The New York Herald Newspaper, August 22, 1876, Page 4

. NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Youk Henatp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO.112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF TH HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET PARIS OFPICE—AVENL Subscriptions and ad rtisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XL seseesXO AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT, VARIETIES, PARISI ater. M. "THEATRE, FIFTH AVENU LORD DUNDREARY, at SPM. Sothern. WALLAVK’S THEATRE. THE MIGHTY DOLLAK, at hh. M oLL 5 TI VARIETY, at 8 P.M st GARDEN. M. Mr. Levy and Madame GIL GRAND CONCEK?, Pappendetm. nee THEATRE COMIQUE. VARIETY, at 87’. M. OOTINS THEATRE. B SARDANAPALUS, a: 8 P.M. Mr. Bangs and Mrs. Agnes Booth. wooD's LADY GODIVA, ats P.M. EAGLE BURLESQUE, COMEDY KELLY & 1. at8P. M OLYMPIC THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8P. M. WITH SUPPLEMENT. UESDAY. AUGUST 23, “KEW YORK. From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be clear and warmer. During the summer months the Hrraup will be sent to subscribers in the country at the rate of twenty-five cents per week, free of postage. Watt Srreet Yesterpay.—Speculation was generally quiet on a rather weak mar- «et. Gold opened at 110 3-4and closed at 110 5-8, with intermediate es at 110 1-2. Government bonds, except 1 which d clined 1-4 @ 1-2, were firm. Ratlroad bonds were firm on small business. Money on call loans was abundant at1 1-2 and 2 per | | ness, cent. Tue Sanatoca Races this year have proved & great success, and it will be seen from our report this morning that the extra meeting is as interesting and successful as the rega- lar meetings which preceded it. Sows Aracues who deserted their reserva- tion were taught a lesson by Captain Porter, of the Eighth infantry, which they are not likely to forget, as will be seen from our despatches this morning. The only way to deal with the savages is to attack and punish them whenever they desert their reservations. ComprroLier GREEN was very coy yester- Jay with his German fellow citizens who salled upon him to tender him a nomination for May The truth is they came at an Inauspicious moment, and he told them so in @ manner which even his enemies must admit was strikingly urbane and courteous. Tf he had said to them ‘by and by I may not be unwilling to serve, but just now somebody is to be nominated for Governor, and it is not impossible that Mr. Green will be the man,” he would have expressed in words what he evidently meant to convey by his coy and guarded sentences. A New York Buxeran is always a disap- pointed man when some policeman a little less obtuse than the rest interferes with his operations. Many of the most successful burg- lsries recently perpetrated in this city were committed under the very eyes of the police, and nobody is surprised to hear of sucha trime as that attempted in Front street yes- terday morning. ‘The only surprise is that the men were detected in time to arresi them before they had disposed of the stolen property. Detective Kierns and Odicer Pilkington are deserving of special mention for keeping their eyes open while in the dis- sharge of their duty. Tue Senvian Prospects, which were brighter tor a day, seem to be clouding again. Even the Czar reposed confidence in the change which had taken place, and the Russian government became peaceful in {is disposition as the Servians showed the wility to defend their territory. Now, how- tver, there has been another retreat for a final stand, and an all-day battle has taken place, the result of which, it is feared, is un- favorable to Servia. Should these fears be realized there must be peace or mediation, Within a few days it is likely the fate of both Servia and Turkey will be determined, snd it will be known whether there is to be peace or war in Enrope. Nothing except the good fortune of the Servians can much longer prolong the struggle under its present condition, and hence the whole in- terest of the contest now centres in the probable action of the great Powers, Ie Is a Misrorroyr attending every tinan- tial crisis that weak bar must be strengthened to y disastrous conseqneuces to pe no relations whatever with the banks, It was so with us in 1873, and it was only by sne- ing institutions | nt the most | rte who have | coring bankrupt national end savings banks | that universal panic and ruin were averted. The present crisis in Portugal is aggravated by a like cause, only the stronger institu- tions are refusing longer to the weaker ones. Except in extreme cases, where a whole people would be involved, it is best to let the feeble institutions fail, and thereby and at a single blow avert what must otherwise prove lasting evil, A panic in the United States at any time within the next fuin most of the national and sav- ings banks in the country, and the only way to avoid the worst of possible conse- snecor a quences is to compel the feeble institutions | admit to wind up their affairs before a crisis comes. | burdened five years would | | The Democratic Canvass—Should Til- den Stoop to Conquer? The theory of the democratic canvass is a plain one. The whole country, the demo- erats contend, is honeycombed with corrup- | tion, In every department, not only of the pola