The New York Herald Newspaper, January 26, 1877, Page 6

wunply to adkere to the constitution, and, unlike many utlemen with whom he was now newly associated Core, be wan from any embarrassing record ou He was opposed to giving (he power to count the votes to fourteen gentiemen, four of whom were to com| je the number by selecting tho fil- teenth, acd thua, by lot or Gilling tbat and vasb‘u! blaok,’” as Mr. Benton would bavi M, op which the attention of the country is so generally fixed, [t was proposed to give these Afteen gentieme: or wore possibly the Giteenth alove, more power aver the electoral vote than Congress possessed. and he did not believe this could be done by a simple enactment, Nothing jess than a constitutional amendment could @onter on fiftecn men such tremendous power over (he electoral votes of th UNOONSTITUTION Ale He did not believe it to be warranted by the consti- tution which he had sworp to support, and though did not pretend be what was (srmeda constitu- tional lawyer, every Senator ov his vato mast vote on his own conscientious belief of what the consututon tsand what it allows. He had desired earnestly to support this bill ifbecould do it consistently. The arguments adduced fn ite favor bad persuaced nim of its unconstitutionality, and be felt himseif compelie however reluctantly fered from certain Senators to record his vote against the measure. 1n conclusion Mr. Biaine begged the Judiciary Com~ Mittee, now the public mind was so strongly directed 10 this question, to frame an amendment to the con- stitution which would, if possible, avert in future all danger of a renewal of those troubles which were now causing anxicty in the public mind. REMARKS OF MR. EDMUNDS, Mr, Epmunps said the time bad gone by now for de- bate. If be had time he would be glad to take up ob- jections which had been mado touching the constitu. Tonality of the measure anA touching its fairuess and expediency. It had been denounced 4s 4 sham, a huere trick, althongh 1t appealed to five Senators, five members of the House and tive Justices of the Su- preme Court, e@ begged his honorable friend trom Unio (Sherman) to look ot the bistory of their own party; look at their own atutude and ‘tell him, some day, not now, whether tie thought the republican party could atand staltification and dishonor in order that itmight gain atemporary advantage. He knew the Sevator would knswertim “No.” Must the repubit- can party stultify itself now for such a beggarly price? In 1865 @ republican majority in the two houses of Congress ‘paseed the twenty-second joint rule, which declared that vo vote from a State should have any ‘effect upon the election of President and Vice President of the United States unless both houses of Congress, tn their constitutional capacity, said s and yet the face ot this action, the great party leaders from that vailey of the Mississippi, as the Sevator trom Ohio (Mr. Sherman) termed it, sounded the ery of treachery against those of the repubiican party who supported this bill, Republicans were ac- cused of treason to their party because they would not stuluty themselves, He then referred to Mr. Morton’s bill, which passed the Senate at the last session, und said that it was miuch Worse thap the pending Dill, There were three poor misguided republicans who voted against that Dill—Messrs. Conkhug, Edmunds gud Howe. Now they were addressed in terms of reproach, He would say nothing of tbe personai allusions which had been made by Senators; they belonged to those Senators and there he would leave them. ‘The dillerence betweon the measure of 1876 proposed by the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Morton) apd that of 1877, now betore the Sevate, Was that the measure of 1876 dismissea all republican bopes, while the measure belore the Senate saved them, i under the joint und upright operations of the iaw they were entitled to be suved, Republican Senators were to decide here now whether they would go to sea wilbout a compass, without @ rudder, and trust to the inexorable lucts for a victory which they believed they had nonestly won, or Whether they would support this: measure to do equal jastice to all, This land was the happy home ol freedom, and it was fit that this Senate should insure the bappiness of this people. He referred to the sad example of republics elsewhere, and asked was 1b not Worth risking something in order that the great experiment of a republic of law among men should wot fail. Mr. Dawes, of Massachusetts, withdrew the amend. ment submitted by him yesterday in regard to delin- ing the power of tie triounal to be created. Mr, Sugxman said he*felt burt that the Senator from Vermont should bave manifested such teelings toward tue Senator from Indwna (Mr. Morton) and bimsel, Since that Senator bad made an indirect biatement ayaiust them, he (Mr. Sherman) demanded a Separate trial. His fricnd trom Indiana (Mr. Morton) was abundantly able to take care of himself. He (Mr. Sherman) never thought of charging his triend from Vermont with treachery. At the outset of his re- marks the day he expressed his appreciation of the motives of the commitiee, He disclaimed having used any terms of reproach, He w reviewed his Objections to the pending bill, and argued that it is not. customary or lawiul to impose other duties on Judges of courts. Mr, Eomunps said the act of 1823 selected a judge in Florida to settle certain claims 0! Mexico, Mr. SHERMAN—Thbat was a judicial act, Mr. KDMUNDS repiied that it was not, and the Sa- preme Court had so decided and had refused to review the acts of this Judge. Mr. SaxkeMAN, resuming his remarks, said he hoped the bill now before the Senate would result in good, Apprebensions that the result of the great popular election would be thwarted. Mr. Morton argued thats more light had been thrown upon this subject of counting the vote within the lust thirty or sixty days than hau ever been belore, He bad been charged wiih inconsistencies, but other Senators were inconsistent also, He then read from previous remarks of Messrs, Edmunds, Conkling, Tuurman and Bayard, to show that they id not beretofore support ihe principles involved in tors bil. then submitted an amenument providing that nothing contained in the act should authorize the commission to go bebind the finding and deierwin tion of the can vagsing or Returning Board of the Stat authorized by the laws of the State to tind and deter- mine the result of an election tor electors. Mr. EpMUND8 Opposed the amendment and moved to amend it by striking out the negative words, so as to provide that the act sbould authorize the commission to go behind the finding, &c, He said be would vote against his amendment aud then against the amend- meut of the Senator from Indiana. He had no idea that there was any neceysity for the amendment, as the commission would act under existing laws. Mr. SanGemt, (rep.) of C gved that the bill was shuffling and evasive, and one side or the other was to ve cheated. The amendment of Mr. Edmunds to that.of Mr. Morton was rejected—yeas 1, nays 61—Mr, Cooper, of Yennesgee, being the only Senator who voted in the affirmative, The question then being on the amend- ment of Mr. Morton, it was rejected—yeas 18, nays 4i—as follows :— VOTE ON MORTON'S AMENDMENT, yeas. this question, Boutwel Dorsey, Paddock, Hami:ton, Hatters, Haailin, WrEeW ty cron (Wis.), ninety Gluyton, 1, Teller and Dawes, West—13. Naxs. Alcorn, ry Merrhnon, Allisun, Morrill, Barnum, dls, Price Bayard. Fretinghuysen, = Rand ph, Kan nm, Goldtiwaite, rtson, Suulsbury, Sharon, Stevenson, Thurman, Wailace, hristiuney, Wrignt—47. Davi