutnal inter- est and service, an opportunity which may never return again if we miss it | mow, proposals will be made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the government similar to those made to the last congress. but modified in some essential particulars. !' 1 recommend these proposals to you for your prompt acceptance with the that has elapsed since the former pro- posals were made bas made the ne- cessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen. It is now acutely felt and everywhere realized by those for whom trade is waiting, but who can find no conveyance for their goods. 1 am not so much interested in the par- ticulars of the program as [ am In taking immediate advantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this' emergency. In this matter, as in all otbers, a spirit of common counsel should prevail, and out of it should come an early solu- tion of this pressing problem. SHOULD AGREE ON POLICY IN THE PHILIPPINES. Recommends Early Adoption of Meas- ures Giving Them Fuller Justice. There is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated with the question of national safety and preparation for defense. That is our policy toward the Philippines and the people of Porto Rico. Our treat- more confidence because every month | be for the fiscal year 1017 21:2.800.000 Those figures. tnken with the figmres for the present fiseal vear which | have already given, disclose our finan- cial problem for the year 1017. As- 1 suming that the taxes imposed by the | i emergency revenue act and the pre: ent duty on sugar are to be disco; | ued and that the balance at the close | of the present fiscal year will be only | $20,644,605.78, that tbe disbursements i for the Panama canal will again be | about $25,000,000 and that the addi- tional expenditures for the army aund navy are authorized by the congress. the deficit in the general fund of the ; treasury on the 30th of Jume, 1017, will be nearly $235,000.000. To this | sum at least $30.000,600 should be adu- ed to represeut a safe working balance | for the treasury and $12,000,000 to in- | clude the usual deficlency estimates in 1 1917, and these additions wouid make | a total deficit of some $297,000.000. If | the present taxes should be coutinued | throughout this year and the next, kowever, there would be a balance in | the treasury of some $76,300,000 at | the end of the present fiscal ye ! a deficit at the end of the next year of | only some $50,000.000, or, reckening in $62,000,000 for deficiency appropria- | tions and a safe treasury balance at the end of the year, a total deficit of | some $112,000,000. The obvicus -moral i sel of prudence to continue all of the | present taxes or their equivalents and confine ourselves to the problery of | providing $112.060.000 of new revenue rather than $297,000,000. How shall we obtain the new rev- enue? We are frequently reminded that there are many millions of bonds which the treasury is authorized under existing law to sell to reimburse the sums paid out of current revenues for | the construction of the Panama canal. | gyout. and we are and it is true that bonds for the amount of approximately $222.000 are now available for that purpose. Prior to 1913 $134,631,950 of these bonds had actually benn sold to recoup the ex- penditures at the isthmus, and now constitute a considerable item of the public debt. But I for one do not be- lieve that the people of this country approve of postponing the payment of their bills. Borrowing money is shortsight- ed finance. Tt can be justified only when permanent things are to be ac- complished which many generations will certainly benefit by and which it seems bardly fair that a single geners tion should pay for. The objects we are now proposing to spend money for cannot be so classified. except in the sense that everything wisely done may be sald to be done in the interest of ment of them and their attitude to- ward us are manifestly of the first con- sequence in the development of our dut’es in the world and in getting a! free hand to perform those dutles. We| must be free from every unnecessary ' burden or embarrassment, and there la no better way to be clear of em-| posterity as well as in our own. It secms to me a clear dictate of pru- dent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now. I hope. about to undertake we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry and to know from of the figures is that it is a pialn coun- | withont making thein anywhere bear too heartly or too exclusiveir upon any one set of persons or underakings What is clear is thst the industry of this generation should pay the bills of his generation. NATION'S SECRET FOES SHOULD BE CRUSHED. Gravest Dangor to Country Comes From Within Qur Own Borders. I have spuken to you today. gentle men. upon a single theme, the thor- ouzh preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire frecdom to play the impar- tial role in this hemispbere and in the world which we all beilfeve to have been providentin assigned to it. 1 bave had in mj nd no thought of any immediate or rticular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world. and there is rea- son te hope tluit mo question in con- troversy between this and other zov- | ernments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations. grave as some Qlfferences of attitnde and poiiey bare been and may yet turn out fo be. 1 am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety hLave been uttered within our { own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to admit. born T other dags, but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the fnll freedom and opportunity of Amer- ica, who bave poured the poison of ais- | loyalty into the very arteries of our | mationud life, who hay cht the avtherity zad good government into contempt. to destroy for thelr vindictive pur- poses to strike at them and to debase our politles to the uses of foreign in- trigue. Their suraber is not great as compares ith the whole number of those sturdy bLogts by which our na- tion has been enriched in receut gen- erations out of virile foreign stoc but it is gieat euouzh to bave broug decp disgrace Gpon us and to have made it necessary that we should prompuy make use of processes of law by which we ay be purged of their corrupt distempers. America never witnessed anything like this before. It never dreamed it | possible that men sworn intv its own tizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplled some of the best and strongest eiements of that little. but Low heicic. pation that in a high day of old staked Its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and sct up a new stand- ard here—that men of such origins and such free cloices of allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction- against the zovernment und people who had welcomed and purtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a botbed of European pession. A lit- tle wihile ago such a thing would have | seemed incredible. Because it was in- credible we made no preparation for jit. We would have been almost | ashamed to prepare for it, as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and peighbors! But the ugly | and incredible thing has actuafly come | witbout adequate ! federal laws to deal with it. [ urge { ¥ou to enact sach liws at the earliest | possibic moment aud feel that in doing so [ am urging you to do unothing less | than save the houor and self respect of the natlon. Such creatures of pas- sion, disloyalty and anarchy must be crusbed out. They are not many, but | they are infinitely malignant. and the | band of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered Into conspiraeies agaiust the neutrality of the government, they have sought to pry into every confidential trans- action of iue government in order to serve Interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these thinzs very effectualiy. I need nor suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken senti- ments of allegiance to the governments under which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self possession and misrcpresenting the temper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war. when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it |