The New-York Tribune Newspaper, February 7, 1867, Page 4

QAmusecments. B e T T WINTER GAKUEN. 118 EVEFING—-MERCHANT OF VENICE. Mr. Edwin Bosth. gt ‘ NILIA'S GAGDEN. THIS EVENING-THE BLACK CROOK—Great Parislonne Ballst Proupe. WALLACK'S THEATER, Y1118 EYENING=—A DANGEROUS GAMB. Mr. J. W. Wallack. — OADWAY THEATER. THN EVENINGeALADDIN, OR THE WONDERFUL SCAMP— CINDKRELLA.~The Worrell Sisters. ey NEW-YORK THEATRR. ™y KVENING—BIRD OF PARADISE—~GRAND CORPS DR BALLET. MUSEUM. MARTYRE—TWO HUND- DAY _AND EVEKING—CH) KD AMOUSAND_CUBIOSITIES—-VAN AMBURGI'S COLLEC- TION OF WILD ANIMALS. OLYMPIC THEATER. ’runum'::.\l.\u-—(liu,m OPERA —THE MARRIAGH OF 16RO, BOWE) HEATER. ING—GRIFFIN OF THE THAMRS—MAN OF TIR WO HIGHWAYMEN, eio. Mr. W. IL Whaller, % NEW-YORK CIRCUS. AMIS ¥V ENISG—JOCKEY CLUB RACES, New-York Civeus Tooupe. KELLY & LEON'S MINSTRELS. iy KYENING 5 CINDEL-LEON — NADAGASCAB BALLET 2 DODWORTH WALL. IS BVENINO-M, BARIZ, THE ILLUSIONIST. UNION MALL. TP RVESISG—DBUNYAN TALLEAUX. Corner Tweuty-third-st wad Breads as. . OPRRA HOU & CHRISTY T TAIS EVENING-GRI Acts, Musie, Siog! MINSTRELS. New DAY AND KVENTNG—! DEEBY'S ART ROOM Business Notlces. © AMERICAN (WALTITAM) WATCIIES. THE BEST IN THE WORLD. Hverywh I tie BABY Is CuTTING TEETH, use that o wud woll-ried remedy, Mrs. Wissrow's Sooruno Sxacr, which qrestly facilitates the e and is snre to regulate the bowels. It re- Vores thg clild from pain, eorrects acility and wiod colie, ad, by giviog he fafunt quiet, natoral sleep, gires rest to the motber. Offices, No. 215 Pulbomst., New-York, and No. 205 High Uolborn, Loudon, Bogland Bemmsodcallfor “ Mps. WinsLow's SooTHING STxeP," barlog the fue s'milis of * Conris & Prukins” on the outside wrapper. éfl otbets are hase !m&l:_(!onv. ST b b e LUy Tusoar Diseases,— We would call attention to* Brows's BroxomiAs Trociea’ We Bave found them eficaclons {n allaying Irvitation fn the Throst asd Bronchis, and would commend them to *ho stieucion of Pablic Speakers and otbers troubled with affec Uos of the Throat. They are also au excellent remedy for Hoarseuces resulting o eold."—[ Congregatioanis, Boston. “To ArL THOSE OvF TO SPIRITUOUS Laqrons. —You dislike to use spirits, portez, ale, etc., on account of their exciting and oftentimes demoralising eTvcts. Do you wish to find & bev- erage more delicions than either, more nourlshing and strengtbeaing! Use Horv's Maur Bxviacr Bevuasen or Hzaiv. It coutains the - mallest possible quasity of aLconor, snd Is, therefore nob exciting: Wuongh ol dy stimnlating. vr Bxrract Deror vor AxxRica, No. 32 Broadwar. Tue EUREKA Brick MacHINE 2 model of simplicity and power, it performe its work to pe not sontiawally breating Go er ordering & mac! best brickmakers i this State i, I can_ram your » bout {aying ont ¢ way of repal b Saticfartion ntest to every parchascr, e REQUA, | Agent, No. H1 Broad the best Tre FRANKLIN Brick MACHINE, v, great strength, and lmments l’sll men sud twe Lorses, to o * hour. Room 60, 7The beat in {he only porfect dye—hlack or ta. Geuuize signed Wit A. LS , Reliabl - RN A FOR 1867 is NOW ertiscisent vnder head of New Publica- —The best ever at No. 6 Astor House. maufaetured. *ELL Magmix 3 LOCK-STITCH SEWING- 563 Broadway. Nighest preminus Maryland Institute, e Vs, 1365 in the world. Fromexc X PATENT Dr. Baixm onir, Phila UsskES, B BaxoauEs, SerPoRTERS, & Ofice oulv ot No. 2 Vesey. [ 1X & GIBBS SEWIN weam s Joos liable fo rij than (e Joc Tri Beud for saumples of boti RDELL'S ('.um; Deror, No. 302 e reuch vote paper, all the new styles; ‘Mort'sa CHEMICAL POMADE Restores i;my Bair,doens i gosar and from lling oni; vemores Daudra the fasst dressiug vied. S0l by BUswAox, No. 10 Astor House, and I Comfort L s ey S Busede Old Eves made new without np(-(*tnfln, doc- dor o melidus, Besk, potage pud, on reeegt of ten_ caats “Addess " Dr. E. B, Poors, No. 1 New-York, “ T&xx_ Harr Tie SAFEST AND Brst BOILER IN THE WORLD. Yor Ciseulars. apply to . 1B Ahnlr‘. Agent, No. 119 Brosdway, orto Pliladelphia, Pa. THE LOTTERY QUESTION. To We Kditor of The N. ¥. Tritwnc. Sut: It is not to be expected that Tar TrisvNe, mor any thing else short of & Coustitutional Convention, can in avy wise hinprove the capacity of the race of Dog- borrys at present holding office as Pollce Justices. As they are now eclected, nothidg can bo done by them ‘which ought to surprise us, urless it might be to render an sccidental judgment founded on corumon sense. But when an cducated man, holding tho position of public prosecutdr, joins in with the open violators,of the law, is it not tine to show that District-Attorneys in certain dis- tricts ought to be seleeted in some other manner than by the suffrage of the denizens of such places ae the First, Fourth, Sixth, Eighth, Seventeenth and Fourteenth ‘Werds of the City of New-York. In your papéer of this morning you give an ficcount of the examination of one of the agents of a lottery concern;' and ¢lose it with the following paragraph: The following 1s the opinion of Mr. Bedford, Asaistant Distedet-Atiorney, 88 to the legal pofut at issue: “ This ianoba lottery. A lottery is where money is won by tho chanes Arawing ofmumbers, and where there ure prizes and Banks,. This 18 a distribution—there s no ehauco— evory tickef drawing a prize of more or less value. 