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4 NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, ‘DECEMBER 3, 1876.—WITH SUPPLEMENT. NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Three cents per copy (Sun- day excluded). ‘Teun dollars per year, or at rate of one dollar per month for any period Jess than six months, or five dollars for six months, Sunday edition included, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yorx Henap, Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. - PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO.112 SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE---AV JE DE Lor NAPLES OFFICE—) STRADA P42 Subscriptions and advertisements will bi Teceived and forwarded on the same terms 2s in New York. BOOTIES THEATRE SARDANAPALUS, a8. M. Mr. Range and Mra Agnes Booth. GERMANIA THEATRE DER GROSSE WUitF, at SP. M. t LYCEUM THEATER FOOLS REVENGE, wis". M. Hdwin Boots, FIFTH AV HRATRR 48 YOO LIKE IT, a5 BROOK PRATER SULIVS CASAL, ats GILMO * att ands hy aL WALLACK'S THEATRE THE SHAUGHRAUN, at 81M. PARK THEATRE, MUBETTE, at 8PM. Lotta. KEW YO BARNUM'S CLI: K AQUARIUM, Dpen aaily. RY TikaTRE, ‘ Bow TIDE OF LUPE, at 8 NIBLO'S GARDEN, BABA, P.M. ARE TURATHR, MIS8 MULTON, at ACADEMY OF MUSIQ. GRAND CONCERT, ut & FM STE CONCERT, at 8 P. M. COLUMBIA OPERA HOUS! VARIETY, at 5 P.M, e THEATRE COME VARIETY, a 8 PTE ee OLYME VARIETY AND DRAMA, TONY PASTOR VARIRTY, ats P.M. Mat THIRD AVENU BURLESQUE DRAMA, ats P.M, MABILLE THEATRE, MABILUER MYTH, nts I PARE VALET! VARIETY, a RP. M basing TIVOLI THEATRE, VARIRTY, at 8 P.M. ne aes EAG THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P.M, ‘CO MINSTRELS, PHILADELPHIA THEATRES, ALHAMBRA PALACE. YAGE 10 THE EARTIL SUPPLEMENT. 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From our reports this morning the probabil- ities are that the weather to-day will be very cold and cloudy or partly cloudy, possibly with light snoin or rain Porrrics anp THanxsoivinc.—In our churches yesterday the fact fhat the nation was called on in the midst of a political crisis to give thanks to God for His mercies to the American people naturally gave a political color to the sermons of our leading divines. We call attention to such of these thoughtfnl addresses as are printed else- where. The views of such clergymen as Beecher, Armitage, Chapin, Bellows, Os- good, Chapman, Lloyd and Hatfield and even such as Talmage upon the situation will be found worthy of study. “Great as General Grant has shown himself to be, and powerful as his party is undoubtedly, the suggestion seriously accepled on his part would be virtually to leap from the Tarpeian rock and leave a name in history to be remembered with the names of Burr and Arnold.” Fiontixo tax Onryenxes.—Wo publish to-day o highly interesting despatch from our correspondent with General Macken- zie's forces, giving details of the gallant action in which the Cheyennes under Dull Knife wero signally routed by our troops, The plan of giving the hostiles still in the field no rest during the winter is the right | one, and is bound to be successful if fol- | lowed up in Mackenzie's style. the same time no nncertain course must be pursued with the Indians who surrender or come in to be fed till the grass grows. Ever since the mas- sacre of Custer’s command tho attention of | the government has been directed to Fort Peck as the point from which the hostile Indians were in tho habit of drawing their supplies. Thisis one of the agencies in which Mr. Orville Grant was shown to be in- | terested; but this ought not to prevent the government from taking efficient mensures to render it too hot to hold any of the hostile bands. Yet it seoms to be understood that Sitting Bull and his warriors can walk about | in safety, eVen in presence of our military force, when under the protection of friends of the Grant family. At | “What issue excites Pennsylvania or New | Yorke, or what wili result from the ambition of any man, however famous, or any party, how- | ever strong, are of litile value compared with the | claim is the fidelity with which he bas | found a new Washmgton, and that we must | (From the Henaxp, July 5, 1873.) New Lines of Poli How HWistory Repeats Itself—What Is the © of the Future? In politics as in nature there are drifts resembling those which scientific men tell us mark the growth of the very earth upon which we live. Scandinavian philosophers are marking the different stages of the sea’s recession from the Swedish high- lands, and will tell us how many cen- turies must pass before the vast inland spaces hidden by shallow lakes are dry and fresh for the furrow. In the United States those who look at politics froma lofty point of view will note certain changes and formations, We shall in