The Nonpartisan Leader Newspaper, July 15, 1918, Page 17

land, until their burdens are almost unbearable— and wealth untold being made out of war profits. ‘We have no moral right - to saddle upon the next generation a huge debt that profiteers may gloat over their gains in this. Buy Liberty bonds when possible and when needed, but larger war-profit taxes should. be paid so a smaller amount of Lib- erty bonds will be needed. Do your part by writing to your congressman at once, demanding thgt larger war taxes be re- qu ’ WILLIAM BOUCK, Master. “T confess that I could hardly realize that it was possible even for the editor of the Walla Walla Bulletin to pro- nounce any part of that letter disloyal, un-Amer- ican, or in any way un- favorable to the govern- ment’s Liberty bond pro- gram. Not a line in it bears any such construe- tion. In fact, the editor of the Walla Walla Bul- letin can with- just as much justification attack travagance which pres- ently makes the whole economic structure ques- tionable and insecure and the very basis of credit is cut away. Only fair, equitably distributed tax- ation, of the widest in- cidence and drawn chiefly from the sources which would be likely to de- moralize credit by their very abundance, can pre- vent inflation and keep our industrial system free of speculation and waste. We shall nat- urally turn therefore, I suppose, to war profits and incomes and luxur- ies for the additional taxes.’ (Applause by the congress). “Immediately after hearing about the dis- courteous treatment ac- corded the state Grange at Walla Walla I wrote to several of my friends, members of the Grange (both Democratic and Eastern Magazine Denounces Walla Walla . . 3 (From The Public) If there were nothing more important to distract public attention than the baseball score or a senatorial talkingfest it would still be bad form for the town rowdies of the West to attack the grange organizations as they have during the last two years. .To do this in time of war, when every nerve is strained to pull the nation through the biggest job it has yet undertaken, may well be considered as constructive treason. It is quite plain why these rowdies have resorted to their present course. As politicians and financiers exploiting the farmers in the country and the con- sumers in the cities they found themselves brought to book by the Nonpartisan league. It has not been a pleasant experience. The farmers have not been gently spoken in their impeachment; but they have at least confined their eastigations to words. Not so the town rowdies. Words failed them, and they resorted to force, whipping and tarring and feathering individual organ- izers, and mobbing massmeetings. The breaking up of the Washington state Grange convention at Walla Walla was a fine exhi- bition of the mob spirit. Had the Grange been represented by four or five members, instead of as many hundred, the country might have been treated to a lynching spectacle. And all in the name of—what? Patriotism!" Having no answer to make to the farmers’ impeachment, the . politicians, speculators, and various kinds of sharpers who prey upon industry have summed up all their rage in that one word; and in the name of a holy emotion they have incited unthinking men to actions which at any other time would have been cause for calling out the militia. Surely we must be nearing the end of this period of lawlessness. ’ It is fortunate for the country, and to the credit of the grange movements, that the men at the head of the organizations have been able to control their members, and keep them from re- taliating in kind. But they should not be expected to exercise all the self-restraint. It is time that public opinion was brought to bear upan this rowdyism. No country can successfully carry on two wars at the same time. We must have peace at home, if we are to exercise our full strength abroad. It is to be hoped that President Wilson, whose representative, George P. Hamp- ton, denounces the Walla Walla incident as the “most high-handed action” he has seen, will soon President Wilson’s last message to the congress : of the United States, N which treats on the same subject, as to its Amer- icanism, as he can the master of the state Grange for writing the above letter. J “President Wilson said in part: ‘Additional rev- enues must manifestly be provided for. It would be a most unsound policy to raise too large a pro- portion of them by loan.’ And again he said: ‘The find occasion to pillory these town rowdies where they may be seen for what they are. present tax laws are marred, moreover, by in- equities which ought to be remedied. Indisputable facts, every one; and we can not alter or blink at them. To state them is argument enough.’ And further along in his message he said: ‘Enormous loans freely spent in the stimulation of industry of almost every sort produce inflation and ex- Republican in politics), who would, I knew, be in attendance. “I received their assurance that not one word was uttered at their meetings that could by the wildest stretch of imagination have been construed as disloyal or un-American. Indeed, they said it would have been extremely unsafe for any one to attempt to utter a disloyal senti- ment there.” Monopolists Can Pay the War Expense A Wall Street Firm Issues a Remarkable Letter Showing That Heavy Taxation o of Natural Resources Would Increase Nation’s Wealth [HE New York Stock Exchange firm of Goodbody & Co. recent- ly issued a remarkable market letter to its patrons. While ad- vising them as to conditions in the stock and bond market, it took- occasion to refer to tax- ation principles now ‘and after the war. The let- ter indorses Secretary McAdoo’s plan for a flat tax of 80 per cent on war profits -such as is levied in Great Britain, as “drastic but perhaps not too drastic.” - - “It is a pity, though,” declares the letter, “that this and other ‘countries can not find ways of raising revenue that will neither hamper production nor burden consumption... We are quite certain that such a method can be found and, moreover, that it would easily raise more revenue than any nation now raises by taxation. FORCE RESOURCES INTO FULL USE “Why would not heavy taxes on idle lands, in the country or in-the city, bring them into use and increase the production of goods? Why would not - heavy taxation of our coal, ore and oil lands force them ‘into the fullest possible use? Is there any other- means of opening up production and greatly increasing the supply of goods ?” : : These questions have been asked " by- progressive thinkers for a gener- ation, and at last we find. a big busi- ness interest advocating the same thing because it is looking at the present sitnation from a- long-time point of view rather than that of tem- porary profits. By taking the profits that would ordinarily go to monopo- lists of natural resources, we can pay " the war expense and at the same time so stimulate production that people will have more of this world’s goods. Is there any justification for these enormous profits?. The only possible - ground .on which they could be even excused is that of efficiency. If it could be shown that these corporations would pro- duce more and better materials when the net prof- its are excessive than when they are normal, then the government might be justified in allowing them—but the corporations would not be justified in taking them. It would simply mean that the corporations are holding up the country, helpless to defend itself against extortion. But large pro- " Criticism of profiteers has in many quarters been condemmned. Pointing out the great wrong has been made a serious offense, while the actual wrongdoing has beeni ignored-or condoned. The considerable section of the press, controlled by the interests, has done its utmost to mislead the people. They have failed. -7 The demand that profiteering be checked is more. insistent than ever. duction does not necessarily keep pace with in- creased profits. The truth is that in most cases in which profits have enormously increased over the pre-war level, volume of production has fallen off. The corporations are getting more pay for less service than before the war. How does that compare with slacking? If war profits be allowed to accumulate and the corporations apply them to the pay- ment of dividends after the war is over, their stockholders will reap a double harvest. They will be able to buy at low prices with the money they made at war prices. The man who made nothing out of the war will lose what they gain. He will have to pro- duce in order to live, and the price of what he has to sell will be dictated by those who have the meney and are in control of the industries and finances of the country. : A SQUARE DEAL FOR SOLDIERS THAT WILL BE THE TIME FOR THE PROFITEERS TO SECURE CONTROL OF THE REMAINDER OF THE GREAT NATURAL RE- SOURCES OF THE COUNTRY, and after they have got them they can boost prices again. Industrial de- pression, with falling priges, will be an actual advantage to them. They can afford to let their own plants lie idle until they have gotten their war hoardings advantageously invested. They can buy up the remainder of our natural resources, ‘when those who made nothing during the war have to sell to pay their debts. Soldiers would return from the battle front ‘and sailors frem the seven seas to find mo fore- closed and work to be had enly on the terms ‘and at the wages preseribed by . the profiteers, who can dietate because they. will have accumnlated - the greater part of the free capital of the country. otef The blind rapacity of the profiteers is indeed a menace. eir course is - dangerous to thé eountry and may . _prove ruinous fo:themselves. : | } 4 A A