The New York Herald Newspaper, October 31, 1876, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD | BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. <aciidliactie=Giaeee PR ig DAILY HERALD, published every lay in the Three cents per copy (Sun- pd Be econ Ten dollars per year, or at rate of one dollarper month for any period Jess than six months, or five dollars for six pesos Sunday edition included, free of Pran Wesisam; news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yorx Heravp. a and packages should be properly Beale Rejected communications will not be re- turned. LS ESE ES PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO.112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET, PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XLI.. — SS AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. FIFTH AVEN LIFE, a SP. et ies THEATRE hlan, FORBIDDEN PRUTe, 4 NI BABA, at 8P. mt RICAN GRAND wand EXHIBI WERY THEATRE. OUTLAWED, ater a Me Robert Johnstone. UNION 9 au THEATRE, TWO ORPHANS, at 8 P. GRAND “Onna ores UNCLE TOM’S CABIN, at NEW YORE avasrene. Open daily. BOOTH'S THEATRE, BARDANAPALUS, at8 P.M. Mr. bangs and Mrs. Agne jootia, PARK THEATRE A TOM COBB, at 8 P. M. BROOKLYN THEATRE. JANE EYRE, a: 8 P.M. Miss Thompson. GERMANIA THEATRE. OTHELLO at 8 I’. M. GILMOKE’S GARDEN, BARNUM’S CIRCUS AND jAGERIE, at 2andSP. M. PARIstad RIETIES, FARIETY, at 8 P.M. me, TIVOLI THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P. M. EAGLE THEATRE VARIETY, at 8 P, M. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, atSP.M. KELLY 4 LEON’S MINSTRELS, ue8P. M, COLUMBIA OPKRA HOUSE VARIETY, ats P. M. THEATRE COM COMIQUE, VARIETY, at 8 P. OLYMPTG THEATRE, VARIETY AND DRAMA, at 7:45 P. M. TONY _ PASTOR'S THEATRE. JARIETY, at 8P. M. PHILADELPHIA THEATRES. EW NATIONAL THEATRE. mE BLACK CROOK. KREUTZBERG’S ANA THE GREAT SIE Patty from # A. 4. 0 10 jain Exposition Building. PHILADELPHIA MUSEUM, Ninth and Arch streets —TWO ORPHANS, ZOOLOGICAL GARDEN. ee te SEE PALACE, aroun’! Tae WOR! IGHTY Dave FOX's AM THEATRE. Sree TRIPLE SH EET. ae YORK, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 31, MICAL MUSEUM. OF PARIS. ast of the Philadelphia “1876, “NOTICE TO THE PUBLIC. Owing to the action of a portion of the carriers and 1ewsmen, who are determined that tke public shall sot have the Heraup at three cents per cepy if they tap prevent it, we have made arrangements to place the Teravp in the bands ofall our readers at the reduced yrice. Newsboys can purchase any quantity they may fesire at No, 1,265 Broadway and No, 2 Ann street, NOTICE TO NEWSMEN. All those who will promineutly display on their ands a notice to the public to the effect that they ire selling the Heratp at three cents per copy will nect with no opposition by boys or others sent from his office, Stands on wagon route of Kominsky trotners, as also on Stivens’ route, supplied with Irnatps free of commission. From our reports this morning the probabilities tre that the weather to-day wili be warm and vartly cloudy. Wart Strest Yesrerpar.—Gold was tteady during the day at 1093-4. Stocks vere irregular, the advance and decline be- ng about equally marked. Money on call vas supplied at 3 and 2 per cent. Govern- ment and railway bonds were generally strong, and the market showed a disposition to invest in first class securities. ‘Tue Anti-Tammany conferees are still 4 sea. “Jimmy” O'Brien has been thrown overboard as a tub to the whale of respecta- bility; but there is no prospect of smooth sailing yet. ‘Tue Canprpates.—Elsewhere will be found a useful list of the gubernatorial, Congres- sional and judicial nominees of all the par- ties who will be offered to the suffrages of citizens throughout the Union this day week, Tae Gusset Exevatep Rarnoap is still fighting its way under enormous difficulties through the courts. Slovenly law-making appears to be the instrument which the friends of rapid transit have placed in the hands of the astute counsel who strike blows in court in behalf of its unscrupulous enemies. ‘Tux Sauorazy Errecr of the disarming of the Sioux Indians at the Red Cloud Agency may be judged by the state of things which preceded it along the border. Our corre- spondent’s letter, written from Fort Laramie, describes the raiding of the Indians upon the settlers, and points out that the disarm- ing and dismounting, which was then in contemplation, would be the best possible cure for it Tux Wearnen.