after days note by these indications the real growth of the Re- public. Compared with this other consid- erations ag vain and indifferent. What issue excites Pennsylvania or New York or what will result from the ambition of any man, however famous, or any party, however strong, are of little value compared with the graver questions now commanding our atten- tion. The marked periods in American history are associated with the names of Washing- ton, Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln. Wash- ington founded the Republic, Jefferson created the party which so long represented the democratic sentiment that arose out of the French Revolution. Jackson first made the government serve the aims of party and taught our earlier politicians the fas- cinating and dangerous prerogatives of the Presidential office. Lincoln destroyed the slave power, and, had he lived, would prob- ably have finally reconstructed the Union. These are the landmarks of our history, and all political successes and experiments, the rise and fall of parties, the aims and plans of our public men, are subordinate to them, These men stamped their names upon their epoch; they had exceptional power. Washington, with that extraor- dinary prescience und self-denial which make his name shine throngh the ages with the lustre of Aristides and Phocion, do- clined to use his power. No two were more apart in their character, more diverse in their purposes, than Hamilton and Jefferson. Washington innde them serve his purpose, which was the national security. Jefferson was not permitted this independence of action, and perhaps did not crave it. THe was the leader of a party, and had positive radical views on political and social ques- tions. He had lived in the flame and beauty of the early days of the French Revolution, when ‘Liberty, fraternity and equality !" were shouted in Paris streets by men not yet maddened with blood, He had a passionate, almost personal hatred of kings, He made war upon ancestral rights, primogeniture, the aristocracy, an es- tablished church, a standing army— all the forms and expedients by which the monarchs strengthened their thrones. He felt that no government was greater than a people. He was the father of Monroe doctrines—manifest destinies. He gave us an empire in Louisiana and tried to open the Western road to the Pacific. He was an American representing the best idens of the best age of France. When he was in power his sway was absolute; when he retired his power remained. He named Madison as successor to himself—Monroe as successor to Madison. Even his opponents abandoned their opposition, and we had what histori- ans have called ‘‘the era of good feeling,” and he may be said to have dominated American politics trom the death of Wash- ington to the advent of Jackson. Whether the influence of Jackson upon our country was for good or evil has never been determined. He made a lasting im- pression upon the country and was a ruler of ever-mastering will. He realized the saying ‘‘that degenerate courage makes one a majority.” He showed the country the power which Hamilton and Jay really con- cealed in the Presidential office, In a time of peace he assumed prerogatives which Lincoln never assumed in time of war. He made politics a profession, With absolute convictions on all subjects, arising more frequently from prejudice than reason, he used his office as he used his pistols and his horsewhip—to remove all opposition to his will. He taught us the debasing dastom that when a party wins power its duty is to reward its followers by pillaging the public revenues. It was then we learned the famous political axiom, that ‘‘to the victors belong the spoils." Nor have we re- formed this altogether, although Gen- eral Grant thinks that the country believes he has seriously attempted to do so. That truculent, inglorious Mexican war was one of the results of the Jackson policy. Then came the Nebraska bill and the trans- actions in Kansas, Notwithstanding these consequences the power of Jackson was as great as that of Jefferson. He named his successor, He influenced democratic poli- ties so long as there was a democratie party, He made it impossible for Clay, Calhoun or Webster, his colossal antagonists, to win the supreme fame of the Presidency. Until our civil war his name was a talisman in our politics. Nor is the spell broken. The awful events of the volcanic, tremendous time have net destroyed the name of Jackson, His rugged, imperi- ous, honest, frank nature made that name a 1 Departure— | pleasing legend in our history, and men will honor him for his war upon a gigantic cor- poration like the National Bank, for his‘ firmness with Louis Philippe and his reso- lation in dealing with South Carolina and | “nullification,” who