1t is Dot & ehanée scheme.” Justice Ledwith gave Lis decision In noeordanee with the foregoing opiuion of Mr. Bedford, and dismissed the case. 1t may be properly sald that the Justice eould make no other decislon after the officer, whose duty it fwas to prosecute tho offender, volunteered a defense on a false technicality, But how about the prosccuting attorney 1 15 his course to be overlooked! Is the moral gense of this ‘comumnity to be insulted, and one of the worst forms of gambling (o be forever protected by the quibbling evasions of an Assistaut District-Attorney I These are questions tor the approacking Constitutional Conveution to con- eider. The learncd officer referred to is reported to have said: «“This is not o dottery. This isa distribution—there is no ehanee—cvery ticket draw ingyn prize of more or less value, 1t 45 not « ehance schene.” Yet in the face of this, the scheme shows that the distribution, if fairly perforined, is mt-fixmu chance. The chinces are called “premi- wma;" butif the “ Fifth-ave, Mansion,” worth #70, to bo drawn for, only one ticket can possibly draw #, and the others must necessarily draw, if they are drawn at all, inferfor y " yl;lit l»lllll( %“A- l:t'te ;mm 4 Begging Ml'll o0l e Jearne ssistant 101 Attorucy for doubting his ability lur?erly define the Fuglish word “ Lotte: 1 would with Bangx (1749), “Lotte a #harin, chance.” %ur’ a752), ;-r-’r'mmy, oy i nj! of fc‘o?s 'l:‘ chance.” nd of puhl% JousanN (1798), ; distribution of prizes by KISTER , * A scheme for the distribution digtribution 1 W lotted ; & Alstribution of mw of hazard in whicl small 8 8 phers alludes to “ blanks” toa 3 while in hjs lg«ua defint- use ofuthg word blank, but says, s n gome of hazard where small suma aro for the ehance of obtaining a larger valve in scelption of e lrund preseniation festlval” than n AL these .’.-l‘l lh:hnllll‘h ut Dlfl!flut—At’fnfiz i ‘where mone) won chance W of muabers, aud where l{wmmy’rlul nnd 15 1t wot Sime the Asslstant p, , the I)Iltl!cl-mtomy’ I'v'u" c-:'nt Aew-Fork, Xel, §, 1907, NE NewDork Daily Srikune. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1867. TERMS OoF _T;JE TRIBUNE. Damy Triouxe, Mail Subseribers, $10 per annum, SEMr-WerkLy Tripoxe, Mail Subseribers, $4 per an. WrzkLY TRisUNE, Mail Subscribers, §2 per annum. Advertising Rates. DALy TRIBUNE, 20 cents per line. SEMI-WEEKLY TBIBUNE, 25 cents per line. ‘WeekLY TRIBUNE, $1 50 per line. Terms, cash in advance. . Address, Tur Tripuse, New-York. T0 CORRESPONDENTS. Ko oties ean be taken of Anonymous Commanications. Whatever 18 Iatended for lnsertion must be authenticated by the name. aud address of $he writer—aob uscessarily for publication, bab a4 & guaranty for Bis good faith. A1 business letters for this ofice should be sddrossed to “ Tan Tars- oxn,” New-York We caunot undertake to return rejscted Communications. Pty The Assombly yesterday passed tho joint reso- lutions authorizing an inquiry into the misman- agoment of the canals, A proposition for reconstruction, approved by {he President, and offered by Mr. Dixon in the Senate, will bo found in to-day's report of Congresa. v & Fine Arts, Musical and Dramatio Notices, the Ferry Investigation, City News, the Civi Court Reports, and the Money Article, will be Jound on the second page. The Police rials, the Tarkets, and New-Jersey News, are on the third page. A review of Felton's Lowell Lectures on Grecce appears on the sizth pe The proceedings of the Labor Convention at Albany were yesterday notable for the stand taken Dy its President against the eight-hour movement. He thought it injudicions to insist on cight hours' work, and get eight hours’ wages; but the Convention has in no wise sustained him. T The Indian Appropriation bill was debated in the House yesterday, and was finally 1ecom- mitted to the Committce on Appropriations, with instructions aimed against the present contract system. The Committee are to ex- clude from the bill all appropriations not neces- sary to carry out the treaty stipulations, or maintain Indians now in our enstody. The Senate of Pennsylvania has passed a bill forbidding railroads to make any distinction between passengers on account of race or color, and the House will certainly concur. We con- gratulate the people of Philadelphia, especially, upon the prospect that their city will be re- deemed from disgrace—and Mr. Justice Thomp- son that he will no longer have the opportunity of deciding that colored women may be robbed and kicked out of street cars without the hope of any redress. The Hon. James English, who scrved in {he XXXVIIth and XXXVMIth Congress, and was well known as a manufacturer of New- Haven, was yesterday nominated for Gov- ernor by the Democratic Convention of Con- necticnt. The Convention, whose candidate will undoubtedly not be elected, took the tronble to explain ite views in a series of reso- lutions. Radicals and fanatics are denounced as of old; and the Supreme Court and Mr. Johnson are subjeets of questionable laudation. The Committee of Ways and Means, we un- derstand, propose to take off the tax on adver- tisements. As one of a large number of jour- nals able and willing vo puy #ny necessary tax in this pasticular, we object. We ask Congress for 0o favor. Unless some general reduction of our internal burdens is contemplated, we trust that the present tax will be maintained, and as for a general reduction, we are totelly opposed