—In the West the area of low barometer which appeared several days ago has been divided in two by an advanc- ing area of high pressure. The two depres- sions now formed are remarkable for the high temperature that accompanies them. Rain continues to prevail in advance of those areas as far eastward as Pittsburg, but the high pressure still central over New York and New England delays its progress toward us, Clear weather generally pre- vails in the South and high temperature in the Southwest. The weather in New York to-day promises to be warm and partly a le ene ea NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 31 1876—TRIPLE SHEET. Presidential Speculations. It is improbable that both the republicans and the democrats can get a majority of the electoral vote. We mention this fact be- cause it is now quite plain that both are equally confident of success, and as election day is but a week off itis only humane to prepare some one for an impending disap- pointment. ‘‘An’ two men ride a horse one must ride behind.” No proverb just now occurs to us applicable to an attempt of three men to ride one horse, but Mr. Cooper is not so good a cavalryman that he will want to be bothered with two other gentle- men riding behind him. He is much more likely to push them off. To show how sure Mr. Hayes is to be the next President we have only to quote theau- thentic, official, genuine ‘election outlook” of the Republican National Committee, as they have kindly communicated it to the Henaxp for the information of the indepen- dent voter. Here are the figures which, if they are proved correct next Tuesday even- ing, will undoubtedly elect Mr. Hayes. Until then they are subject to corrections:— REPUBLICAN ESTIMATE—STATES CERTAIN FOR BAYES. STATES CERTAIN FOR TILDEN, ome | 0 Maryland. Ifthe States marked. “doubtful” should also give their votes for Governor Hayes, he would have 248 to Tilden’s 121. This is, however, only one view of the field. Against this outlook from the official republican windows comes the following from the dem- ocratic side of the house—equally well in- formed, and from the highest sources:— DEMOCRATIC ESTIMATES—STATRS CERTAIN FOR TILDEN, Connecticut 8 A comparison of the two tabi both parties claim among the States ‘‘cer- tain” for their candidates New York, New Jersey and North Carolina. These have, together, 54 votes, and if they should all go either way they would defeat the candidate against whom they cast their votes. With- out them Hayes would have but 170 and Til- den but 141 votes. But all three are ac- knowledged by both sides to be cloge States, though both count them as “certain” in their lists. Examining further, we find that the republicans give up Florida, Louisiana and Mississippi, and place Indiana and Con- necticut among the doubtful States. The democrats claim as ‘‘certain” both Connecti- cut and Indiana, claim Louisiana and Mis- sissippi and put Florida among the ‘‘doubt- ful.” If, now, we take the Hayes table, which excludes Indiana and Connecticut already, and deduct from it also New York, this would still leave Hayes 189 votes, or four more than enough to elect, and yet give the democrats both Indiana and Connecticut. If, how- ever, the republicans should lose either North Carolina or Wisconsin, in addition to New York, they would be beaten. They could not, on their own reckoning, afford to lose even New Jersey in addition to ‘New York, except in a contingency we shall con- sider further on. On the other hand, if we scrutinize the Tilden table, we shall find that to make up for the loss of New York the democrats would have to carry not only Indiana, which they claim as certain and which the Republican Committee put down as doubtful, but enough States to give them twenty-five votes, from among those which they admit to be doubtful; for instance, Flor- ida, Wisconsin, South Carolina and Cali- fornia, which have an aggregate of twenty- seven votes. As the democrats themselves put these States down as only ‘probably for Tilden” it must, be held doubtful whether they can carry them all. But, still examining the Tilden list, we notice that even if the democrats carry New York, Connecticut and New Jersey, they cannot, on their own showing, afford to lose Indiana, without getting at least five or six votes from States which they admit to be doubtful. Granting them all they claim as certain, and granting, therefore, that the re- publicans lose New York, Connecticut and New Jersey, the democrats would still fail if they should lose Indiana, That is to say, on the Tilden official list, if the democrats lose Indiana, they will get but one hundred and eighty votes. On the Hayes official list, if the republicans lose New York, Connecti- cut and New Jersey, but carry Indiana, they will still have one hundred and ninety-tive votes. It is evident from this that, by the admission of the managers of both parties, Indiana is an extraordinarily important State. The democrats officially admit that they cannot certainly succeed without it. The republicans seem to show that if they should lose the very uncertain Eastern States, New York, New Jersey and Connecti- eut, which last they do not claim, they can still hope to succeed if they carry Indiana. Can they carry Indiana? They them- selves put it down as doubtful, though it is hardly more doubtful than some of the other States which they claim as certain. In fact, everything is doubtful just now. ‘Though both parties are so sanguine of suc- cess, the fact is that at heart both wish the battle over; each is anxious, and the best judges, the closest calculators, privately ad- mit that there never was an election when the unknown quantities were so great and