sa THE DAILY HERALD, published every | government, but of society, false ideas have won recognition. Corruption taints the ad- ministration of affairs and truth has given place to charlatanism. In Washington we have Belknapism, in the South we have car- pet-baggerism, in religion we have Beecher- ism, in society we have follies and false pride, in business we have bankruptcy. All of this, according to the democratic leaders, comes from the war, from the mad finan- policy since the war, and more specially from the course of the ad- ministration—an administration that has parallel in our history for its venality and baseness. To remedy these evils, the democratic party have gone back to the principles of Jefferson, to the simple methods of the fathers of the constitution. ‘Lhey propose to reform the whole country. They will restore specie payments, pay the debt, concihate the South, revive our shipping, employ labor, give a healthy cial no tone to business, and make the Re- public what it was intended by the founders. ‘To do this they have, thanks to a watchful Providence, who not only determines the hour but discovers the man for reform, found in Samuel J. Tilden a leader who seems to have been raised up for the express purpose of saving thecountry—a wise, learned, experienced man, whose whole life has been given to works of re- form, who, in warring upon the Canal Ring and the Tammany Ring, shows that he values reform as far above the success of any party. This man, if elected, will be the wisest of all Presidents—wiser, according to Mr, Hewitt, for instance, than Washington, Jef- ferson, Adams, Buchanan or Lincoln. This man will, according to Mr. Godwin, 60 ar- range the finances in three months that we shall have no more trouble with the cur- rency or the debt. In electing him to the Presidency we are, according to our demo- cratic friends, not merely choosing a Presi- dent who may do well or do ill, as oppor- tunities serve, but accepting from Provi- dence a Heaven-born leader, who comes to e us in our trying hour. This is the democratic programme as seen by democratic eyes. If we were to accept it there would be an end of the campaign. We do not question the general truth of the picture. It is a caricature, but, like cari- catures, dependent upon truth for its apt- The country is in need of reform, and although we are under no illusions as to what Mr. Tilden or any new President would do, there is no change that would not bean improvement. ‘The mere putting of new men into office would be sending fresh blood into withered veins. The re- publican party has outlived its usefulness— almost outlived its fame. This noble, this historic party, founded on the principle of freedom and the aspirations for union ; 8a this party which was proud to fol- low Seward, Sumner and Chase, has now become an office-hunting league, and finds its leaders in Spencer and Shep- herd. It is simply a military cohort de- pending upon power. Under its sway we have seen the Presidency become as abso- lute as the autocracy of Russia. In Russia the despotism was ever in awe of a rude public opinion, which might at any time assert itself; which was, as Talleyrand ex- pressed it, an absolute monarchy, tempered by assassination, In America public opinion, reverencing the law, has no control of a President, whose prerogatives were above the law; upon a Cabinet whose members were responsible to the President and not to the nation; upon a Senate which had become a mere vassal to an office-be- stowing Executive; upon a House whose members never knew how to vote un- til they had their share of plunder. Although many of these evils—the degradation of the public service, for instance, go back to other times, and es- pecially flourished under Jackson, Pierce and Buchanan, they became rank and aggressive under Grant. Jackson defied public opinion when he created the maxim, “To the victors belong the spoils ;" Pierce defied public opinion when he used the power of his administration to pass the Ne- braska bill, with its violation of the Missouri compromise ; Buchanan detied publie opin- ion when he proscribed every democrat who woald not support the Lecompton constitu- tion. But none of these violations can be compared to the persistent disregard of the will of the people and the best interests of the country which have marked the repub- licans in power, and against which the coun- try rises in protest and proposes to remedy by the election of Mr, ‘Tilden, ‘The country proposes to elect Mr. Tilden, if such an achievement can be attended with safety tothe Union. ‘This is the canvass as it stands to-day. The Southern States have passed into the control of the democrats, We tear that in most cases they played most foully for their mastery, but their power is The vote in most of the Southern States is simply the recording of democratic majorities. The Western States, it was thought, would go into alliance with the South on the money question. This was a natural union; but the South has had only one idea since Fort Sumter fell, and the West was driven back to its old republican Ifthe country feels that the results unquestione lines, of the war tor the Union will be in no peril from the success of the democratic party—that we shall not lave repudiation in the West and revolution in the