to it. We bave a great debt, which we mean tly to pay, and it cannot be paid by Meht- ce the musie, gentlemen! —_—_— The Legislative Committee appointed to in- vestigate our Ferry (want of) system met yes- terday in Brooklyn. The counsel for the Union Terry Company was present, a fact which shows that the profound silence of the Ferry- men did wmot at all indicate a disposition te yield to the public will. We presume they ex- pect to triumph over the people in this struggle, having the advantage of moncy, compact organization, and. long experience in evading the laws. The people, they believe, do not take as much interest in the mafter indi- vidually as collectively. We suggest to the Citizens' Association, which wga organized for the removal of abuses, that it might take an interest in this matter, and through its counsel represent the interests of the peoplo before the Commitéce. i Mr. Stevens's bill reported yesterday virtually subjects the States lately in rebellion to Mil- itary rule until Congress shall otherwiso pro- vide. We wish to see this result avoided; bat, if those States will not otherwise provide for the punishment of outrages on Blacks and other Unconditional Unionists, how can it bo 1 They hung a negro whom they had nick- named Horace Greeley in South Carolina the other day for killing & white man. He was convicted on megro testimony—circumstantial but strong. So far, so good. Now, will some one point us to a single instanco in the recent history of the reconstructed States where a ‘White ex-Rebel has been convicted on White testimony and executed for killing a negro? That there have been such killings in abund- ance is notorious : where is the record of such convietion and punishment § The condition of the Ottoman Porte is be- coming every day more eritical. By a Cable dispatch in this morning’s issue we learn that the people of Servia are ristng in arms against the Turks, and that the Viceroy of Egypt shows an intention of availing himself of the troubles of the Porte to achieve the entire independence of Egypt. The report that the Bulgarians disap- proved of the movements of the Greeks, and had declared in favor of the Turkish rule, is refuted by The Levant Herald, which claims to know from the best source that a Bulgarian address to the Turkish Government, expressing the above sentiments, was put in cirenlation by the French missionaries i Constantinople, and has not received the signatures of any respect- able number of Bulgariaus. The latter, it is true, have for years been quarreling with the heads of the Greek Church because they demand a national organization of chureh and school under Bulgarian—and not, as herctofore, tinder Greck—bishops, but they are, nevprtho- less in full sympathy with the political aspira- tions of the other Uhristian provinees. When the general rising against the Turkish rule, which has long been preparing, shall take place, the Bulgavians will not remain behind. - They have some sareastic fellows in the Ter- vitorial Legislature of Utah. On the 10th of January a memorial passed both houses of that angust body requesting C ¥ 1 National statate mmy ‘in the Territories. The law in question has been five years on our books, and all that time bas been a perfect dead Jetter. The Mormons have treated it with supreme contempt, the Elders bave preached disobedience, the Saints have gone on with their wholesale marrying and sealing, and the head Prophet has taken lis forty-fifth help- meet. The memorial gays to Congress, in effect: “Gentlemen, you see how we despise your |2 ,, authority ; suppose, for the looks of the thing, “you tell us to do as we have a mind to.” Ina word, Congress is asked to play the part of the indulgent mother, and when her naughty boy says “I won't,” is to answer, “ Well, then, you “peedn’t” We trust that when Mr. Delegate Hooper presents this memorial ho will receive a [ CITY AND COUNTRY—PROTECTION-LABOR —~MANUFACTURES. Tae TrievNe is known as & most earnest adyocate of Protection to Home Industry, with a view to the extension, diffusion, and per- manent prospexity of Home Manufactures, Tt also urges extensive and systematic migration inland from our constantly overpeopled sea- board cities ; holding it morally impossible that poverty and wretchedness should not abound where the number seeking employment is so constantly and largely in excess of the wants of employers. The World dcems these several positions inconsistent, and assails them as fol- lows: “Tho moet recent atetlatics of fm?nlnnon show that 11 0 urban population of the United Elates fs growlng intu greater and greater disproportion to the rural. We qnite agreo with THE TRIDUNK that this wholesale desertion of the manly, healthfu, independent, pursnitof agriculture for such u 1ifo as o majority operatives lead in clties, 18 a sorey exchange. 1f the cf laborer marries, hie lives in a eramped, dingy tenement, in a_hand-to-mouth way, with v,, aps a dozen other familles in the same house, deprived of the blessings of cleanliness and pure air, and bringing up his children mid dangerons or corrupting associations. 