The Nonpartisan Leader Newspaper, September 15, 1919, Page 8

- 'The Rise of the British Labor Party . Workers Now Second in Political Power in Islands—Platform of Party Stands for New Industrialism and Social Freedom T T et R S eioe ST, BY PAUL FUSSELL HROUGHOUT the world labor land the workingman’s inter- est is especially keen, for the state touches his life in many ways: In its policy towards conséription; better housing; unemployment pay; the eight- hour day; child labor; and the nationalization of industry. In the United States labor is a political force, though not a political party. This is due to the influence of Samuel Gompers, who believes that labor should remain unorganized politically and throw its support from one party to the other as party policies at each election determine. In England the opposite theory has been fol- lowed. election between the two older parties, often merely ‘a choice between two evils, has set up its own party organization. In each election there is a Labor party, with its own platform and its own candldates, Starting as a weak third party, the Labor party is today the second party in Great Britain, and is rapidly increasing in influence. To appreciate the rise of the Labor party, we must go back to the political situ- ation in Great Britain when war broke in 1914. Three parties. deserve notice: The Liberal party, the Unionist party and the Labor party. Of these the Liberal party was in power, with Asquith as prime minister. Of the ° . two older parties it would be called.the “Progressive” par- ty in America. It stood for free trade with all the world, and Tor home rule for Ire- land. It was the successor, in thought if not in blood, of the old Whig party which had asserted the rights of the people against the king. The radical Lloyd George was a powerful member of the cabinet. The Unionist party, in a similar way, may be regarded as the successor of the old Tory party and the upholder of conservative traditions. It favored a low protective tariff and, as the party name suggests, a con- tinuance of the union with Ireland. 1Its leaders were T Balfour and Bonar Law. Of the Labor party little could be said. The two older par- ties completely overshadow- ed it. Then war broke out. Great Britain took up the German challenge and ‘resolved to throw all its resources—its huge navy, its tremen- dous man power and its highly developed industrial - system—in defense of Belgium and France. o Asquith, though leader of the Liberal party, de- cided in 1915 that the war could best be carried on by establishing a Coalition cabinet. Accordingly, the Liberal cabinet resigned, and a new cabinet was formed, containing not only Liberal leaders but Unionists and Labor leaders as well. It is inter- esting to notice that the post of food controller, a position like that of Hoover in America, was held throughout the war by J. P. Clynes, a Labor leader. LABOR LEADER GIVEN PLACE IN CABINET In 1916, under pressure from Lord Northcliffe, " Lloyd George and Bonar Law, Asquith resigned in “favor of Lloyd George. The new prime minister, however, continued the Coalition, and in the new war council, which he formed as the real govern- " ing body of the British empire, one of the five places was given to Arthur Henderson, the secre- tary of the Labor party. During the war no general election was held, for the British constitution does not require elections at regular periods. But as soon‘as the armistice is interested in politics. In Eng- There labor, instead of choosing at each’ . social barriers. was signed, Lloyd George announced that an elec- tion would be held. At the same time he made a plea that the Coalition government, which had served throughout the war, should be continued in power during the period of negotiations and re- construction. The issue was clear to each of the three parties: Should they continue to support the Coalition gov- ernment of Lloyd George or should they campaign independently ? Each of the three parties answered the question differently. The Unionist party decid- ed to support the Coalition. The Liberal party split, the majority deciding to follpw Lloyd George; a strong minority, led by Asquith, decided to make an independent campaign. The Labor party de- cided to withdraw from the Coalition and to main- tain itself as a separate party. . The Labor party conducted the campaign of . , 1918 on a plea of social reform. Their plat- form demanded: A peace based on inter- national co-operation; withdrawal of troops from Russia; freedom for Ireland and India; the abolition of conscription; the acquisition of the great landed estates for the people; the extension of measures for public health and public education; free trade; conscription of ] WHERE BRITISH LAWS ARE MADE | l The British house. of parliament in London, as seen from the River Thames. Probably no other spot in the world has seen a longer or more successful struggle of the people for rep- resentation in the