Mr. SARGENT Budmitied an amendment providing that the commission shall sit with open doors except when upon consultation on questions pending be- fore it. Mr. Epmcnps hoped the amendment would not be adopted. If the Seuate could not leave the commis- sion to frame its own rules they had better not have it. Mr. SARGRNT argued that the commission should sit with open doors that the public might know what was done. Reporters of the press should be admitted, that, the proceediugs of the commission might be given to | ance that this tribunal | if this amendment should be | e was some the people, T would ve respected adopted, Should it be rejected the tribunal would not be respected, Mr. Epmunps said the bill authorized the commission to make its rules and regulations. The Senate should OL direct that the crowd be adinitted, as the business 6! ths commission would be interfered with by such | | suid, domonstrated the ex: crowd. Mr. Davis, (dem.) of W. Va., said the Senator from California was chairman of the Senate Commiuce which recently visited Florida to make an investiga- tion. Did he have the doors open? Mr. SARGENT replied that nis committee was only taking testimony, and the minority im the Senate was + ably represented in the committee by the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Cooper). ‘The anendment of Mr. Sargent was rejected—veas | ¥ y | Represeniatives would have to elect the President, 1M, nays 47. Mr. Sancent said he had other amendments to pro- | pore to improve the bill, but jus friends seemed to rule | He therefore would not sub- | down every amendment, mit them, but would content himselt by calling for the yens and nays on the final passage of the bill and would vove against it. PASSAGE OF THR HILL Tho bili was then read third time and passea-~ yeas 47, pays 17—as Jollows:— Alcorn, Allison, Barnum, dem. Bayard, dem, Bogy. de: © Cockreil, der. ‘ Jotinson, Jem. Tonnaot Nevada, rep. Tngsiis. rep. Renate then, ate quarter-past seven A. M., 00 j ing but motion of Mir, Eamui adjourned until to-morrow (Friday), at twelve elect. . HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Wasuinetox, Jan. 25, 1877. Mr, Warring, (rep.) of Lil, presented a resolution of the Peoria Board of Trade im fuvor of the bill of the jomt committee, THR KLBOTORAL BILL. Mr. Payne, (dem.) of Ohio, moved to go to business on the Speaker’s table, in order to refer the bill of the joint committee, which bad come from the Senate, to the mittee on Counting the Electoral Vote. Mr. Pare, in answer toa question stated that the committee had decided to report buck the bill im- mediately and to let the debate run all day to-day, with a night session; that the House would then adjourn ull eleven o'clock to-morrow, aud that he would call the previous question at two o'clock to-morrow. Mr. Frye, (rep) of Me., suggested that during the last tour hours of tne debate speeches should be limited to ten minutes, in order that wembers should have ao opportunity to expiain their votes, Mr. Payxm said that he would modify his request 80 as to have to-morrow’s session commence at ten o'clock, the last lour hours of debate to be consumed in ten-minute speeches, and members to have the right to enlarge their speeches tor the Record, This was agreed to by unanimous consent, The bill was then referred to the Committee on Elec- toral Votes, and was immediately reported back by Mr, Payne, chairman of the committee, ‘The CLERK proceeded to read the bill in extenso, Alter the reading of the bill Mr. Paynx stated that the bill as passed by the Senate wus precisely the Dill reported from the committee in the first pl He entered a motion to recommit tho bill, in order to prevent amendments being offered to the bill, SPKECH OF MR. M’CRAKY, Mr. McUragy, (rep.) of lowa, a member of the joint committee, opened the debate, He said that alter a thorough, an earnest and an anxious consideration of the great question be, in common with the other members of the committee, had reached the conclu- the bill ought to pass. The country was in nce of a very great and very dangerous y. The present was crisig in nationa! affuirs which the fathers of the Repuclic bad foreseen in 1800, and which, at various periods in the nation’s history, great statesmen bad foreseen and had dreaded. 9 country, on several occasions, bad reached apoint where the votes for President were to be counted, when disputes had ex isted ag to the legality of some of those votes, ln all those instances when disputes had arisen statesmen had commented on the danger which would threaten the very existe of the government if go occasion should arise in which the disputed votes would be decisive of the result, This had been re- garded a8 one of the greatest dangers to which the country could be subjected. The country was now confronted, not only with a great and widespread dife ference of opinion on the merits of the question, but it was confronted with what was a thousand fold more porilous—the fact that the American people, the Amer- ican statesmen, the American lawyers, and jurists were almost equally divided, not only as’ to the merite of the questions, but as to the authorities to be cited. He submitted that that statesman was false to bis duty; that that man did not come up to tho exigen- cies Of the occasion who would stop short in the most earnest endeavors to provide some fawful mode for the decision of the question by a tribusal whose thority uovody could question and in whose decision all men would acquiesce, DANGERS OF THE HOUR. There could be no greater danger than that which grew out of afact like this. On one side ol the ques- tion there were some 20,000,000 of people who honestly believed that Governor Hayes hud veen elected and who honestly believe that, 1 the ubsence of any legis- lation on the subject, 1+ was the duty of the Vice Presi- dent to count the votes. On the other side there were some 20,000,000 people who honestly believed that Governor yn had been elected, and that the P: dent of tne Senate had no authority to count the votes, and that no vote could be counted except with the cou- sent of both houses, 1i Congress failed to pass the bill and provide a tribunal to sete this ditierence of opin- ion the country would drift upon a rock, where the ship of state might be broken to pieces, It might be tbat if the bill were defeated and Con- gress failed to pass any measure on the subject one or the other of those parties should peacetully submit to uecision which they believed to be without law or authority. He would hope and earnestly pray i! such an emergency should arise one or the o.her of the parties would submit; but he confessed to very great doubts and very great fears that such would Lot be the cuse. He would ask the gentlemen on the one side or on the other Who thought that their position was impregnable to consider whether {t was probable that the counting could avoid adual Presidency and the possibility of civil commotion and civil war. Ho then proceed to quote authorities, pro and con, upon the question whether the President of the Senate had power to count the votes. It bua been said by a creat many people who agreed with him in polit- ical opinion, that the authorities were conciusive that the Vice President had the right to count the votes, but in his opinion the authorities on the other sido were equally potent: and equally numerous, He thought, therefore, that it would be unwise and un- patriotic for the House to refuse to adopt a proposition which all men might agree