1f ho does not marry, he too often spendsrhis earnings in drink and dlsgipation. Now, why shonld Tik TRIBUNE pull down with one hand what it builds up with the othert The high tariff for which it 80 incessantly clamors is a bribe to forsake a lite of rural independence for employment in towns. In theso days of steam and machinery, manufaoc- tures must bo conducted in large establishmonts, und bo Jocated in large towns, both for the convenience of dis- tributing their products and recefving thelr materlals and supplies. '}o build np manufactures is to cpllect ple in cities; and, as the tendency o flock to ciffes 1s and virtne-favorin, o] Bouleasedly 100 great and needs to bo abated, why does Tie TRIBUNE wish to stimulate it by unjust Jegislation 1 Why promoto by law what you disconrage by advice T You have been' giving the advico for at least twenty years ‘Quring the whole time you have supported Taws which complotely neatralize it.” Ifit is really better 1o eat ¢ bread and breathe pure alr in the ‘conntry than to pay #18 a barrel for flour and live amid dict in & town, why should legislation be perverted to bribo people into the swarming dens in which manufacturing laborers bring up their sickly ehildren1” Response by The Tribune. The World must allow us to gtate onr own views. Thay are succinetly as follows: I We hold that the true interest of ouf peo- ple and of mankind requires that the pumber and proportion of producers of wealth, as well as their efficiency in producing it, be every- where and permanently inereased, and that the number“and proportion of exchangers or dis- tributors of other men's products, and of all parasites on the industrial body politie, be steadily and evermore diminished. “This is the key-note of our entire political and social philosophy. IT. We hold that the planting or extension of Manufactures, in countrics and districts now aly or wholly Agricultural, tends strongly and generally to secure the desired end, by re- ducing the cast of transportation and the charges of importers, jobbers, factors, forwarders, ship- pers, and middlemen of all sorts, and necessar- ily increasing the rewards of productive indus- try. If, for example, a farmer in Towa grows a swplus of one thonsand bushels of grain, whieh he sells for two hundred yards of various British textile fabrics and one tun of British wares nnQ metals, white at tenst NI OF (he value of both produce and mannfuctures is ‘ex pended in getting the grain from fowa to En- gland and the manufactures from Evgland to Towa, it must be that the recompenso for his labor realized by farmer and manufacturer alike would be largely increased by attracting the mannfactorers from England to lowa, or even so near that State as are Pittsburgh and Chicago. The farmers wonld now reecive more ms cloth and wares for their grain; the manufac- turers more grain for (heir cloth and wares. Protection commends itselfl to onr approving judgment as a system of enormous labor-s ing, by bringing producer to the side of pro- ducer, and thus cutting down, if not wholly cutting off, the heavy cost of making their reciprocal exchanges. 111, Weurge the migration of working men from the great cities to the broad, frce West, but not with a view to their pmiversal employ- wment in Agriculture. On the contrary, if they were all to be farmers, we hold that their con- dition would be that most undesirable one, so vigorously depicted by Gen, Jackson in his famous letter to Dr. Coleman, We urge men to go West and become farmers, because we mean to have them accompanied and followed by others who shall there be mechanics, artisans, manufacturers, and thus consumers of those farmers' products, We do not admit that arti- sans are necessarily less virtuous orless health- ful than farmers; we deny that the policy we favor tends to aggregate the pdpulation in great cities; on the contrary, wo would replace one Dbloated Birmingham or Sheffield by a dozen, diffused . all over the civilized world. Even here on tho seaboard, new maonfactures tend to such locations as Bridgeport, Waterbury, and New-Britain, Conn., Paterson, Trenton, and New-Brunswick, N, J., rather than to the great cities like New-York and Baltimore. The busi- ness of printing beoks is now leaving the great cities for more economical and more desirable locations. The exceptions rather prove the rule than invalidate it. Tn so far as the use of steam and machinery constrains the aggrega- tion of inhabitants—which is not nearly so far as The World assumes—we hold that each nation should bear its pmt in overcoming the e\'riln and dangers of such aggregation. —We ecarcely hope that theso views will modify the habitual levity and flippancy where- with The World treats the very gravest and most vital questions. In the Protective Policy, it can see nothing but a few rich manufae- turers seeking to increase their already exorbi- tant profits; forgetting that the foundations of this policy were laid when American manufac- tures had no substautial existence—laid by the representatives of farmers and planters like Henry Clay and Andrew Jackson, who songht to benefit their constituents by drawing manu- facturers into their neighborhood. But let us get Reconstruction out of the way, so that we can bring this guestion home to the great body of the People, and we have no fear for the re- sult, We read with great pleasure in our City's noisiest and most abusive organ of Free Trade the following execllent strictures. They are specially aimed at our abominable Tenement Houses; but they cover the whole ground in dispute