South—there will be no doabt as to the election. Thus far in the management of the canvass the republicans have succeeded in keeping alive this doubt, andthe democrats have not succeeded in allaying it. In other words, the republicans, with the country against them, with an over- and disheartened canvass, are fighting to win. The democrats, with the country in their favor, yearning for reform, are fighting to lose. The democratic party has shown itself to be as weddell to its idols as when it defeated Douglas in 1860, McCilel- lan in 1864, Seymour in 1568 and Greeley in 1872. ‘t looks very much as if 1t would succeed in defeating Tilden in 1876. We that Tilden is o hard man to beat—more so than any of the gentlemen we hai named. But in capacity for defeating its own candidates the democrats have unrivalled power. If any question required prudent treatment it was the Southern question. Once touch the chord of patriotism, once arouse the old war feeling, and Mr. Tilden’s canvass would | be as hopeless as was that of Vallandigham | in Ohio. Common sense would have shown | the wisdom of peace and conciliation in the South. Well, the campaign opens by a massacre in Hamburg, a massacre already condoned by public opinion in the South. This is followed by the nomination of Wade Hampton for Governor of South Carolina by o convention in which the leaders in the massacre were prominent members, and on a platform representing all the pas- sion and intolerance of the war—arraying race against race and prejudice against preju- dice. The one other question which the leaders should have treated with prudence | and firmness was the finances. Yet on this point we have the democratic party in the West nominating rag-money inflationists for Congress, for Governorships and for the Senate. In Illinois the democratic nominee | for Governor is so obnoxious that the lead- ing democratic journal in the Northwest re- pudiates him as a ‘‘rag-money communist” and denounces the nomination as a violation of the St. Louis platform and an offence to the people. Even these incidents might be dismissed as local phenomena, in no way affecting the general aspect of the canvass, and the coun- try could be rallied upon Tilden as the | Heaven-appointed reformer, with the probity of Washington, the genius of Jefferson, the, will of Jackson—as all, in fact, that Mr. Hewitt, Mr. Godwin and other devotees be- lieve him to be. But when we come to analyze Mr. Tilden’s lettef of acceptance, which was awaited with so much anxiety, and from which so much was expected, we are disappointed. The letter is vague, misgy, unsatisfactory, without life or co- herence, and not calculated to instruct or arouse the country. On the finan- cial question, upon which so much depends, it is o surrender. While Hendricks expresses himself in a manly way and avows his opinions, Tilden, who is the hard money champion above all others, abandons the Resumption act. It is said the Resumption act is a sham that it means nothing, that Tilden is sound to the core, that his concession is a mere tub | to the whale. ‘But no pledge is a sham until it is broken. What the country pledges Mr. Tilden proposes to violate. He pro- poses this not because he believes it, for, according to his supporters, he will resume long before the day fixed in the Resumption act, but as a concession to the repudiators in the West. The country at once asks, What is to be the fate of an administration which begins its campaign for re- form by a surrender to the most dangerous influence in the land, the infla- tionists of the West? The country recalls Buchanan, the last democratic President. It remembers that Buchanan was wise, able, patriotic, experienced in the ripeness of life, a statesman of the old school—the ablest man in his party—such a man as Tilden is to-day. It remembers how the elevation of Buchanan was regarded as the return of the old times when worth and experience graced the Presidency. It remembers also how Buchanan tampered with secession, as Til- den in his letter tampers with inflation; how he made ‘‘concessions” to Slidell and Breck- inridge, as Tilden makes ‘‘concessions” to Hendricks and Ewing; how, in the end, the evil with which he tam- pered swept over him, covering his name and his administration with contempt, sweeping the country into war. This is 1 fatal memory to arouse now. It shows that Mr. Tilden should take the advice of the Henatp and lead his canvass before it drifts away from him. He has the power, the ability, and we think he has the will. As the canvass now stands the republicans have made no mistakes, while on the Southern | question and the finances the democrats have made blunders which would be fatal | toan ordinary campaign, and which may yet prove fatal to the most promising can- vass the democrats have had since the nomi- nation of Pierce and King, nearly a quarter of acentury ago. A It is evident that the law which ostensibly was made to protect salaried officers of the government from the extortions of po- litical committees at election times was art- fully worded, with the intention to make it inoperative. This appears not merely in the fact that it only torbids officers of the gov- ernment from making these collections, but also in the fact that it excepts certain officers from that