various. For instance, there are shrewd re- publicans who believe that if election day is fair and warin they will carry Connecticut. There are democrats who believe that the |Jarge registration in this city denotes » great democratic majority in this State. But amid all the guessing the fact stands out that Indiana may this time decide the re- sult, If it goes republican it may give the victory to Hayes. But if it goes for Cooper? The republicans have not counted on it. To the democrats, unless they carry some States which they admit to be doubtful, it is abso- lutely necessary. Suppose, once more, that the republicans, seeing this, and determined to defeat the democrats at all hazards, should suddenly turn their strength over to the Cooper electoral ticket? We have already shown what would be the probable result as to the vote of the State. The straightout Cooper vote in October, united to the republican vote, is more than enough to carry the State away from the democrats. This elimination of Indiana would, accord- ing to the tables above given, defeat the democrats unless they were fortunate enough to carry several other States; it would not necessarily defeat the repnblicans, but if it left both without a majority it would still, as we have before shown, enable the repub- licans to elect their candidate to the Vice Presidency, an office which has so frequently proved of the first importance that it isa prize to be coveted. Can the republicans carry their voters in a body over to the Cooper electoral ticket? On that question we can onlysay that in the October canvass the republican managers showed that they had pretty intimate rela- tions with the greenback leaders. The struggle is so close that neither party will omit any means which are likely to secure the defeat of the other. The canvass of the republicans has been of a nature to induce their adherents, especially in the West, to prefer anything to a democratic victory. The republican political managers are keen, determined, able men, who love power, and who have a shrewd knowledge of the inner- most thoughts of the people they address, The republican party, especially in the West, is a firmly coherent body, almost an army in discipline, in unity of purpose and in dislike of its democratic opponents. What cannot be done with such a body in the crisis of an extraordinarily exciting po- litical struggle it would be hazardous to say. It is enough for us to point out that, aside from New York, Connecticut and New Jersey, Indiana is a State of the first impor- tance, the result of whose vote may have decisive bearings upon the election in more ways than one. Conditions of Peace in Europe. There is scarcely room for further doubt in regard to the armistice. With or without the proviso for possible extension it will be accepted by Turkey, and thus the sudden failure of Servian resistance in the Morava Valley will be of little consequence with re- gard to the future, for the six weeks thus accorded will be utilized by the pence- makers, and the war will not be recom- menced unless it is with a Russian army behind the Servians. The proposition asso- ciated with the call for an armistice is for a conference of the Powers to determine the law of Europe with relation to Turkey. With regard to this proposition two demands are made—one by England and one by Rus- sia—and these demands will probably be conceded. England demands that the basis of the conference shall be the recognition of the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, That must be a sort of diplomatic hardpan below which no one shall delve in search of solutions of the difficulty. Russia might very reasonably object to this; but astheroe is evidently a wish to have peace she will yield this point at England’s demand, and as an equivalent tothe concession thus made to Eggland the conference will probably concede to Russia a privilege without which she would be weak to assent to England’s position. If Russia assents to the integrity of the Ottoman Empire she must have a recognized right to protect in that Empire the Christian Slavs; to guar- antee with her troops that the laws shall be enforced which the conference shall make with regard to the Christian sub- jects of the Sultan. Without this guarantee the conference willend in smoke and the war will go on; and the perception of this fact will induce England to concede the Russian demand. It will not do for British diplomacy to repeat at this point its blunder of last summer by opposing an impractical opposition to the only possible condition of peace. Karsgn Wit11amM to tHE Grnmaw Pantra- uunt.