between us and the philosophers who rocently met in Boston and resolved that Gov- ernment had no business to do more than pre- vent one man's knocking another down. Says The World : “Tho question now Is, not whether we shall apply o semody o this stafo of things, hut what vewedy oan pe W-YORK DAILY TRIBUNE, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1867. : expected to be efficacions, ‘?" h‘h owners of to the these nations will mfim: e Wh hare o o 0o I G the ¢ fact that, so long as the tenement which we now sutfer from are suffered to oxist, but little is to bo expected from model struetnres to he erccted at a eat expense by private benevolence. The exeellent in- tions which dictated Mr. Peabody’s magnificent gift for the benefit of the flo" of London have not been crowned, so the Englis] pors tell us, with entirely happy resuits. Great numbers of those whom it is most fmportant for the community that we should get out of styes into houses really préfer to live in their styes; and the strveu prove much more remunerative than the houses do. Ifanything can reach the evil (and we are all agreed that 3t sust be reached), It will probably be some such ohibitire and_peremptory legislation as that by which the pest-ahi] the ol emigrant trade between America and England wero cleared, and the ship-fever banished from Liverpool and New-York. Let ws havo alaw com- pelling landlords to allot & given necessary area of spaco fiud supply of air to every lodger whom they house. Such @ law, fortified by a provision that no rent shall be re- coverable agninst any persons lod “1: in houscs in the constriction and allotment of which the law shall bo vio- Jated, wonld probably do more to put this matter on & civilized basis in six months than all the public mrohn?, danfl(_-_lnuuun, and legslative recommendations in the wor : MAY IMPEACHMENT BE A&'_OMI’ANIED Y SUSPENSION? - Wo copicd, a few days since, from Col. For- ney's Chronicle, an oxtract from Elliott’s De- bates in the State Conventions which ratified the Federal Constitution, distinctly, unequivo- cally affirming the power of a majority of the House of Representatives, in impeaching a President, to suspend him from office pending the verdict of the Senate. In doing this, we expressed nowopinion of the soundness-of Mr. Madison’s opinion as quoted, but asked somo one who held the opposite view to favor us with his reasons. The World points us to an elaborate essag in its columns by Mr. Geo. Ticknor Curtis, who not merely argues that the doctrine in question i3 unsound, but that Mr. Madizon never expressed the views printed as his in Elliott's Debates! We do not choose to be dragged indo a contro- versy on the main question, thoughwve are more than willing to be assured that The World's and Mr. Curtis'’s view of the matter is the true one. We cheerfully assent to their state- ment that the Constitution does not in terms clothe the House with the power of Susper- gion; and we will add that, according to our best recollection, in none of the few cases of impeachment already on record was snch power exercised. Judges of the Supreme Court have (we believe) proceeded in the discharge of their official duties while under fropeachment, pre- cisely as though they were above reproach or guspicion. It may well seem that this shoull not be so, without at all affecting the fact that it s 80. But has the Honse ever avowed or ad- mitted that it might not suspend, if it saw fit? We can reeall no instance wherein it did so. Mr, Curtis quoteg from the unguestioned miuntes of the Convention of 1787 as follows: the 14th of ber, Mr. Rutledge and Mr. erneur Morris mnrflldull from their offices uttted. ndent al- of one branch only an At any m way for the fanctions of another who will be e to thelr views, vote i tempotury reyoval g magistrate, ug concurred lu tho opposition to the amend- he question to agree to it: Carolin certainly, as to the main question ; but is it conclusive T Did not the Convention often decline to emboyly in the text of the Constitution powers which they never- theless expeeted would be exercised ¥ We ex- press no opinion, but simply inquiire: We connot assent to Mr. Curtis’s assnmp- that Mr. Madison, beeansé of the forego- held the language attrib- 4 Debates, On the con- rary, wo cawneor doubt that EMOIL Is correct ; for, had he not been, it is morally impossible that s0 groas an error should have remained unnoticed till now. Mr. Madison of course knew whiether he did or did not say what is attributed to him by Elliott ; he must have re- tion ing, could mot have nted to him in EHio ng said in the Fed onld hardly have failed to cor- ad rect so glariy THE QUEEN ON REFORM. All Fngland waited with impatience for the Queen's specch at the opening of Palia- ment, for it was hoped that through it the Government would answer that demand for the extension of the clective fran- chiso which the people now make with unprecedented earnestness. Since the defeat of the Russell- 1stone bll, popular agitation during the past eight months has almost taken the form of menace—a th not the less forcible bLeeanse it is moderate, and expressed without violence. The specch from the Throne embodies the policy of the Government, and the English poople awnited it to lean whether the Derby Ministry would refuse re- form, or make soime concession to