forget that he dissolved his Cabinet because the wives of some of his Ministers would not share his views about a noted lady in the capital, and was with the utmost difficulty dissuaded from cutting off the ears of Henry Clay for criticising him in the Senate. The party which Jackson disciplined and inspired only wont down under the guns of the civil war. That period we typify in the person of Lincoln, following as we do the fancy men have for representing every pe- riod by its hero. So Lincoin will always be the type of that tremendous time. He did not live to complete his work. Mr. Johnson's administration was almost « pro-slavery while all the merit that General Grant can restoration, je was only as Mr, Johnson swayed from that policy that he brought defeat and almost destruction upon himself. By General Grant's course he has carried the country. Thie belief which the anti-slavery fame of Greeley, Chase, Sumner and others could not destroy—that the overthrow of General Grant would in some way re- vive the rebellion—gave the President his extraordinary success in the last canvass. It was seen that he held the country as it never had been held by Jeffer- son, Jackson or Lincoln—by any one, in fact, since Washington. Mistakes in ad- ministration, indiscretions in policy, scan- dals in appointments and decrees, blunders and misapprehensions that would have seri- ously weakened any President have been forgiven, because the country feels that Grant is the legitimate successor of Lincoln and means, in honesty and good faith, to carry ont his governing ideas. From these historical deductions it is, we think, safe to assume as a cardinal principle underlying all political combinations and speculations that the present political era is under the control of General Grant He is as completely master of his party as Jack- son or Jefferson were masters of their party, while republicanism is even more demo- cratic than democracy in its palmiest days. He can name his successor, unless he makes up his mind to destroy his party, and wo question if the act of political suicide would not be beyond the resources of his statesmanship. It is probable that this apparent immutability leads to the sugges- tion, now taking life, that he shall be again acandidate for the Presidency. Great as General Grant has shown himself to be, and powerful os his party is undoubtedly, the suggestion seriously accepted on his part would be virtually to leap from the Tar- peian Rock and leave a name in history to be remembered with the names of Burr and Arnold. We do not say this as ao criticism or assault upon Gen- eral Grant. We hold him in honor and kindness. But his election for a third term would be to certify to the world that republican institutions had failed in America. Whenever any man, however eminent or patriotic or gifted, becomes nec- essary to our government, then are we no longer capable of self-government. The time is coming when we must consider gravely this whole question of the Presiden- tial office. The attributes of the office, its prerogatives and possibilities, its ever in- creasing power and splendor, the yearning of a cultivated and wealthy socioty for court honors and the attractions of a court life, the desire of those in office to retain power and rewdtd-—the question, in fact, whether a strong Executive does not weaken the Re- public—must in time become the most important in our politics. Tho renomina- tion of General Grant would precipitate its consideration. Weshould have a canvass of unexampled bitterness. If he were de- feated his illustrious name would be stained. If he should be elected then our Republic would be as grievously wounded as when a submissive Senate in the Roman days per- mitted an imperator to assume continuous p° rin the person of Augustus Casar. \\ .cther Cmsarism is to be the next issue or not is a serious question. Much rather would we put it aside as an impossible episode, But, as it is, we are in a néw era. Old issues are settled ; old parties have dis- solved. Even the famous men of the last political generation have gone to rest, their work being done. The great men’ of the Lincoln period—where are they? Lincoln, Seward, Stanton, Chase, Meade, Thomas, Farragut, Lee—they have gone to sleep with the fathers of the Republic and new men reign in their stead. Of the renowned Cabinet that decreed eman- cipation but two remain. But two remain, and only ten short years have passed! So swiftly do events sweep into history, leaving new and grave duties to we who remain. To us they are as momentous as any that have gone before. History is repeating itself in our politics; weare in an erd of change, like what we saw under Washington, Jefferson and Jack- son, and if this question of Cwsarism con- tinues to assume a menacing aspect we shall have an issue more difficult to decide and more essential in its proper determination to the national liberties than any that has gone before. “When we see what toe see in France and Spain and Italy it is well to pause and apply to our own conditions of national life the problema there seek- ing solution."’ Arrest of Colonel Grant, The arrest of Colonel Fred Grant in Chi- cago is a very small and contemptible piece of persecution, which cannot but react un- favorably, in the opinions of all persons whose opinions have weight, upon the re- porter and the kind of journalism whose antics’ led to it, With proper restrictions and in proper circumstances the interview is of great value, It is o convenient and effective method of putting within easy reach of the people the views of dis- tinguished men upon important occasions, and the distinguished man is as conscious of its value as the people themselves. But it has been greatly abused and has been made at once ridiculous and misek hievous and acover for every species of imperti- nenco, People ar@ordcred to stand and deliver, as if the interviewing reporter claimed the same right to their opinions thata highwayman might to their purses; andif there is any cause why they desire ‘or are under obligations to decline his attentions the reporter seems to contemplate himself as the victim of a per- sonal outrage. All this is the consequence ofa want of discretion and tact on the part of the reporter. In his endeavor to find General Sheridan the Chicago reporter did | not reflect that the officers on a general's staf might be guilty of a breach of military | decorum in telling him all they knew of their commander's whereabouts, and for his impertinent pursuit of the subject he de- served the unpleasant consequences, To appeal tothe police justices in such a caso was a despicable line of conduct. “An oF nownees in a asional worshipper of power an- truculent manner that we have graver questions now commanding our attention.” | followed the drift of Lincoln's policy. It] kee him” j What Is President Grant Driving Att President Grant, who long ago acquired the reputation of a sphinx, has now become a riddle, What motive can he have for violating the constitution, as he has so pal- pably done in South Carolina? Apparently he has nothing to gain if he is acting in good faith. It makes little difference to him whether Mr. Hayes or Mr. Tilden is the next President of the United States if he contemplates a quiet retirement to pri- vate life, If ho is to descend to the position of one citizen among forty millions, and is to pass the remainder of his life with no more political power than belongs to his simple vote, what explanation can be given of his recent conduct? His unwarranted interference with the South Carolina Legislature is a perfect enigma un- less he has some ulterior design which is not yet avowed. The opinion of the President's character and estimate of his ambition which im- pelled us to warn the country against the danger of Cwesarism was not formed on slight grounds, and it remains unchanged. Our apprehensions were allayed after the impeachment of Belknap and the indictment of Babcock. We were then too glad to drop the discussion of Ovsarism, believing that the great danger was past. Past it would have been beyond all doubt had the candidate of either of the great political parties received a decisive and un- questioned majority in this Presidential election. But, unfortunately, the Presi- dential contest was not so clearly decided at the polls as to compel both parties to accept the result. We mustawait the action of the Electoral Colleges before we reach any definite result at all, and there is a strong likelihood that the result may be disputed, It seems probable that the Sen- ate will claim that Mr. Hayes is elected and the House that Mr. Tilden is elected, and that, with two claimants for the office, an excuse may be found for cutting the knot with the sword. If the dispute comes to that pass the man who wields the sword will be master of the situation. We have too much confidence in the good sense and self- command of the American people to believe that there will be any resort to force unless there should be a deliberate shaping of events to that end by the Commander-in- Chief of the army. The main source of anxiety in this conjuncture is the fact that the country has no confidence that Presi- dent Grant will refrain from employing the army in Violation of the constitution, What was done at Columbia, on Thursday, shows too plainly that he has no scruples as to the employment of.troops. If he is ready to violate the constitution in South Carolina what guar- antee can we have that he would not tram- ple it under foot everywhere? If