prohibition. It was, in fact, scarcely within the province of Congress to forbid any person but an employé of the government making such collections as those referred to. In the case of an officer violating a law of Congress in this particu- lar the probable loss of his position would be a restraint, and he is in that respect within the control of the law; but it is doubtful if the other part of the penalty could ever be imposed, while us against citizens generally a law to punish them for “receiv. ing anything of value for political purposes” would prove to be of the nature of the famous bull against the comet. But though it must thus necessarily be free to non- office-holders to collect money for election expenses they would find little success in their quest but for the implied countenance of office-holders in high position, Nobody in the Custom House would pay if he felt safe as tothe Collector of the Port. But the col- lector for the General Committee acts with the presumed authority of the head man in any department, and it is the fear of the loss of place that enforces payment. Now col- lectors of the port, postmasters and others are not included in the prohibitions of the law. They are appointed by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, and only persons not so appointed are for- bidden to make political assessments. ments of Office-Holders. Castix Garpen is to be rebuilt notwith- | standing nobody wants it. Without this un- necessary and unsightly depot in the Battery park the occupation of the Commissioners of Emigration would be gone, and it is to be restored that such a sad fate may be averted, The Republican State Convention. The Convention which meets at Saratoga to-morrow is fraught with more important con- sequences to the republican party than any which has ever been held in the State of New York. It is the first time since that party came into power when its success in @ national canvass was staked on the electoral votes of this State. In 1864 the Southern States were disfranchised ; in 1868 many of them were secured for the republicans by military interference in support of negro supremacy ; in 1872 but a small number of them had yet become democratic, and in all those years the republican party retained its ascendancy and preponderance in most of the Northern States. No possible blunder of a republican convention in New York could have seriously impaired the chances ofthe republican Presidential ticket in any election when Mr. Lincoln or General Grant was the candidate. But the relative strength of parties has be come so altered that the vote of New York is likely to decide the contest, and the republicans are not strong enough in this State to afford to makea mistake. The situ- ation is so critical that both parties will watch the proceedings at Saratoga to-morrow with keen interest, the democrats in the hope and the republicans in the fear that the Convention will perpetrate some fatal blunder. Even a small blunder might prove fatal when the two parties are so evenly balanced, ‘The dangers to which this Convention is exposed lie rather in the background than in front. They grow out of the struggle made previous to and at the Cincinnati Convention between the supporters and op- ponents of Mr. Conkling. There was then and still is a determined purpose to depose him from his leadership, and the repub- licans who were most active in undermining his chances at Cincinnati desire to inflict on him a further humiliation by thwarting his wishes at Saratoga, They intend to exhibit a contrast between his ascendancy in the Convention by which delegates were elected to Cincinnati and his weakness in the Convention about to be held. The har- mony of this Convention depends on whether he quietly surrenders or decides to make a fight. Impartial lookers-on will be apt to think that this is a case where discretion is the better part of valor. If Mr. Conkling makes a fight and loses his enemies will exult over him. If he makes a fight and wins he will imperil the success of the party and be held responsi- ble for the consequences. But if he surrenders without a contest and the party should be beaten it might afterward be will- ing to again accept his leadership. The most politic and also the most magnanimous thing he can do is to allow Mr. Cornell to be with- drawn after one or two ballots, and use his influence to decide the contest between rival candidates. The three leading candidates are Mr. Cor- nell, Mr. Evarts, and Mr. Morgan, and it will be in Mr. Conkling’s power when Cor- nell is withdrawn to give the nomination to Evarts or Morgan, if he does not waste his strength on some one of the minor candidates. The unpledged delegates would rally at once to Morgan or to Evarts if the Cornell support should go over to him ina body, but if the Cornell votes should be given to White or Pomeroy the struggle would ‘be prolonged, and Mr. Conkling’s friends would lose the credit and advantage of deciding it. The most skilful game Conkling can play is to give his unfrittered influence at once to Evarts or to Morgan, and lay the success- ful candidate under an obligation which he would be compelled to recognize. As between Morgan and Evarts we should suppose the choice would be easily made by a politician with Mr. Conkling’s personal