their will. The question is set at rest thus far, that it indieates that the Ministry admit the ne- cessity of yiclding, thengh how far they will yield, or what measures they will take, is not stated. We presnme that a bill will be laid before Parlinment which, in the Junguage of the speech, “without undue disturbance of the bal- “ance of pohtical power, shall freely extend “the elective franchise.” But this promise seems to have given little satisfaction. The people expected a morve def- inite answer to their deman Never, proba- bly, was the Queen of Great Britain s6 coldly J by her subjects, She passed through immense crowds without rebeiving a reading her speech was internpted by cries of “Reform! Reform ™ Still more sig- nifieant was the silence in which she returned to Buckingbham Palace after the delivery of the speech, and when the fband struck up the air, dear to English hearts, “God Save the “Queen,” her [subjects had no ¢*Amen” for answer. Our Cable dispatches intimate that a disturbance was threatened, snd that the great Reform meeting to be held in Loudon on the 11th inst. will be more menacing than any ot mecting of Englishmen in this eentury. The failure of the Queen's speech “to define clearly the measures the Government will frame, the brief mention of the question, of all questions to E vital, has plainly aroused new ind greater resoln Tho peoplo will have Re- form. The British Govel for forty years has trifled with theiv wishes, can afford to trifle no longer, If Lord Derby's Ministry will fairly meet this question, and give to Parliament a Reform bill, dealing with it lonestly and justly, they may retain power. 1f they repeat the blunder of promising what will never be fulfilled, they must give place to ile Liberals. We confess to little faith in the Tories, but it will bo a pleasant svrprise to find that; un- like the Bourbons, >tlwy can learn and wn- learn. England’s, future depends upon the manner in w hi'u'n the question of Reform is dealt with; it ‘is in the power of her rulers to pl‘fl'B]* or to necessitate a revolution. When the QWeen' passed on her dismal trinm- phal mareh, “through the streets of London, placards ‘wero beld above the immense throng of her subjects, on which wero .| el wrmqr, “Men without votes are serfa.” The' warning must Do heeded, We do not believe that forco Wwill be needed to obtain for the English people their rights, for we think the Government will yield; but it is clear enough that if this Parliament should fail to extend the franchise, the serfs mean to make it certain that they are men. LOTTERY LAW. There is a wide differenco between Judge Tograham's recent charge to his Grand Jury, and Justice Ledwith's decision—each affecting the subject of Lotteries. This difference con- stitutes that professional gulf which intervenes Dbetween such a judicial establishment as the Court of Oyer and Terminer and such law- bazaars as our Police Courts. A common- sense opinion on any important legal topic whatever i8 not to be too readily expected of the latter, Those who understand what a chance game—we will not say of legal faro— thé justice of onr Polico Courts is, so far as the public are concerned, will mot be sur- prised at any decision emanating therefrom in favor of Lotteries. Judge Ingraham’s charge is the very reverse of this. It is im- portant as a very timely rebuke of the legal nonsense put forth by the Dogberry and Verges of the Police Court. Contrary to the latter oracles, Judge Ingraham believes that the law prohibiting any Jottery, game or device of chance for “the purpose of “gelling ordisposing of houses, lands, real estate, “money, goods, or things in action,” i3 as applicable to the present gift enterprises as to anything else. TheJudge quotes the case of a gift enterprise, the American Art Union, wherein the Chief-Justice held: “Weo should,be trifling “ywith and perverting the language of the Con- “gtitution if we were to say that it is not a “lottery within its prohibition.” There was no need to reproduce this opinion in explanation of the law, except for the benefit of such unschooled attorneys as Assistant Distriet-Attorney Bedford. The law is unmistakable in what [it specifies) and prohibits; and it is a wonder thaf even a Police Justice, aided by an Assistant District- Attorney, who has learned to blunder with more or less hardihood at the feet of Mr. Oakey Hall, could mistake it. No matter how religions or patriotic fmay be the object of certain lotteries, all are alike] prohibited. But Mr. G. 8. Bedford, jr., Assistant District- Attorney and legal adviser to Mr. Justice Led- with, has been rash enongh to differ not only with the Chief-Justice and Judge Ingraham, but with common ecnse, and the dictionary. District-Attorneys have done this before; Mr. Hall has shaken his opinions like a red rag in the face of the law; but none have gone fur- ther in absurdity than Mr. Bedford. In the ease of the lottery in aid of the New-York Hos- pital (what else shall we call it?) Mr. Bedford gives it s bis opinion that it is no lottery at all. “A lottery,” he proceeds to say, “is where “moneyis won by the chance drawing.of num- “hers, and where there aro prizes and blanks. “This is a distribution—there js no chance— “every ticket drawing a prizo of moro or less “yalue, It is not a chance scheme.” Else- where a