to as fair and just, by which the question might be settled. Would it. be wise to decline such @ proposition and drift on to the ldth of Feb+ ruary and the 4th of March with those conflicting opinions unsettled and take the chances of a dual Pres- idency with all ite horrors? There werg some people who assumed that a single house of Congress had the right to exclude a vote. He submitted to the gentle- men who held that opinion that they could not stand on that doctrine and expect the coantry to acquicsce in it, or in the declaration of apy result coming there- from. He solmenly believed, however, thut those who claimed the right of the Vice President to count the votes could pot stand on that doctrine without great danger that the people would not acquiesce in it, THM CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION. In answer to the objection that the bill was not con- atitutional he quoted irom bills reportea to the House iu 1800 by John Marshull and in 1824 by Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, which contained almost the same rovisions 4g the present bill, He though: the bill was nstitutionai and would with his voico and vote aid its passage, S8PMECH OF MR, HTNTON. Mr. Howtos, (dem.) of Va., advocated tho measure. He spoke of Presidential elections as dangerous per- jods in the history of the country, and as more likely than any other cuuse to wreck the ship of State. He declared that all preceding troubies of that character sank into absolute insignificance as compared wito those that now stared Congress and the couutry in the face. From atleast four States of the Union iwo sets of electoral votes would be presented for count- ing. Thai was the grave question which bad to be met, not in a spirit of partisanship, but of states. munship. He binself subscribed nestly and heartily to the doctrine that the power to count the electoral votes belonged to the two houses of Congress und not to the President of the Senate, but the oppo- ile doctrine was held by one of the great parties of the country. As neither party was willing to yield {ts convictions on that point the time had arfived when Congress should rise above partisan feeling and adopt a mode of settiement that would tide over the difficulues and avert danger of war. Ho held that just as tbe tellers, provided for in the twenty-second joint rule, were but the organ of the two houses, so the commission pro- vided for in the bill was but their organ to do for them what they themselves might do. He aiso held that as the two houses had the right to count the votes, so they hada right by concurrent action to agree to any mode of counting that might seem best to them. He believed that uniess some such plan as this bill were adopted no earthly power could prevent war, coniu- on, the disraption of the government and an end of publican institutions in America, It was, there- fore, a high and solemn duty on the part of Congress to bring about a peacolul solution of the difficulty aad Vide over this ev ul period of bistery, SPRKCH OF MR. GOODE. Mr. Goons, (de' ot Va, said that the members of the concurrent committee whieh had reported this bill were eminently entitiedt to the thanks of Congress and of the country for their putient, seif-sacrilicing and patriotic lavors, and he had no hesitancy 1m declaring that he was prepared to accept his share of the respon- sibility and to accord to the plan proposed his earnest aud cordial support. He enumerated circumstances— (including President Granv’s the 8th ot November that Mr. Hayes was elected; the statiouing of troops in the South; the mauipulation of votes by Sceretary Chandier, &c, &¢,), which, he ence of a widespread and dangerous conspiracy to attempt the iunuguration of Hayes. He was convinced (and he was strengthened ib that conviction by the debate in the Senate) that it was the earnest wish of a portion of the repubiican Jeaders that there should be no agreement on any plan Jor counting the electoral votes. Lf this plan were re- jected none would be agreed upon, and when the two houses came together to count the electoral voie there would be a disagreement, In that event the House of assertion on = and theo there would either have to be an igno- minious surrender or a fight. He asked whether the men on the other side were prepared tor lutter aiternative, (an indistinct’ murmur ‘of Were they or the peopie whom they repre- the “Yes!”) sented ready for the conflict of arms? Were they pre- pared to “cry havoc &nd let slip the dogs of war?” Li they were not then be uppealed to them by all the | memories of the past and all the hopes of the future to pause before they entered ona struggle the end of which no man could foresee. MR, MOAR'S SPRKCH. Mr. Hoan, (rep.) of Muss.) said:— Dir. Speaker, the danger which our wisest writers of the coustitution years ago predicted anu dreaded nuw confronts the American people. The constitution cone tains no express provision for that determinauon of disputed questions of law or fact which % «terms counting the electoral vote. the wisest students of its complicated meehanism have expressed their fear that it would yive way, not in re- fisting foreign force or civil dissension, not even by decay of Corruption, but because of its vague and im- periect provision ior determining the most vital of ail questions—the —Utle = tos executive — power. Wuh that perti, under circumstances — of special difficulty,’ we have now to deal, Ip estimating this danger I am not affected by any tear of civil war OF any menace of violence. Such threats, if made in the spiritof empty bluster, deserve noth: contempt; if serious the swift aud indignant scorn and condemnation of the whole people. I do not dwell upon any appre- hension of violent resistance to the jawitl anibority of the government. The evil of civil war—so great thateven to threaten {tis a grievous crim only surpassed by the greater evil of yielding one jor of lawtal authority to menace, But | do told that nothivg could be more injurious to the whole Republic, ia | shall be at least one-balf of the American will regard ag atte tsople wil regard aa a usurpation. if any t wil 10n. an! ot Meein tetas otherwise his judgment differs frou mine as to the influences which com: the truth to the approbation of mankina. I Bot attempt to add unother to the arguments the constitu- tional = question, namely, whom is the power to determine those grave questions of law and fact which may arise in determin- ing what votes have been lawfully cast for President and Vice President by Electoral Colleges. 1 aamit r- that office must deem this bill anconsiitutional. 