events should reach such a pass in Washington in the latter part of February that Mr. Hayes is dependent on President Grant for his in- auguration how can we have any assur ance that he attempt to put aside both Hayes and his com- petitor and make that final stride to Cmsarism which would then be in his will not power? When the constitution ceases to bind him what limit can be set to his mili- tary boldness? Ifhe has no hesitation in using the army illegally to support a man like Chamberlain why should he hesitate to use it for himself? From the moment that the Rubicon is passed, from the moment that the constitution ceases to be a restraint, it depends on the mere will of the President to decide how far he will go. Some tempting lures have been held out to ambition in the excitement of the last few weeks. 3{r. Cushing, who has so much of the President’s confidence that he nomi- nated him for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, has expressed the opinion that o crisis may arise which will make it the duty of General Grant to hold over until there can be another Presidential election. Mr. Cushing is an adroit and accomplished courtier. He has had the amplest opportunities for studying and understand- ing President Grant. No man is better qualified to judge what would please him. Mr. Cushing cunningly put into General Grant's head an idea which probably had not occurred tohim before. He suggested » possibility calculated to revive the long cherished ambitious hopes which seemed to have been extinguished when took such a last winter as | precluded renomination of President | Grant by the Republican National Conven- tion, The President has an obvious motive for gotting things into such a muddle as to reqtire his intervention, If Hayes should be declared elected, in spite of a gencral be- lief that Tilden is entitled to the place, Grant would have every advantage for per- petuating his own power. His employment of the army to defeat Tilden conciliates the republicans, and the expected democratic resistance to manifest fraud and injustice will enable him to give the quarrel such a affairs turn shape as will suit his views and hopes. Is he intending to step in at the last moment, swellow the oyster and award the shells to | the claimants? If he does not mean to fol- what does he mean? low Mr. Cushing’s suggestion and do this | ana Legislature nearly two years ago had suspicious and ugly look, being regarded at the time asa first step toward bringing the politics of the country under military con- trol. It was said, in the indignation meet- ings which followed that military in- terference with a Legislature, that on the same pretexts a President might em- ploy soldiers to control an Electoral College and re-elect himself. If Grant instead of Hayes had been the republican candidate in this election the recent military inter- meddling in Sonth Carolina would have ad- mitted but of one interpretation. Every- body would have regarded it as a violation of the constitution by President Grant for the purpose of re-electing himself. On the face of the facts ho seems to bo violating the constitution now in the interest of another, But is it really for an- other? Does he care so much for Hayes as to be willing to trample the constitution under foot to promote his election? If he did this to force his own election it would be perfectly intelligible, It would accord perfectly with the intentions ascribed to General Grant while he was seeking a third nomination by the republican party. Has his former ambition been rekindled by re- cent events and by the artful suggestions of that shrewd sycophant Caleb Cushing? If he expects to retire to private life on the 4th of March why should he stain his fair fame by illegal military violence? If he in- tends to remain in power after the 4th of March his otherwise unaccountable conduct is perfectly intelligible. Knowing what we do of the history of human ambi- tion we can easily understand why a bold and successful soldier. might grasp at empire when so dazzling a prize seemed to be within his grasp.. History abounds with instances of men who have not scrupled to “wade through slaughter to a throne,” and there is nothing in the career of President Grant inconsistent with the idea that he may, be of the number. If he can get Hayes counted in by fraud it is by no means a wild expectation that the demo- eratic House of Representatives will resist, and President Grant can then give such a shape to the controversy as will afford him & pretext for keeping possession of the government until another Presi- dential election. If he holds over or such a pretext we shall never have an- other Presidential election. If there should be a pretence of one the Casar at Washing- ton would