relations. Morgan has taken sides with Conkling’s enemies and attempted to under- mine his influence, but Evarts has kept clear of all quarrels of factions and has never done anything which would make it difficult for the Cornell men to give him a cordial support. It is true that Mr. Curtis, the boldest and most open of Mr. Conkling’s republican opponents is a leading supporter of Mr. Evarts and will present his name to the Convention, but Mr. Conkling should not allow that circum- stance to influence his action. He knows Mr. Evarts too well to believe that Mr. Curtis can acquire any undue influence over him, and knows also that he would make an abler and more high toned Governor than any other candidate that has been named and, perhaps, than any other citizen of the State. A man of Mr. Conk- ling’s great ability naturally recognizes eminent ability im others, and since his individual choice is impossible he should make a merit of giving his party an excellent candidate and the State a great Governor. Under existing circumstances, there is no way in which Senator Conkling could do so much to retrieve his influence, benefit his party and foil his enemies as by ® prompt and magnanimous support of Mr, Evarts as soon as it is apparent that Mr. Cornell cannot be nominated. Mr, Evarts is better fitted to strengthen the Hayes can- vass by attracting outside support than any other citizen whom the republicans could put into the fi Tar Wearner.—For the first time since the commencement of the summer the sen- sation of positive coolness was enjoyed in New York yesterday and last night. Indeed, | many were disposed to believe that the hot season had ended, and began to regard the subject of fall overcoats 2s one worthy of serious consideration. But although we are approaching the end of our regular summer weather we shall yet experience considerable warmth before the end of the present month. The area of high pressure, the source of the cool winds, will have passed our merid- ian before morning, and the temperature will continue to rise during to-day, with easterly and southerly winds in the neigh- borhood of New York. To-morrow cloud- iness will begin to set in, with southeasterly winds and probably rain toward night, un- less the low area now advancing should be de- layed in its progress eastward, In any event, the weather change will occur, accompanied by, high temperature. Yesterday morning the velocity of the wind at Bismarck, Da- kota, reached forty-two miles per hour from the westward, showing the low ba- rometric pressure at the storm centre in the NEW YORK HERALD. TUESDAY, AUGUST 22, 1876.—WITH SUPPLEMENT. Missouri Valley and the density of the air behind it. A slight disturbance is passing over the Gulf coast toward the Atlantic. Bold Bem Butler. It is impossible not to admire, or at leasv not to be amused by, the vigor with which this noted political athlete ‘comes up smiling” in the arena after being knocked out of breath. Hopelessly beaten in his old Congressional district he offers himself as a candidate in another, and if he can get the republican nomination he has good chances of an election, although Mr. Tarbox, a demo- crat, was chosen two years ago by more than one thousand five hundred majority. That was the year of the so-called tidal wave, when so many political miracles were wrought and a democratic Governor was electei in Massachusetts. Ordinarily there is a large republican majority in the district which General Butler now aspires to repre- sent, Judge Hoar having been elected from it against Tarbox in 1872 by six thousand majority. As there are no signs of a tidal wave this year there can be little doubt of Butler's election if he captures the repub- lican nomination. He counts, with good reason, on the support of his own city of Lowell, where he made~a dashing speech last evening to a large and applauding audience, The raising of a Hayes and Wheeler banner supplied him with an oc- casion, and when a vast crowd had been as- sembled by a display of fireworks the mul- titude thronged to the City Hall, filled it to overflowing and listened to a speech in Butler's most characteristic vein. He capti- vated the hearts cf Irishmen by glowing congratulations on the escape of the Fenian prisoners, flourislfed the bloody shirt to the satisfaction of earnest republicans, made a virtual renunciation of his inflation heresy, planted himself squarely on the Cincinnati platform, and boasted that when he was in Congress he attended to the private busi- ness of all the Congressional districts in Mas- sachusetts, and promised to confine his good | offices at the national capital, if he should be again elected, to the people of his own district. If the irrepressible Butler. gets back to Congress he means to make it par- ticularly hot for the democrats, and says he is equally willing to serve his constituents for tive thousand dollars a year as their rep- resentative or for many times that sum as their legal adviser. Patriotic, distinterested Ben Butler! Tammany and Its Antl-Why Not Abolish Both? Thero is something abject and pitiful in the servitude of the democratic voters of this city to self-created political rings. As soon as one ring is broken or shattered another equally selfish ard grasping springs up to take its place, and the ring-ridden