1 do not expect the votes of such persons for the bill unless they think that the recent almost unanimous acquiescence of the Senate and House in a different construction, supported by a cur- rent of great authorities, including John Marshall, Daniel Webster and Abrabam Lincoln, may induce them to treut the spentns ag concluded, or, at least, so far to yield their individual judgmeut ag to deal with it a8 one of doubt, is consideration may, perhaps, specially commend itsell to those gentlemen ‘who have honestly changed their opinion on a grave question of constitutional law in the presence ofa great temptation, Fortunate 1¢ that statesman to whom long settled and matured convictions are sul- ficient tor the solution of the ever new aod various problems of his public life— “Who in the beight of conflict keeps the law, In calmness made, and sees what he foresaw,” POWKRS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE. For myself, these considerations make me decm tt incredible that the trainers of the constitution, or the people who accepted it, ever meant or could mean to entrust the power of deciding these vast questions to the President of the Senate, subject to no control of the two houses of Congress or the law-making power. First, they were a generation of men that dreaded above all other things, tho usur- pation of executive power, Second, they expected that the President the Senate would ordinarily be one of the candi whose claim to the office was to be decided. They provided thut two persons should be voted for for President, of whom that one having the second highest number of votes was to become Vice President und President of ot the uate. The President of the Senate, therelore, must within four years have been a ljesding candidate for the Pr of the United States, Their habit of continuing the same persons in public station doubtless led them to anticipate that he would be a leading candidate for the succession, as bas in the pi happened when Adams succeeded Washington, when Jeflerson succeeded Adams, when Van Burcn succeeded Jackson, and many ci unsuccessful competition. The same suggestions apply to all cases where the Vico President is a candidate for re-election, Asin Great Britain, from which our Institutions were derived, Parliament for centuries has regulated the inheritance to the Crown and determined all questions of right to the succession, So, in every American State in existence when the constitution of the United States was adopted, the Legislature at that time within it elected Gover- nor or counted the votes of the people and determined all disputes the popular choice. “As the Vice President,” says Alexander Haniilton, “may occasionally be a substitute for the President, all the reasons which recommend the mode of election prescribed for the one apply with great if not equal iorce to the mauner of appointing the other,” There are three other theories with none of which this bill is im conflict:—First, that the President of the Senate must count the vote in the absence of concurrent action by the two houses, or of other provision by the law-making wer, Second, that under the power expregsly con- ferred by the constitution upon Congress ‘to make all Jaws which shall be vece-sary and proper tor carrying to execution the foregoing powers and all other pow- ‘8 Voste@ by this constitution i the government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof,” the law-making power may provide method of counting the vote; third, that tne power of counting the vote is veated by the constitution in the two hvuses voting separately, The two houses of Con- gress are tho tribunal which, accor to this bill, 18 to execute this grave authority. If they have it by the constitution it is lett undisturbed, It it needs the forces of the law-making power to confer it, this bill confers it, The only case when any other aid comes in is when the two members of which the final tmbunal ts composed differ in their judgment. Cer- tainly it is within the Jaw-making powor to provide what shall happen when the members of a coustitutional tribunal, composed of even mem- bers, are evenly divided in judgment. We may’ surely provide by Iuw that if the Supreme Court, composed of six or ten members, be equally divided in opinion the judgment of the court below shall stand, or a report of a referee shall be accepted The commission {s not an umpife. It is not an arbi- trator. it is an agency inferior to the two houses, reporting to them its action, wholly subject to them, but onl; to stand when the two houses are divided, The warmest advocate of the constitutional powers of the two houses must concede that this bill comes within the very letter of the definition of the law-making power of Congress, a law necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested in the gov- ernment and any department thereof. Un- Jess this power exist in Congress of providing by law for the case where the two members of this tribunal, composed of an even number of the House and Senate, stand divided on any question, one to one, the advocates of the power of the two houses to count the vote must belie ‘that the framers of the government m rT t should perish when the not improbable case should arise of -a division in sentiment between two political bodies on any question of law or tact which should arise in counting the vote, THERE 18 NO COMPROMISE, Some gentlemen have spoken of this as & compro- mise bili, There isnot a drop of compromise init. 1 do not moan that ufter it was found that tue principle of securing an able and impartial tribunal con- formed to tne opinions and desires of all that there was not sume yielding of individual views asto details; but how can that may be said to com- promise who, having a just and rizhteous claim, asserts it, Maintains it, @nforces it by argument and proof, yields no jot or tittle of it before a tribunal so consti- tuted us to lecision in accordance with justice and righteousness. So far as the lot of humanity will admit, | think justice and right are compromised when they aro submitted for their decision to force, They are compromised when they can only be maintained by doubtful, disputed exercises of power. They never can be compromised when they are permitted to stand before a wnbunal clothed =with = judi powers surrounded by judicial safeguards, invest with legal authority by the law making power of the country, Let it not be suid that this reasoning implies that truth and error stand on an equality; that it makes po difference whether mutters be settled right or wrong, provided only they be settled. It is precisely be- cause truth and error differ; 1t 18 because of the vast diflerence between the righteous result and its an- tagonist, that we propose to submit the differ. ences between them, but not to force. not to heat and passion, but to that tribunal which among all mechan- isms possible to be executed by law is least liabie to bo diverted from the truth, It ts charged that this com- mittee fs, in the end, to be made up of seven men who will of course decide for one party, and seven men who, of course, will decide for the other, and must call in an umpire by lot; and thero- fore, in sabstance and effect, you are putting the de- cision of this whole matter upon chance, If this be trae never was a {act so humiliating to the republican Con- gress since it was inaugurated. Of the members ol our Dational Assembly, the wisest and best selected for the gravest judicial dutv ever imposed upon man ander, the constraint of § this solemn oath, can there be found im all this Sodom not ten—unot one to obey any other mandate but that of party. Far otherwise was the thought of Madison, when, with exultant aspir- ation, he commended the constitution to his country- men :— In cases where it may be doubtful on which side justice lies what better umpires could be desired by two violent factions, flying to urms and tearing the State to pieces, than iho representatives of Confederate States, not heated by the local finme? To the impartiality of - jucges they would unite the affection of friends. “Haopy would it be if suc. a remedy tor its infirmity could be enjoyed by all foreign: ist 0 But | especially repudiate this imputation when it resis upon those members of the commission who are to come trom the Supreme Court, It is true thero 1s a possibility of bias arising irom old published opinion even there, and this, however minute, the bill seeks to place in exact equilibrium; but this small