manage to have the present diffi- culties come up again to afford him the same excuse for not relaxing his grasp. If he tramples the constitution in the dust for such a creature as Chamberlain what as- surance can we have that he would not go to greater lengths for himself? Hackensack's Fox Hunt. We fear we made a slight mistake in say- ing yesterday that fox hunting was difficult in this latitude, Tho huntsmen of Hacken- sack belied this grave doubt of ours, or, to be exact in such an imporant matter, the huntsmen at Hackensack flung back o triumphant rejoinder which quivers in us like the spear of Achilles in the body of Hector. New Jersey has not, we aro sorry to say for the honor of that fine old Revolutionary State, her native sportsmen to thank for this, Their conduct on horseback and muleback and cartback bears out our darkest fore- bodings. They did their utmost, we are assured, even to sending relays of Jersey- men, armed with ripsaws, ahead of the hounds to cut the top bars out of the fences by the time the horsemen and mulemen came up. All in vain. Had it not been for the two foreign noblemen, the Baron Von Vogl, of Austria, and Viscount Blossom, of England, the Hackensack hunt would have gono into history as a dismal fiasco, These distinguished lovers of le sport should never be forgotten by New Jersey. Not alone in their noble mien; not alone in the Centaur fashion with which they “sat” their gallant steeds; not, indeed, their fearless horsemanship, going over fences as fairies spring over mushrooms by moonlight, but in their astute use of the Weehawken Line do these scions of stately European houses merit New Jersey’s respect and esteem. We learn that these noblemen had intended to bring over their horses by the French Line, but, warned by an accident which took place many years ago, they had their horses transported by the hereafter-to-be-famous Weehawken Line. Thus were they enabled, without a chance of misadventure, to bring their splendid ‘‘mounts” to the ‘imeet,” and to redeem from ignominy the horsemanship of a State of our American Union. To see the Baron Von Vogl going over the fence rails with the same Teutonic phlegm that kept his noble grandfather in his seat when three French cannon balls eut off the four legs of his charger at Austerlitz must have been inspiring to the highest degree. To see Viscount Blossom give his tally-ho as he rose easily in his stirrups while Jerseymen were studding their na- tive fields in all varieties of inverted pos- ture, some on their heads and others stick- ing out of creeks, was to see the descendant of a long line of ruddy cheeked squires and sturdy nobles, reaching back to the Plan- tagenets in all his glory. Theirs not to falter or wait fora gate to open ora fence rail fo be sawed off, but to go overeverything like birds--and all because these noblemen trusted to the Weehawken Line, To think of them on a knock-kneed hack or a Passaic mule—the worst of their kind—is too much. Well bad they conned over the lines of Pope:— The foundered horse will oft debate Before he trice a five-barred gate, If the Baron Von Vogl, unwistful of the safe Weehawken Line, had offered, like his ancestor at Austerlitz, ‘Zwei thalers” for a horse at Hackensack, he could not have got one, in the polite sense of the term, within » radius of several miles. We have now indicated how and by whom fox hunting in New Jersey was saved from failure, and we leave a propor recognition The military interference with the Louisi- | thereof to this historic Commonwealth, (From the Hzaatp, July 7, 187%) What We May Learn from the Old World=The War Against Cresarism in France and Spain—Have We = Republican Form of Government t The nations of the world are'so closely bound together that what affects one will in Many weys affect another. It is ime possible to have social and commer- cial relations with countries like France and Germany and Spain, -and not in some way be controlled by the political emotions and agitations which sweep over them, The war against Church influence in Germany is & problem that has uot been without a parallel in our own local history, and many gloomy-minded prophets still think that there will be even graver religious complications in the future. Spain is wrestling with that same spirit of slavery and slaveholding arrogance which com- pelled us to sacrifice so much blood and treasure in its overthrow, while there are problems in France now in process of solus tion which may well demand our gravest attention, and from which we may learn lessons of wisdom. Although we know so much more of all that is needful in politics and natural economy than any other people, there is much to be learned from these warm, subtle countries of the South. Inthe North we see the lusty, vigorous