government. It began with the forcing of the Magna Charta from King John and extended down over the rule of the nobles to the present, when the house of com- mons, elected by popular ballot, is the real ruler of the nation. mons today the Labor party, representing the workers of the nation, is second in power and is fast approaching the time when it will be the strongest political organization in Great Britain. wealth; nationalization of railways, ‘mines, ships, armaments and electric power; preven- tion of unemployment; and minimum wages and maximum hours. One can not read these comprehensive terms without realizing that the Labor party stands for more than merely shorter hours and higher wages. It stands for the new industrialism; the replace- ment of competition by co-operation. It asks not only the removal of economic barriers, but also of Its ope passion is to make the world a better place for the people who inhabit it. The laboring man wants to own a house with a garden; to send his sons to the universities; to have his wife and children go to the seaside in summer; to enjoy the good things of life which have been, left for so. many centuries for the rich alone. It is the Labor party because it is seeking the improvement of the laborer’s standing; not be- cause .it is made up entirely of laboring men. In the last election one-fourth of the Labor candidates were professional men or property owners: Some . of the party’s keenest support comes from the Eng- lish “imtellectuals”—in America, = “highbrows”— men like G. B. Shaw, the author, and Sidney Webb, the economist. e e e ; ' PAGE EIGHT And in this house of com- While the Labor party was campaigning on a program of social reform, the Coalition was mak- ing political capital of the victorious end of the war. Their chief planks were, “Make Germany pay” and “Hang the kaiser.” It was obvious that the Coalition, with all the prestige of victory be- hind them, would carry the polls. PARTY BECOMES SECOND IN POWER IN COMMONS And a striking victory it was. Altogether, 532 supporters of the Coalition were elected to the house of commons. Only less striking, however, - was the success of the Labor party. They increas- ed their strength from 38 members to 59, and in an electorate of 10,000,000 polled 2,500,000 votes. The Free Liberals, who followed Asquith in oppos- ing the Coalition, returned only 26 members, and were dubbed the “Wee Frees.” Thus the Labor party became the second- party, and the official opposition. : Their record as opposition party is instructive. They have opposed the extension of conscription, the maintenance of an army against Russia, and the introduction of a protective tariff under the guise of imperial preference. They have urged a speedy -settlement of the Irish question,. a levy on capital, and the nationaliza- tion of industries. When Lloyd George showed that he was working hand in hand with President ~ Wilson for a more nearly just peace and the league of nations, the. Labor par- ty, though nominally his opponent, proved his chief supporter. When Coalition members téle- graphed him demanding an indemnity covering all the costs of the war, the Labor party express- ed its support of the Wilson program. When Wilson issued his Fiume ‘'manifesto, the Labor party declared itself in accord with his policy, and. sent resolutions of support to the president at Paris. The strength of the Labor party lies in the fact that it is looking to the future with policies which stand for democratic industry. Its weakness lies in the -rivalry of the Liberal party and the inexperience of the Labor leaders. In many constitu- encies the majority of voters favor progressive politics. But in a three-sided con- test, the Liberal and Labor .candidates divide the progressive vote, and the Unionist candidate slips into office. I have seen the house of commons in session and have heard the Labor members chal- lenging the measures of the Coalition government. They are able, fearless men. Yet there is clearly the need of some commanding personality—a Roosevelt or a Wilson—to lead.the party to victory. There is hope that both difficulties may be only temporary.” Significant, indeed, is the decline of the Liberal party from the first party in 1914 to the, third party-in 1919. Many believe that it will . soon consolidate with the Labor party or drop out of existence. The support of Lloyd George'’s peace policy by labor is equally significant. Sooner or later, the prime minister will be deserted by his more conservative supporters. VE:ere_ will he turn for support? Possibly to the Labor party? It will need only the leadership of a strong man to make this party of the peoplé, already the second party, the ‘dominant power in British politics. It remains to be seen whether Lloyd George or any of the other dominant politicians are big -enough to measure up to the demands of the hour. _ (Next week’s -article will deal with “Industrial . ! Democracy__.in Engl.and.”) i e