—Some days since the London Times printed a somewhat vociferous article on the Eastern question, which appealed directly to Germany and to Prince Bismarck. This article called upon Germany to come forth in the present crisis and pull England’s chestnuts out of the fire. It was Franve that performed this useful act on the last occasion when England's chestnuts were roasted, and France is no longer in a posi- tion to render this important service. There- fore England calls upon the country which has taken the place of France as the domi- nant military Power of the Continent. But the response is not satisfactory. The ad- dress of Kaiser William to the Parliament assembled yesterday is a plain intimation that if Germany puts her hand in tie fire to pull out any chestnuts the one essential condition must be that the chestnuts are Germany's and no one else's. This is good statesmanship. If France had made the same reply before the Crimean war there would have been no war; and the war of 1870, if it had ever come, would not have seen France shorn of all friendly support. Campatan Roorpacks.—From the number of “exposures,” *‘charges,” ‘damning proofs of corruption” and wholesale declarations of “perjury” and ‘‘fraud” against the Presi-« dential and other candidates now in the field it would seem that the only safety lies in nominating men who have passed their lives among cows and pigs upon a farm, The candidate must never have entered a “city” of more than five hundred inhabi- tants, and, above all, he must have never as much as looked at a railroad. If he fills this bill and is homely as a fence rail and slov- enly as an organ grinder he has a chance, It is a curious development of our civiliza- ‘tion that experience is beginning to show that an irreproachable candidate for Presi- dent must possess all the nogative qualities of that square-toed idiot, the acceptable juryman, Mr. Belmont’s Speech. In his speech at the Manhattan Club last night, which we report elsewhere, Mr. Bel- mont was naturally joyful over what he be- lieves to be the promise of success to the party of which he has so long been one of the most prominent leaders. The result of next Tuesday's vote is still regarded by many persons a8 so un- certain that Mr. Belmont’s expressions of confidence in a democratic victory will cheer up many of his fellow democrats. He naturally addressed himself to the ques- tions of the day, and mainly to the finan- cial question, on which he spoke with the knowledge and authority of one of the oldest and most conservative and experienced bankers of New York. Speaking thus with knowledge and experi- ence, not only as a leading banker but as a member of the syndicate, his declarations are of interest and importance, and will be generally read. It will not, of course, be forgotten by his opponents that Mr. Bel- mont is not only a banker, but also a lead- ing democrat; yet his assurances, even if any ore chooses to consider them only as the utterances ofa leading and very influ- ential democrat, will serve to allay appre- hensions which have been needlessly raised. But, after all, we are sorry to see this sub- ject of the national credit brought into the domain of partisan discussion. It has no business there, and we trust that we may never again, after this election, see it thus bandied about in the political arena. The faith and honor of the nation are sacred. They do not depend upon the success of either party, but upon the honesty and honor of the people, and these no one has reason to doubt. . The Approach of Winter. The weather prophets predict a cold win- ter—good news for some classes, but bad news for others. Skaters, ice dealers and those who are fond of sleighing rejoice in the prospect, but it is not welcome to those who have to buy coal and overcoats and who find their expenses increase with the fall of the thermometer. Winterconstituces a state of siege fora large part of the population of agreat city. Last year the season was un- usually mild, and yet the poor suffered ex- tremely, and their misfortunes were ag- gravated by the general depression of trade. How will it be with them in 1876-7, if we are to have from November till March a reign of ice and snow, and a chilly tempera- ture occasionally falling to zero? We shall see repeated in an opposite form the mis- fortunes of last summer, when the death rate rose to an alarming height and thousands of children perished in a few weeks. The intense heat of July and Angust had the effect of a pestilence among the poorer classes who were unable to escape from the crowded districts and confined streets of the city. Relief was afforded them by the free excursions on the rivers and the Bay, and hundreds of little children were saved from death by our charitable societies. This was the plague of heat. . The idea Swo- denborg had of hell was that it was a per- petual alternation of extreme heat and ex- treme cold; as if an African should suddenly be transferred to the North Pole and an Es- quimau sinner be set down under the tropical sun. Thus the poor of New York, who were roasted in July, are likely to be frozen in January. The many noble associations for the relief of the poor of New York will not be idle this winter, but their own resources are limited, and they will soon be required to ask for public assistance. The metropo- lis which has answered the cry for help from Savannah and other cities of the South will not be deaf to the call of its own poor, and now is the time to provide for their