correspondent has taken the tronble to give all the authoritative definitions of the word ; and we need not observe that they are unanimonsly opposed to the stand Mr. Bedford has taken aguinst the dictionary. With both law; and lexicographers against him, the ‘of Mr. Bedford to consideration as the adviser of even a Police Justico is snmll. We cannot say what turn of the lottery has given us Mr. Bedford for a District-Attorney : but we mre very sure that we have not drawn a prize. PROTECTING BRIBERY. It is only a few weeks since the publie learned, with general satisfaction, that a mem- ber of the New-Jersey Legislature had been’ gent to the State Prison for bribery. IHe was but a small xaseal, to be sure; still, it was a good thing to o any raseal in office punished, were it only to discourage the others. His Lrother law-givers, however, were not disposed to leave Lim to his well-deserved fate, and when petitions for pardon failed, they brought in a bill which, under the disguise of an act for the punishment of bLribery, would have the effect, if passed, not ouly to set the convicted criminal at libérty, but to proclaimfa general amnesty for all past offenses of a similar nature! We donbt 1f Jegislative impudence ever went further than this. Whether timorons consciences Tiad any influence in fdeciding fthe votes, our readers must, of course, judge for themselves, The bill ssed botle houses, and on the 80th of January was very properly vetoed by Gov. Ward. The first, sccond, and third sections of the bill substantially reémacted the old bribery law, for which they were offered as a substi- tute, with the important exception that they Yeft untouched a mode of bribery which the Governor justly characterizes as “more insidi- “ous and dingerous than the direct offéving “and acceptance of a gift,” namely: the offense of giving or withholding a vote upon one legislative measure in consideration of a vote to be given or withhield wpon another. The present law makes this a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment or fine ; the pro- posed one makes it no offense at all. The fourth section of the vetoed bill allows a Governor or member of the Scnate or Assembly indicted for lyi- bery the puivilege of testifying in his own behalf—as if men who would perjure them- solves once by taking bribes would lhesitate to perjure themstlyes again in erder to avoid pun- ishment, The fifth ion repeals the bribery law now in force, and withit “all and every pro- “yision of the statute or common law within the “purview of” the said enactment. This is not only setting up a bar to all prosecutions for past official corruption, but is a sweeping abrogation, a8 Gov. Ward says, “of all adjudieations hereto- “fore made by our Courts and included in the “terms ‘common law,” by which bribery as a erimo has been exponnded or defined.” This atrocions bill threatens to become a law, baving been passed over tho Governor's veto, by a vote of 12 to 9, in the New-Jersey Senate. Under its provisions, should it pass beth Houses (and this, we are glad to say, is still doubtful), a legislator who had taken a laibe last week or last year eawnot be punished, because the statute which he had violated wil liave been repealed. The honorable gentleman who is now paying tho penalty of his itching, palm in jail might be brought out om habeas’ corpus and released, because all the provisions of the statute or common law tonching his case would have been sct aside. The effrontery which enabled, anybody to offer such a Dbill or to vote for it is amazing. Can Councilmen PMcVeany, Gilmore, Tumer, and Thomas Murray, the four Bepublicans who voted to have a new officer, to be called “ As- “gistant Sergeant-at-Arms,” at a salaxy of 81,200 per annum, tell us what will be the Quties of that officer other than drawing his salary? The Sergeant-at-Arms has nothing to do except at sessions of the Doard to pass ua‘:rom the desks of the bonogablo wembers of that body to the President such resolutions and reports may have. Do Messrs. McVeany, Gm Turner, and . Thomas Murray, proposo to commence robbing their eonstituents right off? . e e e e e MoCRACKEN. e George W. McCracken, of New-York, isthe man who wrote the letter to the President aboug the infamons conduct of onr Ministers and Con- suls in Europe; of which Mr. Johnson spoke to Mr. Seward; of which Mr. Seward wrote-to Mr, Vlothy; of which Mr. Motley wrote to Mr. Seward; as to which the Senate ingnired, snd which we present to the public to-day, George W. McCracken, of New-York, is the man who peeped through the key-hole, who listened af the ecrack, who was up the chimney, and who has been dragged out from under the table by the mose. The Senate of the United States now has W. MeCracken, of New-York, by that prominent feature which he has poked about so industri- onsly, and if the Senate should pull it, before letting it go, we hope that honorable body will take Major De Boot's advice, and “pull it “gently, gently, gently.” Who is George W. McCracken, of Now- York? We have looked in vain for his name in the New-York, Brooklyn, and Jersey City Directovies. Nobody seems to kuow him, and probably mobody wants to- know him. He is apparently the “utterly obscure “person” that Mr. Summer declared him. Indeed, it is doubtful whether thoere is such a person as George W. McCracken