inclination, it any, will, in my Judgment, however be weighted a hundred tolu by the bias pressing them to preserve the dignity, power and weight of their judicial office be- fore their countrymen and beiore posterity. ‘They will not consent by a party civision to have themselves or their Court go down in history as incapable of the judicial function in {he presence of the disturbing ele- ‘ments of partisan desire for power in regatd to the greatest cause ever brought into judgment, “WITHOUT A RIVAL,’ Mr. Speaker, the act we are avout to do will, in my judgment, be one of the greatest in history, Our au- nals have been crowded with great achievements 10 wer and ‘in peace, in art, in literature, in com- merce. Other countries, ’ other republ have equalied us in these’ things, but in this great act we shall stand without a rival or ao example. For a thousand years our children, with tears of Joy and pride, will read that, while in the fierce striie tor Executive power the san of other re- publics has gone down in darkness and in bivod, in their own country too the same great peril bas arisen, their sky bas been darkened by Ue same cloud, their ship with’ its costly freight of /oveand nope en- countered the same storms apd was driven near the same rock; but, in the midst of siorm and aarkness nd conflict, the august aud awiul figure of Law rose over the face of the waters, uttering its divine contro: ling mandate, ‘*Peace, be stili!”’ I yield the remainder of my time to the gentleman from Maine (Mr Hale). he gentleman from Massachusetts e answer a question? 17 Mr, Fort—I desire to ask the gentieman whether he can give apy reason, either on his own behalf or on behalf 0! the committee, Why the entire Supreme Court as an organized body was not taken to make up tbia tribunal, or why all the members of that Coart were not taken? Mr. Hoan—One very good reason was that it did not seem to be proper to take an entire department of t government and put it Im on equality with a oum- Initiee chosen by the two branches of another, But another, a tranker, better answer is this:—For one I dos rod (speak onty for myself) to have an absolute equiuvrium of any possible political bias, however small, In the gentlemen who are to constitute this com- mission, REMARKS OF MR. MONROK. Mr. Moynor, (tep.) of Obio, expressed deep regret that be could not vote for the bill, He bad given ita cureiul and candid consideration, bat there were some objections to it which, to his mind, had proved in- superable. He stated the constitutional objections to it, one of which was that it irrevocably deprived th nothing more destructive to the principics that l my | Vice President of ali power to ascertain and decide (he Fincipal theories i Meoulty was that re which con- s tutional convictions, that charge sboul tainly not be mude against those who out of regard for such con- victions, refrained from. favoring the measure. He should preter to have the electoral yotes counted 'n the old way and trust tu the good sense, the modera- tion the patriotism of Congress and of the coupiry for a peacetul and saustactory result, At the close of Mr. Mouroe’s ech, at ten minutes past five P. M., the House too! récess till half-past seven P. M. . EVENING 87 5810N. ‘The House met again at half-past seven P. M., with Mr. Hooker, of Mississippi, in the chair us Speaker pro tem, in the debate, as throughout the day, showed no symptom of al the galleries being even dens session, As usual, however, in night ses- sions for devate only, the atteudance of ber very small. not more than a dozen being in when the House was called to order. ‘The first speech of the evening was made by Mr. Caldwell, (dem.) of Tenn., who advocated the bill, He deciared himself ready by his vote to commit the cause in which he believed to the tribunal provided for in the bill, assured that through it the country would find peace and prosperity. He was followed by Mr. Stevenson, (dem.) of IL, ma was heir seats and Mr, Caulfield, (dem.) of Ill, also in support of the bill, SPRECH OF MR. GARFIELD, p.) of Ohio, was the next speaker. yutset to say some good things of the Dill, It had some great merits which he most 61 corely recognized. It was imiecded to abate stri in a great and trying crisis of the nation. It was intended to aid in tding over a great present diffl- oar possibly a Vopr pubi'c danger. It would, doubt- loss, bring aresult and would leave the person de- clared to be the elect of the nation with a more undis- puted title than perhaps under any other method.as yetsuggested. 11 he had to speak of the bill only as @ partisan he should say he wi not . afraid Of its operation. ~ The eminent gentlemen who would compose the commission, emu for their cbaracter were men who, he believed, would seek to and abilil do justice and woulddo it, Believing, as be did, th: Ruthertord B. Hayes had been honestly elected Presi- dent, he should confidently expect that an honest and fair commission (as, doubtless, this would be) would find that to be the fact, Butit might find otherwise, and, if it did, all good men everywhere would submit to the result. ry Mr, Garfield then proceeded to argue \o support of the theory that it was the nght of the President of the Senate to count and. deciare the electoral votes, As tive of bis argument he cited the fact that in thirty-one States of the Union the opening and pub- Hsbing of the votes for Goveruor is a ministerial act and is put in the hands of designated officers, while iu only seven States the Legislature was the canvassing and returning board. THR CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION, Mr. Garvixip proceeded with his constitutional argu- ment, He declared that his first arraignment of the bill was that what the fathers so caretully kept from Congress this bill proposed to give to it. If this bill the consiitutional provi- sion on the subject was gone forever and Congress might become the grand natioval retarning board from this day forward until the people destroyed it in its turn, It would make Congr a returning board, with ail the vices and uone @ excuses o! the returning boards of the States. Anothe! objection to the bill was that the members of this commission were not to be appointed by the President and confirmea by “the — Senate, but were to be appointed by the two houses, which was at variance with the — constitution. Another objection to it wos that i empowered these official personages to take whatever jurisuiction they were entitled to have. In other ‘words, they were invited to go into the fleld of the constitution apd to browse at will; to construe them for themselves and to take whatever powers suited them. Another objection to the bill that it would be in the power of the cotnmission and of the two houses to prevent any result whatover. I/ one party wi satistieu with the result reached in regard to Florida, 1u might resort to objections, to debate, to eeparation of the two houses until the time was passed when “thé votes shall then becourted,’”’ There would be no “then” leit, Mr. Hoar asked whether there was any more likeli- hood of the two houses retusing to discharge their duty than there was of the President of the Senate refusing to discharge his, Mr. Garrieto replied that the great difference was that the President of the Seni could be removed within bour, but there was no way to punish n logisiative body Jor not performing its duty. 1p co’ clusion, he suggested that the mon of the present di sbouid not try to ‘shoot Niagara’? and leave the whit pool to their children. (Appiause.) ‘The House