necessi- ties. The Registration and What It Shows. The registration in this city falls so far short of the vote to which our popula- tion seems to entitle us that we shall probably hear no more about the wholesale frauds which the politicians have taught us to expect on the day of election. Out of the 183,000 registered names some may have been illegally placed on the lists, and it is to be hoped that all such, whether on the democratic or republican side, may be de- tected and the persons attempting the fraud properly punished. But the total registra- tion falls nearly 20,000 below the figure we have a right to expect, and it is to be feared that the majority of those who neglect the duty of an American citizen may be found among what are called the “upper” classes of society. In Philadelphia, a republican city, there were on the assessors’ lists this year as voters over 186,000 names. There are in that city 687 districts of «bout 250 voters each, with an assessor for each, who makes up the list of voters on the Ist day of June by visiting every house in his district. Sixty days before the election the assessors sit for two days to revise their lists, and atter that they remain unchanged except as altered by the Court of Common Pleas on petition in cases of removal tu other districts or frauds. Last year between twelve and thirteen thousand names were stricken off by the Court; but this year up to last week less than 2,000 names had been erased, leay- ing over 184,000 on the lists. Probably the system of collecting the names of voters by visiting officials is more effective in procur- ing a full list than the system of personal ehrolment as in force in New York. In New York, taking the present popu- lation at 1,100,000, we register this ycar one in six as voters. Allowing Philadelphia to have increased since 1870 in the same proportion as New York, that city would now have 750,000 population, and the registration is, therefore, within a fraction of one in four. In Louisiana the colored vote is singularly large in comparison with the population. In Plaquemine parish one negro’s name is registered as a voter for every three and one-eighth of the total colored population ; in St. Charles the pro- portion is one voter in two and a half of pop- ulation; in St. James the same; in St. Landry one in four and a half; in Carroll one in three and seven-tenths ; in Terre Bonne one in three and two-thirds, and a similar proportion extends throughout the State. The statement tells its own story. Estimating the difference between the vote and the registration this year to be [about eleven per cent, as in 1872 and last year, we have the following probable result:— Year. ‘ion, Fote, 1872... 132, 489 1875 ... 128,867 1876... 164,000 Last year the pon Seat t te candidate for Comptroller received in the city 79,767 yotesand the republican candidate 49,090 votes, being a democratic majority of 30,677. Giving the republicans the same ratio of in- crease ns the democrats on the additional registration and vote, and we have as the probable result in the city, in round num- bers— Pr Tilden’s majority. The question of interest among the poli- ticians now is, will this majority be large enough to overcome any majority the rest of the State may give for Hayes? ‘The vote of the State, exclusive of New York city, has varied considerably. The following table shows thé majorities in the whole State, in- cluding Brooklyn, but without this city for eight years:— 50,878 republican. 22.338 republican, 29,161 republican. 45,096 republican. 6,603 republican. shim repubilcan, 7,780 democratic. 17,118 republican, It will be seen that in two of these years, 1868 and 1872, the probable’ democratic city majority of this year would have been over- come by the rest of the State, and these were both Presidential contests. In 1871 the re- sult would have been exceedingly close, and in the five remaining years the city majority would have elected the democratic candi- dates. These figures are interesting at this time, and will afford a basis for the work of political calculators. The Public Credit in Politics. We do not like to see political parties making the credit and honor of the nation a subject of partisan discussion and using the honorable fears of the people to intimidata them into voting for this or the other candi date. There is something unpatriotic in such a course; and we regret to see that prominent persons in both parties are un- scrupulous enough to thus attempt to work upon the popular apprehension in order to gain votes. From one side we hear delib- erate assertions that the election of Mr.