of New-York, for even the man vulgar enough to write such a letter would scareely be stupid enough to sign his true name. George W. MeCracken, of New-York, is, possibly, assumed to conceal @ man who, though net ashamed to do a dirly thing, was ashamed te be known as the author. i Yet, upon such a letter as this, from begine ning to end malignant, disgusting, and unmis- takably false, Mr. Seward could question the patriotism of a man so distinguished Mr. Motley, and ask him for a con- a3 firmation of the grossest slanders, A fetter which calls one of the representafives of the United States. in Europe a flunkey, another® a vulgar, ignorant fellow, another a common drunkard! It is surprising that Mr. Seward did not at once perccive that the President was insulted by such a letter, and inform .Mr. Johnson of the fact. It is more surprising that he should have made it the basis of official action. When his correspondence with Mr. Motley was published, it was believed that, though nothing could ¢xeuse the tone of Mr. Seward's letter, he must have bad soms authority for supposing that gentleman to be no gentleman and a renegade. Yet, even this presumption, this apology for'the Seeretary, way unfounded. George W. McCracken, of New- York, was all the authority Mr. Seward had. George W. MeCracken, of New- York, is the mean little mouse which has crawled out of this mountain of scandal, and hereafter, we greatly fear, when Mr. Seward utters his prophecies of whrs ending in ninety days, the implicit faith of his countrymen will scarcely continne unless he distinetly affirms that it was not Georze W. MeCracken, of New- York, who teld him so. THE TRADE OF THE EAST. The importance of the new steamship line be- tween California and Japan and China, which was inangurated on the 1st January by the deparinre of the Colorado from San Francisco, on her first voyage to the Flowery Kingdom, was ably illustrated by our special corvespoudent at the Pacifio metrepolis, whese letter we published & few days ago. The trade of {he East Indics.ias from early times tempted the nations of Egrope to deeds of the most daring ddventure. It was the gelden prize which beckoned Columbus across the unexplored sea, on the voyage which proved so pregnant of results to the whole’civil- ized and uneivilized world; it was the object which inspived the maritime activity of the Portuguese, the English, and the Dutch daring the long years that they contended for the comuiereial suprem- acy of the ocean; it was thesjewel for whick Great Britain battled andYntrizued in Hindos- tan, and for which she and France and Russia are now rivaling each other in Central Asia. We hLave done little to secure a shass of it for ourselyes until now; and, though we are so late in entering the race, the prospects are that Yankee energy, favored by our geegraphieal position, will bring us out the winners. The mail between England and China already passes through San Francisco, and with the improved facilities opened by this new steamship enter prise and- by the Pacific Railway, there is little room to doubt that the commerce between Europe and the East will soon seek the same channel. Our commerce with Japan is yet in its very infancy, and though it will undoubtedly soon become important, we ean set down ne fignres of its value with confidence, even of approxi- mate correctness, But with China we have built up already, even with no better means of communication than sailing vessels, a large and rapidly increasing trade. The exportation of produce from San Francisco to the Celestial Empire, in 1866, amounted in yalue to nearly & million and a half of dollars, and of treasure to morve than six millions and a half, a great proportion of {his sum Deing sent abroad to buy sterling bills of exchange for specnlative puposes. The exports included wheat, of which the quantity had nearly doubled sivce 1965, and flour, of which the inercase was three-fold., And, as soon as a judicious systems’ of protection shall have so far fostered Ameri~ can mannfactures as to enable us to compete in the foreign market with the product of British mills, we may expeet to send ous cotton and weolen goods te Hong-Kong te replace the fabrics which the Chinese hmn*‘ ously manufaeture by hands - The influence of the new line upon ewigras tion from China to the Pacific States, and the consequent increase in the rate of development of those labor-lacking vegions, must be of the utmost importance; and net less important will be the cffect of these, increased facilities of communication upon the secluded and mys terious eivilization of the ancient kingdoms n!} the Fast. It seemed o, to read, in the reports of the banquet given in San Francisco to cele Dbrate the sailing ef the first steamship, speeches by Mr. Fung Teng, Mr. Quan Yuen, Mr. Choy. Cum Chew, and other Asiatie gentlemen; but we risk little in yredieting that such things will not seem odd much longer, and that our intercourse will soon bo as free and as common W.i‘:;l Paking and Yeddo as with London avd Paris. e THE CULVER CASE. e VERDICT OF NOT GUILTY. BY TRLEGRAPH TO THR TRIDUN® FRANKLIN, Pa., Fob. 6.—The Culver trial resulted in averdiet of not guiltythis evening; the prose- cutor to pay tho costs. The verdiot was roceived with loud cheering. ‘The sympathy herg for Culver and Austin hiag besn geueral,