then, at eleven o'clock, adjourned till to- morrow morning at ten o'clock. A CANVASS OF THE HOUSE. [BY TELEGRAPH 10 THE HERALD.) | Wasmineton, Jan, 25, 1877. Acareful canvass of the House, mado to-day by your correspondent, shows the following as the probable vote on the bill to-morrow:— FOR TUE BILL, The following will vote for the bill:— Burleigh, of Ma. Cabell, of Va, Jones, of N. H. Tucker, of Va. Bell, of N. Harris, of Va, Hunton, of Va, Yeutes, of N. C. Waddell, of N.C. Davis, of N.C. Scales, of N, C Ashe, of N. C, Robbins, of N. C, Vance, of N. C. Hartridge, of Ga, Harris, of Ga. Candler, of Ga, Blount, ‘of Ga, Feiton, of Ga, Williams, of Ala, Howitt, of Ala, Crapo, 01 alass. Harris, of Mass, Pierce, of Mass, ‘Abbott, of Mass. ‘Thompson, of Masa. ‘Tarbox, of Mass. Warren, of Maas, Hoar, of Mass. Seelye, of Mass, Chapin, of Mass, Landers, of Conn, Warner, of Conn, Metcalf, of N. Y. Schumaker, of N. Y, Chittenaen, of N. Y, jigs, of N. Y. Lowis, of Ala. Heade, of N.Y. Lama, of Mise, Cox, of N.Y. Wells, of Miss, Field, ot N. Y, Money, o1 Misa, Ward, of N. Y, Rupker, of Miss, Wood, of N, Y. Gibson, of La, Hewitt, of Levy, of La, ‘Willis, of N. Reagan, of Texas. Odell, of Hundock, of Tex: Thockmorton, ot Texas, Schieicher, of Texas. Saylor, of Ohio, Banning, of Ohio. Wnivonoure, of N. ¥. John H. Bugley, of N. Y. ‘sdams, of N.Y. Piatt, of N. Y. hove rge A. Bagley, of N. ¥. McMahon, of Ohio, Seem: Ye Rice, of Ohio, Foster, of Obio, Walling, of Ohio, Payne, of Ohio, Boone, of Ky. McDougall, of N. ¥. Watker, of N. ¥. Davy, of M2 4 rion, of N. Y. Fase, ot N. J. Browt et Be: Hamilton, of N. J. Milken, of Ky. Cutter, of NJ. Watterson, of Ky. Peese, ol N. 4. McFarland, of Tenn, Hardenburg, of N. J. Dibrell, of 'feun, Kelly, of Pa. Riddle, of Tenn, Robbins, of Pa. House, of Tenn, Townsend, of Pa Whithorne, of Tenn, Clymer, of Pa, Atkins, of Toon, Mutchler, of Pa. Caidweil, of Tenn, Stanton, of Pa. Young, of Tenn. Powell, of Pa. Jonn Reilly, of Pa, Stenger, of Pa. (Pa. Haymond, of Ind, P Hamilton, of Ind, - of Pa Jauitield, of UL ouride, of Pa Harrison, of Lil, eek oF Pe. Lemoyne, of Til, Headerson, of LiL Campbell, of LL Bagvy, of 1), Wike, of Lh. Springer, of In, Stevenson. of Lik Sheakley, of Pa. Willams, of Del, Thomss, of Md. Roberts, of Md. O'Brien, of Md. Swann, of Md. | Henkle, of Md,, Eden, of Til, Walsh, of Md. Spurks, of (1, Goode, of Va. Morrison, of UL Walker, of Va, Harisell, of Ll, Anderson, of I. Kehr, of Mo. Filey, of F Weils, of Mo, Purm. of Fla, Stone, of Mo, Mevrary, of Lowa. Tutts, of Lowa, Ainsworth, of lowa. Wilson, of lowa, Sampson, of lowe. McDill, of Iowa, Oliver, of low: Lynde, of Wis. Burchard, of Wis, Cate, of Wis, Piper, of Cai, Luttrell, of Cal. Strait, of Minn, Lane, of Oregon, Gooding, dt Kan. Wilson, ot W. Va. Fauikuer, of W. Va, Hereford, of W. Va. Woodbarn, of Nev. AGAINST THE BILL, The following, 1 1s believed, wil voto against the Hatcher, of Mo, Bland, of Mo. Phillips, of Mo. Franklin, of Mo, Rea, of Mo. Debolt, of Mo, Jobn B. Clark, Jr., of Mo, Buckner, of Mo, Ganso, of Ark. Wittsnire, of Ark, Gunter, of Ark. A, E. Wiiliams, of Mich, Waldron, of Mich, Willard, of Mich, Potter, of Mich, 'W. B, Williams, of Mich. Durand, of Mich, Bradley, of Mich, dill:— Fry, of Mo. Garfeld, of Ohio, Piarsted, of Me. Pappieton, of Ohio, Hall, of Me. Vance, of Ubio. ofN H. Vornees, of Ohio Dantord, of Ohio, Woodworth, ot Ohio, Mouroe, of Ohio, Joyce, of Vi. Denison, of Vt. Banks, of Mass. ‘Townsend, of N. Y. Knott, of Ky. Williams, of N. ¥. Blackburn, of Ky. Miller, ot'N. Y. White, of Ky, Baker, ot N, Y. Lapnam, of N. Y, Freeman, of Pa, O'Nouil, of Pa, Wood, of Pa. Smith, of Pa, Thornburgh, ot Tenn, Bright, of Tenn, Fuller, of Ind, Carr, of Ind, Robiuson, of Ind, Hunter, of Ind, Packard, 01 Pa, Evans, of Ind Rose, of Pa, Baker, of Ind. Wallace, 0! Pa, Hurlbut, of li, Dougiass, of Va. Burebard, of Uh, Stowell, of Va, Fort, of Il, Hyman, of N.C, Waiting, of Th, Rainey, ofS, C, Cameron, of Ll. Bats, of 8. ©. Hubbel, of Mich, Hoge, of 8. C, Mills, of Texas, Wallace, of 8.°0, Pratt, of lowa, Snails, ofS, C. Wiliams, of Wis, Caswell, ot Wis, Harralson, of Ala, Magoon, of Wis. Bradiord, of Ala JANUARY 26, 1877.—IKIYLE SHEET. Caldwell, of Ala, oom tg Ala, Singleton, of Miss, Lynch, of Misa, Nash, of La. Lawrence, of Ohio, Brown, of Kan. Crounse, of Nev. DOUBTFUL vorEs. The following were regarded as doubtful to-day, though expected to vote for te measure when the yeas and.nays are calied to-morrow :— Hendee, of Vi. - Savage, of Ohio, kames, of R. L. Hurd, of Ohio, Ballou, of R. 1, Neal, of Ouio, Phelps, of vonn, Southard, of Onio, Wait, of Conn, Cowan, of Ohio, Beebe, of N. ¥. Jones, ot Ky, Hoskins, of N.Y. Sinnickson, of N. J, Doboins, of N. J. Hoskins, of Pa, Durbam, ot K. Morgan, of Mo. Terry, of Va, Glover, of Mo. Sinith, of Ga, Sl.mmons, of Ark, Cook, of Ga. Conger, of Mich. Hull, of Ga, Culberson, of Texas, Ellis, of La, Kasson, of lowa. THE ABSENTKES. Among the aosentces are:— Stepbens, of Ga Darrall, of La, Cason, of Ind. Wheeler, of N. Y. * Bass, of N. ¥. Collins, of Pa, Egbert, of Pa. James B, Reilly, of Pa, SUMMARY OF THB VOTE, | the rightfully elected persons. Of the seventy-seven members openly opposed to the bill fifty-uine are ropubliicans, or about one-haif of the republican strength of the House, On the vote the estimate is that seventy will answer to their names opposing, while 165 is the probable vote that will be recorded in favor of the bill, leaving fifty-seven for absentees and those who do not care to have their vote recorded. Ail the colored members, and, in fact, most of the Southern repuvli- cans will vote against the bill, In Ohio Foster is the only republican member of the delegation in favor o¢ the measure, while several democrats are against it. Toe republicans of Indiana and IIlinois all oppose it; so of the Maine delegation, with the exception of Burleigh. Tho Pennsylvania republicans aro also nearly united in their opposition, The promiment fact developed by this canvass is that the bill bas over two-thirds in its favor. COMPOSITION OF THE COMMISSION. {BY TELEGRAPH TO THE HERALD.] Wasuixoros, Jan. 25, 1877. With the prospect of an early final passage of tho Electoral bill, speculation 13 afoot concerning the com- position of the grand commission ot filteen, THE JUDGES. Four of the judges are already virtually designated in the bill—namely, Messrs, Clifford, Miller, Field and Strong Now that Judge Davis is re- garded as imeligible, tho choice of the fifth lies between Judges Swayne and Bradley, But as Judge Swayne 1s a fellow townsman of Governor Hayes, his residence being Columbus, Ohio, the choice of the fifth Judge is likely to fall upon Judge Bradley. THR SENATORS, The five Senators said to be most likely to be se- lected are Messrs. Edmunds, Conkling and Frelinghuy- sen, republicans, and Messrs. Bayard ana Thurman, democrats. THE REPRESENTATIVES. ‘The representatives from the House are not so read- ily named. It is quite generally admitted that tho two republicans will be Mcssra, Hoar and McCrary, but the choice of the three democrats will pave to be made from a large field, The gentlemen conspicuously mentioned being Messrs. Payne, Know, Lynde, Mc- Mahon, Abbott and Field. The compliment of a position on the commission will bo offered to Mr. Payne, as chairmun of the House branch of the joint committee, but it is likely that he will not accept, THE THREE DEMOCRATS. Out of deference to the propriety of appointing law- yers Mr. Proctor Knott, as chairman of the Judiciary Committe, is also regarded as likely to have an ex officio title to a place in the commission, but bis claim may be disregarded in order that tho three democrats may include Judge Abvott, of Massachusetts; David Dudley Field, of New York, and Mr. McMabon, of Ohio, ‘a trio of trained legal and judicial minds, to whose care the interests of Mr. Tilden would, many think, be most wisely committed. Judge Abbott, of Boston, is widely known in New England, and Mr. McMahon, who lives in Dayton, Ohio, distinguished himself for his forensic ability during the conduct of the Belknap impeach- ment before the Senate lust summer. * The grand commission of fifteen would, if selected according to the programme above set forth, bo as (ol- lows :— SUPREME COURT JUDGES. Nathan Clifford, of Maine, Samuel F, Miller, of lowa, Stephen J. Field, of Calitornia, Wilham Strong, of Pennsylvania, Josoph P. Bradley, ot New Jersey BRNATORG, George F, Edmunds, ot Vermont, Koscoe Conkling, of New York, F. T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey. Thonias F. Bayard, of Delaware. Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio. REPRESENTATIVES, Josiah G, Abbott, of Mussachusctts, D. Dudley Field, of New York. J. A McMahon, ot Ohio. George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts, George W. MoCrary, of lowa. By this selection New York would havetwo members of the commission and Ohio two, so that the geographi- cal equilibrium would be preserved as between Messra, Tilden and Hayes, IN THE STATE LEGISLATURE. SENATOR STARBUCK’S RESOLUTIONS AND SEN- ATOR HARRIS’ AMENDMENT LOST—SENATOR WOODIN’S RESOLUTIONS TABLED. ‘ ALnany, Jun. 25, 1877, ‘The Senate resumed the consideration of the Woodin resolutions. Mr. STARBUCK, resuming his speoeh, contented that the clause in the constitution providing that the count. ing of the electoral votes should be made in the pi ence of the two houses was significant, An act done in the presence of the House of Representatives was done subject to their approval. The word ‘counted,’’ as used in the constitution, meant more than simplo ministerial action; for noarly one hundred years the contrary to this opinion had never been main- tained, The Senate is now invoked to give aid the conspiracy to defraud Shall it lend its aid to such au anholy act? This crisis has come upon the conutry by the casting aside of the old brotherly love which used to prevail among the residents of the differ- eut States, 1t is the outcome of the recent raid of hate and rancor, ‘The shadow ot a great crime rests upon our iand to-d: Mothers are looking upon their sons and sayin| ust this, my boy, be given up to the bloody struggle which’ threa‘ens our country?” Yhere is not a household in America re these questions are not talked of at tue hearthstones. In this distracted state of affairs blessed, tudeed, 18 the manor the voay of men who will strive to stem the trouble and give peace to our beloved country, The candidate of the democratic party was elected by a majority of 240,000, and he was ly enutied to the Presidency of the Unied States George Washington on the oceasion of bis fi election. We must muke it impossible for any Pres dent hereatter to march an army into a State in umes Of peace to influence an election, We must guard with zealous care the rights of election by the people and insist on an absolute acquiescence in the will of the inajoritv. May Senators around this circle join hands with the lovers of fraternal teeing at Washington, and then, indeed, will they worthily receive the benedic- tion of the Master, who said, “Blessed are the peaco- makers." THE RESOLUTIONS NEGATIVED. Mr. Jacons then asked fora division on the ques- tion, requesting & separate vote on each resolution offered yesterday by Mr. Starbuck. The Fesolutions were voted upon separately and each in tts turn lost, by a vote of—yens 10, nays 16 AMENDMENT OF MK. HARRIS. Mr. Harxis renewed the amendment which he offered yesterday. Mr. ScHOONMAKRER said be had not Intended to enter into this discussion, but the fact that majority pressed the resolutions alter they had become obsolete induced him to make # few remarks, News had been flashed over the wires this morning from Washington of great significance, and it bebvoved the majority to keep up with the march of events. He criticised the resolutions in detail, and denied that the recivals con- tained therein were (he truth ot history. He read from the constitution the duties of the Vice President | as stated therein, and denied the interpretation | sought to’ be given its reading with reference to counting the votes by leading republicans, ‘The intention of the framers of the government was that it should be supreme in federal affairs. This is & federal question, and Congress should have control of iu Lf the Voice of any State is sought to be misro; sented it is eminently proper that Congress shou! that justice is done that State, He asked the Senator from the First (Mr. Priuce) how he could go back to his constituents and explain away bis action in mis- reprosenting them, as he did in his speech supporting the resolution last Tuesday evening. SENATOR PRINCK AND 119 KXPLANATION, Mr. Prince replied that be hoped to speak in some twenty places in lis Souatorial district after the ad- maker to ve when he wou! he ai pad otaenn to explain v ‘Mr. ScuoowMAKER answered that he would enjoy bee ing present at any such mance, tor it would cere tainly be an amusing one. NEWS FROM WASHINGTON, Mr. Jacous suid, in view of the news Irom Washing- it would be almost criminal to pass these Woodin resolutions to-day. He thcretore moved to postpone them indefinitely. Lost—yeas 10, nays 15, Mr. Jacons appealed to Senator Wooudin to forget that republican and begged of bim to remember that he Patriot and wants the peace und harmony of bis country. MR, WOODIN TAKES THE FLOOR. Mr. Woopiy then took tne floor in opposition to Mr. Harris’ proposed amendment. THE HARRIS. AMENDMENT 1LOBT. 9 The question occurring ou Mr. Harris’ amendm: was lost—yeas 11, nays The following is tl in detail: Yuas—Messes. Bradley, Ge Hammon Lamont, Loomis, uations, Po peony sloute Uaaden, Carpenter, Cole, Coleman, Doo= —Messrs. Banden, Carpenter, Cole, Coleman, Emerson, Mcvarthy. Moore, “ Selkren, Vedder aud Woodin 14, annul sciit rs. Bixby and Kennedy were present, but, being paired off with Messra, Toby and Sprague, who were absent, did not vote, Mossrs, St. Jonn and Wellmag were absent, ‘THE WOODIN RESOLUTIONS TABLED, Mr. Woovin said there were some republican Sena. tors absent who desired to be present and vote upon the resolutions, and he therefore moved to tavie them for the present. Curried, after which the Senate went into executive session, When the doors were opened after the executive ses: sion, at three P, M., Mr. Haxris offered his resolution again, making it imply'the expression of the Senate, not concurrent, Mr. Woopiy moved to table the resolution. Carried, Adjourned. Harris Siar ACTION OF THK HOUSE. Mr. Hoawroom called from the table the resolution offered by Mr. Post, approving the Electoral bill now betore Congress, and offered a substitute for the same aa follows:— Resolved (if the Senate concur), That we look upon the Present attemps ‘Congress to provide for the counting of th vote ms de om the estab: Hshed wie aud a vold stag fo of thas inv: the Legislative Departm sion trom the fathers by their foresight weve enubled to diccover as the tendeucy of all rm governments, ‘and against which, as our early history clearly shows, they intended to place and’us they supposed had placed, 1 7 bulwarks, ‘This invasion is uone she more Justi wuse in tI guise of u compromise; it ix in reality ia violation of ‘tho sacred compromisos upon which the government itself. wi tounded, and without whieh it could nut ut the time have ‘ablished; nor the less dangerous, because under a phys \d to aoe lights ite gr ennce, reset ‘opportunity, is complish it. That the constitution, and by framers placed around it, has left no rensouavle doubt as to subject, and formity’ with ‘what was ingended to be’ provided upon this The ong line of precedents established. In. ¢ contemporaneous interpretution, should be accepted as sableseetory: wuthority, and affords at this time the safest guide. Mr, ALvorp@uoved to refer the resolution and sub- stitute to the Committee on Federal Relations. Mr. Post stated that he had an understanding with Mr.’ Hogeboom that the resolution when called up should be allowed to remain on the table, in order that it might be called up proper time and when we were prepared to discuss it, He trugted this arrange- ment would be carried out, as be did not believe th House was ready to consider the matter to-day. Some remarks were made by several members, when Mr. ALvorp withdrew his motion, and the resolution and substitute were Inid on the table for the present, POPULAR OPINION. LEGISLATIVE DISCUSSION IN CONNECTICUT— SENATOR EATON HISSED BY THE DEMOCRATS FOR OPPOSING THE BILL. Hamrrorp, Jap. 25, 1877. The Logislature renewed its consideration to-day of the national electoral question, Ip the Senate that body refused to concur in referring the resojution in. dorsing the plan proposed in Vongreas to the Commit- tee on Federal Relations and insisted on ity action adopting the measure. When the resolution was thereupon returned to the House, that branch recon- sidered its vote of reference, and fora moment it seemed possible that concurrent action would be si cured aud that legislative indorsement of the plan would be given without further de! But the re- publican leaders had vtber views, and a geries of regolutions, which were drafted by Hon. Lynde Har- risoa, Speaker of the House, and approved ata con- ference of republican politicians last night, were in- troduced by Representative Vincent Colyer, of Darien, D amendment, as follows:— wolved by this That, laying aside ‘ood of our common country, isdom, patriotism gress ut the United lons growing out jection. Resolved, Thatethe provisions ot our written con: should be strictly tollowed in time of pene partments of the federal government should be kep powable independent of exch vt! 1 rexnedy for deleate the Cees 1s by its amendment, and not by legisla- renci t co intimidation, violence litical opinion and in elections; and we national ‘age, and correct any smbi- gritice which may now exist in 1s concerning the election of ent, solved, That whether the pending disagreements sb eho in relation to the method of ascertaining the result of the inst election for President be settied by follow. ing either the plan adopted at the first election of Wash- fugton, and followed at subsequent elections for forty years, or by adopting plan which would provide for the rejection ps the concurrent vote of th houses of Congress of the je sate on account of intimidation, vio ral mbly of Conuecticut. hereby hourtily pledge the support of the State government and of all our loyal citizens to that person whoshall thereby be declared elected President of the United States. Resolved, That any armed opposition to the inanguratl or administration of the person who may be declared e! Presiveut, Uy either of the a/oresuid methods which may be adopted by Congress, will be treason; and all persons whe fifteen persons, wi threaten civil war, unless some one specific plan of settlin the ‘difficulty is followed, deserve the execration of all goo cithzens. These resolutions elicited a spirited debate, the ro- publicans taking the ground that it was preferuble at tus time not toindorse any particular plan, while the democrats objected to the resolutions ag calculated to divide the parties, as party claptrap, and meaning anything or nothing. JKNATOR EATON’S VOTR, While the debate was in Henry M. Cleveland stated that rs relative tothe vote on the electoral plan, and road, ‘Senate has passed the bill, 47 17.” At this point he was interrupted by loud appla' cratic side, Mr, Cleveland smiled sarcastically, and ejaculated, ‘‘Wait a moment, gentlemen, I'll give you a second chance.” And, con- tinuing, he read the concluding sentence of the telegram:—‘‘Senator Eaton only democrat in the Dogative.’”? ‘Instead of applause the republicans, who sat. impassive throughout, were astonished by the volley of hisses from the democratic eo Speuker hastily rapped the House to order, sileucing that re- markatie ‘demonstration—democrats hissing that reat. exponent of democratic principles, Senator Paton, on the floor of the Counecticut Legislature. After two hours of sharp debate the tion was demanded. ‘hen ensued a period of filibus- tering by the democrats, including demands for and culling of the yeas and nays or motions to adjourn, to table, &c., Which were successively deleated by the repubiican majority and by nearly Finally, the new resolutions were p: 119 to 78, ana now go to the Senate for concu! jad a private tele- COMMENDATION FROM MASSACHUSETTS, Boston, Jan, 25, 1877, The Committee on Federal Relations of the Legis- lature will report this afternoon resolutions tavoring the Electoral bill and a couatitutional amendment to guard against any similar contingency ip the future, LIVELY SATISFACTION IN THE OLD DOMINION. [py TELEGRAPH TO THE HERALD.) Petensecrs, Va, Jan. 25, 1877. of the Electoral bill by the Senate in- spires a feeling of the liveliest isfaction among the democrats here. Many prominent colored men, b= lican 1m politics, but property holders as well, now regard tne bill with lavor, their interest coaducing to the de- sire for a peaceful solution of the Presidential dim. culty. The carpet-bag eloment denounce it as a cor- rupt bargain and view with suspicion and ‘istrust the actiou of republicans whom hitherto they have re- garded as party leaders. Tho passa, REJOICINGS AT NEW ORLEANS, [BY TELEGRAPH TO THE HERALD.) Nuw Onieaya, Jan. 25, 1877. News of the passage of the Electoral bill was well Teoelved here to-day, and it seems to satisfy the lead- ing men of both pai together with the entire bust ness community. All securities advanced, and State bonds toucbea seventy, a rise of three per cent, INDORSEMENT BY THR MINNESOTA ASSEMBLY, St. Pau, Jan, 25, 1877. The House passed by a vote of 65 to 6 a resolution imdoraiug the Compromise Committec’s pian of settling the olectoral question, A CORRECTION, To tae Epitor oy THK HRRALD:— Judge Fowle authorizes the denial of the despatch from Weedon stating that he was opposed to the action of the yoint commtitees of Congress upon the electoral matter. Judge Fowle at first doubted as to its consti tutionality, but now states publicly that he believes tbat the peace of the country will ve preserved by thé sotion of the commit! P. CALDW: Kaman, N. C., Jan, 28, 1877, EXECUTION STAYED, {BY TELEGRAPH TO THE HERALD,] Satt Lake, Utan, Jan. 26, 1877, The case of Bishop John D. Lee, convicted of mun dor in the Mountain Meadow massacre of 1867, was appealed to the Supreme Court of the Territory, which bas granted a stuy of execution, if the caso, % there dec! against him it will probably be appealed jubilant as to his prospects of gettin | Journment of the Senate, and he invited Mr. Schoom- to the Supreme Uourt of the United States. Lee tee new trial, and counsel is wlsy Geugulne