- Tilden would cause a shock to the public credit and bring disgrace on the nation; from the other side we hear assurances that the election of Mr. Hayes would have a simi lar result. This is all wrong; and not only wrong, but false. The public credit is safe, the national honor is‘secure, no matter who is elected. That is a question which does not pass out ofthe people’s hands long enough to enable any political party to cause serious” injury. Nor is (this all. The American people have shown, during and since the war, that they have a keen sense of national honor, and that they will not allow any one, no matter how skilful a demagogue he may be, to persuade them to tolerate trifling with this question. No party could retain power in this coun- try for even a year if it so much asshowed a serious disposition to disturb the public credit, either by tampering with the pay- ment of the bonds or by increasing the national debt. The country was never so wide awake and sbdlicitous upon this subject os now. It will demand of the next administration, whether it be republican or democratic, the utmost and most rigid good faith to the public creditor, and not only this, but close economy in the expenditures, and such sen- sible and conservative legislation as shall remove obstacles to a return to general pros- perity, which cannot but improve our credit. If the party in power, whether democrats or republicans, should neglect these things it will hear from the people in 1878, and they will compel their will to be done, by retir- ing promptly and forever whoever shall be found to have by rash propositions or meas- ures injured the nation’s credit, or retarded that prosperity now coming, which will, as everybody knows, constantly improve our credit and financial ‘standing. This is not Mexico, The strife of parties here does not involve the national existence or the national honor; and when politicians of either or both sides endeavor to introduce such vital questions into the party strife they should be made to understand that they are going beyond the legitimate bounds of politics and attacking the life of the nation. M. du Sommerard and the Figaro. M. du Sommerard's denial of the letter at- tributed to him is explicit atid clear, and leaves no room to doubt that the calumnious epistle is a fabrication. This sets that gen- tleman right with his government, and so far as the American people had any concern in the case it is naturally pleasant to know that we were not vilified by a distinguished official of a friendly nation. But this issue leaves the Paris Figaro in an unenviable plight. That journal does not commonly give much attention to news, and when it does touch this com- modity it commonly burns its fingers, In- deed, it is the specialty of the Figaro not to publish those chronicles of facts that with us tre the staple of news, but to fill its col- umns instead with the small talk of the bohemians ; the gossip, tittle-tattle and bon mots such as the lively barber, from whom it takes its name—like bar. bers from time immemorial—might have retailed to his customers. News is given in French newspapers with the less freedom because the press laws make journalists responsible for what they pub- lish, and we shall be astonished if the Figaro does not experience the pressure of the laws in this respect. As the French government? would never permit its official to publish with impunity a letter in vilification of a friendly people, so it will not permit a jour- nal subject to its laws to calumniate its official by tho charge that he had writien the vile epistle it printed. History Repeats Itseiy.—With the rovival of silk pocket handkerchiefs we note the resurrection of the industry of which Fagin was a professor and the Artfal Dodger a promising pupil. Nine silk bandannas were found upon two young pickpockets ar- rested in Central Park on Sundax. 1a Clothes and Poll The influence of homely ite in forming political sentiment is worthy of the philosopher's study. While s> many German savans are wasting their in literary hair-splitting we are sure that the opening of a new field for philosophic in- quiry will recall the great Herr Teufels- dréckh to his well beloved study of human garments. We can rig outa full suit of po- litical old clothes for him. Firstly, we can give him that delightful abstraction, the “bloody shirt,” fresh from the back of O. P. Morton, which has been made the republican banner in numberless campaigns, just as the dirty leather apron of Gao, the victorious blacksmith, was studded with jewels and made the royal standard of Per- sia. ‘Plenty of money and the bloody shirt” was the battle cry in Indiana and along the whole line. Blaine emblazoned new rubies of eloquence on it, and fiery Bob Ingersoll waved it over his heathen head and shook the empyrean with the wild flut- tering of its gory rags. But in Indiana it was not a conquering flag. Varum? Herr Teufelsdréckh will ask. Because, we answer, at the head of the opposing demo- cratic columns fluttered a pair of old panta- loons that whilom adorned the extremities of Williams, hight Blue Jeans, The “bloody shirt” went down before the stride of the Blue Jean pantaloons. ‘A President does not want legs,” said an enthusiastic Hoosier who was pressing the nomi- nation of Indiana’s ‘‘favorite son” at Cincinnati, intending to convey the sentiment uttered by Disraeli in his early days, when he crushed an opponent who was standing for Parliament on his title and his wealth by saying, ‘‘Gentlemen, I