demo- crats meekly pass their necks under the new yoke. New Tammany holds the people in as much contempt as Old Tammany ever did, and when a portion of the slaves rebel it is not to assert their independence, but to yield up their freedom to a new master. The recent unsuccessful dicker between the Kelly clique and the Morrissey clique was an attempt to traffic in the ballots of citizens, and neither seemed to have any doubt of its ability to deliver its chattels on the com- pletion of a bargain. The mass of these political vassals who are thus bandied about and exposed to sale ought to know that their servitude is degrading to themselves and inconsistent with democratic principles. There is no reason apart from their pusilla- nimity why they should endure this dis- graceful thraldom. The Tammany ring and the anti-Tammany ring ought to be alike toppled into ruins; but so benighted or besotted have the democracy of the city become by long servitude that they seem unable to form a -conception of local polit- ical action except in subjection te a ring of political traders. We have long urged upon the democratic party the necessity of abol- | ishing Tammany, both the name and the thing; but not certainly by the creation of a new ring to supplant it and appropriate the spoils, A Morrissey ring would be no better and no worse than a Kelly ring; both pursue the same ends by the same methods. If they should succeed in uniting the old business would be conducted in the old way with new partners in the tirm; if they fail to unite the weaker side will sell out to the republicans, and the city will be equally mis- governed in either event. It this local quarrel is again transferred to the State Convention it will fatally weaken the party and irretrievably damage its Presi- dential ticket. But very little do the ring- leaders on either side care for this. These reckless men would rather see Mr, Tilden deteated than lose their own chances for the city spoils. Ring rule never | thrived in this city as it has un- der a republican administration of the national government. With a democratic administration the Custom House and Post | Office would become potent elements in local politics, which would be managed with a view to the general good cf the party ; whereas under a republican admin- istration the city is under the complete con- trol of the prevailing democratic ring. This is the reason why John Kelly so bitterly op- posed the nomination of Mr, Tilden. A Western President would be dépendent on focal advice in making his appointments, | and with the ring for advisers the Custom House would be run as an adjunct of ‘Lam- many Hall; but Mr. Tilden as President would control the federal patronage in his own interest and keep the local politicians in subordination. Mr. Kelly would rather see Tilden defeated than elected ; he pro- fesses to support him only to maintain his standing in the democratic party for local purposes. If the quarrei of local factions is catried into the State Convention, and the claims of Tammany are’ rejected, Mr. Tilden will receive only a left-handed support from its spoils-lunting chiets. It is in the power of the democrats of the city to forestall such a result by throwing both rings overboard and electing delegates from euch Assembly district in entire inde- pendence of either organization. But this is a power which they will not exercise. ‘Ihe Convention is so near at hand that there is | not time for preparation, and even if there | were time enough the democrats of the city | have not suflicient courage and indepen- dence. They are likely to have abundant | reason to rue their neglect to follow the ad- | this never nappen pea vice we so persistently pressed on them Iasi winter to abolish Tammany, tolerate no sub stitute for it and act by single districts, like the democrats of the interior of the State, Thurlow Weed at Saratoga, It is said that this veteran and venerable political strategist will be in Saratoga during the Convention, and it is to be presumed that, with the weight of years resting upon him, he does not make such a journey for nothing. He is not the kind of man to hover like a powerless ghost around the scenes of his former activity. He has won too many triumphs at the State conventions of his party, has made too many governors, has been too great a Warwick to go to such a place without a purpose. In spite of years and infirmities his mind is still clear and vigorous, as he has lately proved in our col- umns by his successful controversy with Alexander H. Stephens; noris there any reason to suppose that he has lost his astute- ness and dexterity asa political manipulator. Four years ago he executed a skilful flank movement in the Republican Convention at Utica and secured the nomination of General Dix, who was triumphantly elected. Does he intend to try his hand again at his old game now? If so he nw kept his secret, as he did four years ago, and nobody knows what candidate he will favor. We would fain believe that it is Mr. Evarts, but we dare not think it probable. Still, Mr. Evarts was one of the warmest and most devoted supporters of Mr. Weed’s lifelong friend, Mr. Seward, and there is no good reason why any surviving friend of the great republican statesman should not support him. Mr. Weed is no admirer of