and valiant Russian and German and Saxon. History shows what they have done in war and conquest. We do not venture to think what is still possible to them after Sadowa and Sedan. But in the finer elements of character—the subtle qualities of statesmanship and prog- ress—the world has learned nothing since the times of Machiavelli. In literature, art, political economy, the liws of finance and trade, architecture, music—what have we learned in the North? What have we that has not come from the South? Two mighty names, the shadow of whose genius rests upon the world like an aurora, Shakespeare and Goethe come from the North, but it is the North as moulded and tinted by centuries of southern taste and light. When we see what we see in Spain and France and Italy it is well to pause and apply to our own conditions of national life the problems there seeking solu- tion. We may in the future have to undergo even more exhausting struggles unless we build wisely now. It is so much easier to build than to rebuild, The Spaniards and Frenchmen of to-day are in the throes of social and political agony to undo what was vainly done by their fathers, No similar problems oppress us, for with us every problem is solved by the prodig- ious wealth ond richness of our soil, the vast sections of unimproved land awaiting the emigrant, the readiness with which wealth is gained. But there was a time when land was free to the people of the Mediterranean, when money was earned easily, when society had no vexing, heartrending problems; and, sa far as the richness of soil is concerned, we have never surpassed France in our har vests, nor Spain in the variety of our mineral wealth, And what these Mediterranean countries see may in time come home to us, Whatis the question in Spain and France} As we understand it, simply this :—How best can Spaniards and Frenchmen rule their native lands, securing to all life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? How best can there be a genuine republican form of government? What is the question in the United States? No more nor less than this:—Shall we have a republican form of govermment! We dismiss from consideration all sentimental and fantastic questions of poli. tics. It is not whether we shall have pro tection or free trade, suffrage to one class o1 another, centralization or State righta. These questions will determine themselves, But shall we have a republican form'of gov- ernment? The thought in the minds of most of our politicians is, shall we nominate General Grant for a third time? It is true the thought has not found general expression. It is spoken, if at all, with bated breath and whispering humbleness. An occasional worshipper of power announces in atruculent manner that we have found a new Washington and we must keep him. Some of the enemies of General Grant insist in a mocking way that he shall be at once nominated. But there is no general expression on the subject. Tho want of this expression is a grave indication. Suppose Mr, Johnson, or General Pierce, or Mr. . Buchanan had, either of them, been mentioned as a candidate for three terms, how promptly we should have been told the liberties of the country were indanger. Now we hear no sound. Nothing is clearer than that the henchmen of General Grant, the men who have gained honor and wealth out of his administration, and who see in his renomination and re-election their own continuance in power, mean ta insist upon his renomination. The argu- ments are all at hand: we are doing so well, the business of the country needs so much tranquillity, the South is so restless in the presence of a firm hand, General Grant has been so admirable, and so. on, that we cannot run the risk of new experiments, This is so much more probable, because, as we have shown before, the political situa- tion is in the hands of General Grant, ‘He is as completely master as was ever Jefferson, Jackson or Lincolu, Never was a Presi- dent so. submissively obeyed. Never was a party so dominant. Every depart ment of the government, nearly every large State, the army, the navy, the Bench—even this great State and still greater metropolis, which stood all the assaults of Lincoln when in the ful- ness and glory of triumphant war—all, all are in the hands of his followers, And not one of theso men has ventured to speak what he would have spoken a few years ago about the question of a third term. We are time for its discussion has not come; that it would be a reflection upon General Grant to suppose him in any way ambitious of a renomination. But to say this is not a living issue is to say what is not true, Romo had no more living issue than when, on tho Lupercal, Murk Antony loffered the kingly crown to Julius told it is not a living question; thatthe - ,