stand on my head.” How different the result might have been if the Hoosier could have said, “My candidate wears a pair of cowhide boots!” So far the savant has a shirt and trousers, If he inquires of his countryman, Carl Schurz, he will be allowed a furtive peep at Horace Greeley’s old white coat and hat, which four years ago were the gonfalon of the united legions that ‘‘entered the home- stretch” with such remarkable but delusive hopes of victory. The old coat and hat of the Chappaqua sage are hidden in a cellar now, and none so. poor as do them reverence; but shall they be forgotten when history does justice to the bloody shirt of Morton, the pantaloons of Blue Jeans and the ‘‘shocking bad hat” of the Iron Duke? We scout the proposition. The influence of the old garment is spreading. We learn from Fiji that the natives who varied theis repasts of broiled missionary with roast sailor cold, are suddenly exhibiting a fond- ness for civilized bills of fare under the benign influence of an English Governor who dresses as shabbily as possible and env his dinner in his shirt-sleeves, Let the German savans then tackle the great ques- tion of the subtle influence of old ck upon masses of men. To it, Herr Toureise dréckh. ‘Tcuunwayerr will probably go into history asasoldier in whom overweening conceit and mulishness combined to fritter away whatever chances of success the poor fight- ing qualities of the Servians left open. His position has doubtless been one of excessive difficulty; but he has never, from the start, beeri able to infuse a wholesome morale into his army. The reason given by the Servian artillery for abandoning theiz position on the heights of Djunis is preposterous and disgraceful, but under a really great general no such contingency could arise. The man who marched ‘‘withe light heart” to Nissa oaly to come back om the run, and who has been retreating ever since, now finds himself in a position where nothing but an armistice can save him from utter rout. Even a Russian army corps across the Pruth could scarcely help him. “CznTenntaL” Drx is the republican nome inee for Mayor. The ex-Governor has held a great many offices and will doubtless live long enough to hold a great many more, The Mayoralty of New York is an important position; even worth the while of aman who was once seriously thought of for the Presi- dency. He will bring out a full republican vote. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, James T. Fields does not like Bulwer, There are few apples in England this year, The Sultan. clad im black, called on Dom Pedro, Newton Booth is fond of saying “Ah! my triends,® The climate of England is detrimental to the Colorado bug. Sir George Prescott, of England, ts at the Gileey House. General Howard has been sued as Commissioner of Freedmen. An Irishman fought ia killed two bulls im the arene at Barcelona, In K’ootar, New Guinea, it is against the law te be in a burry. Senator Alcorn, of Mississippl, has been too sick te take any part in the canvass. The Yale Coltege faculty will not permit its football team to play any out of town matches. Bret Harto’s vein, like that of the hills about whieh he writes, 18 well worked, but stijl It is gold, Dr. Maudsley and others who think with bim argee that mad peopie Bot responsibie for murder. Right Rev. John Freeman Young, Protestant Episoo- pal Bishop of Florida, 1s at the Union Square Hotel, Generals Forsyih and Upton and Major Sanger, of the United States Army, arrived in Berlin yesterday, Senator “William A, Wallace and Representative Helster Clymer, of Pennsylvania, yesterday arrivea at tho Everett House. Warm mitk, not boiled, 1s used in India for cases of illness accompanied by colic, and it eat Gi vala- able for cases of scarlet fever. Miss Lydia Stokes, of Georgia, bas had over 100 ping and needles taken from ner body, and it is believed that tho crop is well nigh exhausted. “Ignoramas,” finding fault with the ssying that Tupper does nut write poetry with his legs, says thet it depends somewhat on the measure of his feet, A sand bill crane io North Carolina flew at and — smashed the headhght of a locomutive, and the en- gincer would not proceed until daybreak. It is claimed that a Georgia negress, fifteen years oid, is the mother of children, having first had triplets, and eleven m afterward twins, A man was playing dice in a saloon in Knoxville, Cal, whem tho funeral procession of his wife went by. Ho went to the door, waved his hat, hurrahed and re- turned to tho game. An English writer says:—‘Tho goneral principie of frec trade demands that every articie shall be produced by those who cau produce it with most advautage te themselves and others,” The Italians have as much reason as any one else ean have to droad the day when the eastern gatcs of the Mediterranean may fall into overbdaring and protectionist Power. Don Carlos and Donna Margarita, his wife, may be seen {requently driving in the thoroughtares of Paris 1s 4 plain but elegant Victoria, with one horse, a simple royal crown marking the pane! end the harness,