Senator Conkling, and it is quite certain that he will not aid Mr. Conkling’s candidate. His former relations with Governor Morgan were inti« mate and friendly, and he has more in com mon with a man of that type than with a great lawyer like Mr. Evarts. We congratu- late Mr. Weed that he feels strong enough physically, and takes sufficient interest in the success of his party, to go to Saratoga in this crisis of its fortunes and give tha Convention the benefit of his counsel, The There is already considerable speculation as to the successor of the late Speaker Kerr, but there is little in the office to invite com- petition when the election is merely to fill a vacancy. The Speakership is, indeed, a po- sition of great power and influence, but that is only because he has the appointment of the House committees. Stripped of this power the Speaker would be a political cipher, like tho Vice President, who has no other function than that of a mere presiding officer in the Senate. A Speaker elected to fill a vacancy after the House is or ganized occupies a similar position, The committees selected by Mr. Kerr at the beginning of the late ses sion will hold their places throughout the existence of the Forty-fourth Congress, and his successor will merely fill the few accidental vacancies that may occur. ‘Lhis explains why Mr. Randall, who is the head of a very important committee, will not beacan- didate for the vacant Speakership, and why little or no feeling will be exhibited in the choice.. The new Speaker will not be a dis- penser of important and influential posi- tions, and the choice of a mere presiding officer is not worth a struggle. If the chair. man of a committee is elected Speaker the member who stands next to him will, by usage and courtesy, succeed him as chair. man of the committee, and the vacancy in the committee be filled by appointing a new member at its tail. Mr. Sayler, who served acceptably as Speaker pro tem, during the latter part of the expired session, has probae bly the best chance for election as Speaker when Congress meets in December, Vacant Speakership. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Senator Bogy Is il] in St. Louis, Senator Sargent is at the Centennial, Carl Seburz wil) not lecture next season, There is good decr shooting in Western Virginia, Whitelaw Reid summers at Shelburne Fails, Mass. Senator Booth in Indiana is plain in his taik te Hayes. Cornhill says that the best men are bachelors, and the best women wives. At Saratoga garden parties are all the rage, especially among the tom-cats. Hesing calls the editor of the Chicago Times ‘a leotle Storey trom Chi-cah-go.”” Young nighwaymen near Los Angeles, Cal., lasso Chinamen betoro robbing them. ‘A glass of soda water, with its ice and syrap, costs the dealer about two and a half cents, Judge Force, who bas been nominated for Congress in Cincinnati, 18 at Senta 6, New Mexico, 1t is so cold ’o nights (hat prudent housekeepers are putting an extra buckwheat cake on the bed, Corneilie:—"A generous booby seems to be giving aims to a lady whea ne is making her a present.” Rochefoucauld:—“‘Gravity is a mysterious carriage of the body, invented to cover ihe dofects of the mind.” The Toronto Globe calls Jamos Redpath a man of color; but th 8 ho color Of truth im that statement Tne Goodyear Indiarubber Company have just ree ceived orders from Long Island for two tons of clam chowder. During the visit of Prince Hambert the Rassiag press bas boen overflowing with demonstrations of friendship for Italy. The Adantic Monthly wishes that every esthetic com- munity should have @ complete musical critic, the Schamann or Berlioz, A Swede who went to Salt Lako soveral years ago to jive bas become insane because his four daughters, one after the other, married the same Mormon, Patrick Dillon, of San José, Cal, married a young wity, deeded his property to her and was turved out of doors, and became aa applicant for public charity. Chieago Times:—“Harry Watterson’s maiden specch in the House of Representatives was as follows:—‘Oh, say, let’snot adjourn yet I've only just got here,’ * Mr. George W. Smalley, the London representative of the Now York Tribune, and Mr. Halstead, of the Cincinnati Commerciai, are visiting in Springficld, Diass. Burke:—‘The person who grieves suffers his passiog to grow upon him; he indulges it, ne loves it; bat acase of actual pain, which ne one ever endured willingly for any consideroble time.” M. arminius Vambéry, writing in the Pesther Lloyd on the outrages in Buigaria, says that it ts trao that the Circassians are a vory wuvage people; they are ab- horred on account of their crucities by the Turks | themselves, Dut it is the Russians who first set them the example, Next to the Neapolitans, the Wallachians (or, as they call themselves, the Roumanians) possess the smalies military capacity of any nation in Europe; if they an really the descendants of the ancieut Romans they have nberited little enough of their warlhke talent and propensities. Mra. Fannie Mall, of Walker county, Ga, near Pont Springs, gave birth to achild wih two heads, one ret and one black, (Wo backbowes, two hearts and twe stomachs, three arms and four hands and two legs. Dr Price, the attending physician, says it was two childres from the waist up and one from thore down,