The New York Herald Newspaper, July 24, 1876, Page 4

NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JULY 24, 1876. NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR ime THE DAILY HERALD, published every | day in the year, Four cents per cop ‘Twelve dollars per year, or one month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New = jollar per | Henarp, Letters and packages shculd be properly vealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OF FICE—NO. 112SOUTH | SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the seme terms as in New York. AMUSEMEN TS TC NIGHT, | Woo! THE CUT GLOVE, at sr KELLY & LEO atSP.M. TONY PASTOR'S THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P. M. BO! HUSH A BY BABY, at PARISIAN VARIETIES, MSP. M, hee FIFTH AVENCE THEATRE, PIQUE, at 8 P. M. WALLAG THE MIGHTY DOLLAR, GILMORF'S GRAND CONCERT, at 8 P.M GARDEN, JULY EW YORK, MONDAY, From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be clear and pleasant. | During the summer months the Heraup will | be sent to subscribers in the country at the rate of ticenty-five cents per weelc, free of postage. Tue Mvrray Tracepy.—We publish in | to-day’s Hzratp an interview with Berdell, | the slayer of Murray, who is now in prison at Goshen awaiting the action of the courts in his case. It is a story of modern society | which reflects shame and reproach on our social organization. Prixenry or Monry tn Francr.—The sub- scriptions to the new Paris loan reach fifty- four times the amount required. Conse- quently, fifty-three times the sum asked must go begging for a good investment. And yet we are paying six per cent, gold, on the greater portion of our national debt. Tue News ror Sanatoaa. ing the Heratp despatched a special train | conveying the papers to its readers along the line of the Hudson in time for breakfast, and dropping the eagerly demanded bundles at Saratoga at one o'clock. Congress has decreed that the mails are hereafter to re- sume their old slow rate of delivery; but the Hera.p, in its resolve to relax none of the headway gained in rapid delivery, sends its own iron horse forward where the govern- ment service left off. Tue Monawk Disasten.—Following a catastrophe like that of the ill-fated Mo- hawk come the sad rites over thedead. The | funeral services over the body of Miss Adele Hunter took place at the Church ef the Transfiguration yesterday, and those | bver the remains of the poor cabin boy, Sul- livan, at St. Peter's church, New Brighton, Staten Island. ‘To-day the funerals of Mr. and Mrs. Garner and Mr. Thorn will take | place from their late residence at New Brighton, Staten Island. Many beautiful tributes were paid to the dead in the city pulpits yesterday. Our Duty 1s tHE West.—'The causes of Yhe Indian war are beyond our control. It \s true that we have dealt wrongly with the ted men, and this is principally because we have relegated them to the cruel mercies of speculating Indian agents when we should have placed such born fighters and, as all history proves, irreclaimable savages, in the control of the army. But now we are forced to deal with the results of our own blunders. ‘Our foes are up and buckle on their armor.” We must subdue the hostile warriors or have our military and civil gov- ernment di: ed in the eyes of the world. Ovr New Governor.—Mr. Tilden, it is | announced, will go to Long Branch for the month of August. As, by the law, the Gov- ernor cannot leave the State without vacat- ing his office, of course Mr. Dorshéimer will | become Governor and have his portrait | painted at the expense of the State. We are anxious to see Dorsheimer’s pictare in our | Albany collection, as he is one of the hand- | somest men in public life. After Dorshei- mer's yeoman’s work at St. Louis it is little reward enough that Tilden should allow | tim to become Governor. This retirement | | | | | | Yom office will enable filden to finish his letter of acceptance, which should be ready by the Ist of September. ‘Tue Emrenors ayp Tunkry.—A most im- | portant piece of news, if true, is that copied from the London Observer of yesterday, that the German and Austrian Kaisers have agreed in the viow that non-intervention in the struggle in Turkey is impossible. The reason given for this conclusion is the mas- nacres by the Moslems. The story has been denied, but that was to be expected. {f the Imperial Powers can only agree upon what part each is to play when they inter- vene they will not be much troubled about the excuse. The probable attitude of Eng- fand, in case they took a forward step, was doubtless more canvassed than tho extent of | the murders in Bulgaria. Tue Merpenovs Mouty Macvrers, on | trial at Pottsville, Pa., for the killing of | Policeman Yost, have been found guilty of murder in the first degree. This result will rejoice all lovers of law and order in the | coal regions, and will, it is hoped, put an effectual stop to the crimes which have long stained that part of Pennsylvania. The efforts of some of the accused “Mollies to save themselves at the expense of their com- | panions by turning State's evidence onght wo show the misguided members of this or- qanization how little they can rely on the leading spirits of the Order when it becomes | ¥ question of betraying or hanging. The lecided action of the State authorities may have the effect of breaking up this murder- ous organization. We sincerely hope that it will. j | personal preference and opinion. | General Harrison, | 1840, and Mr. Clay, the whig candidate in | 1844, accepted their nominations with a) Governor Tilden and the One Term Principle~His Duty and His Oppor- tunity. The delay of Governor Tilden in writing his letter of acceptance may be an aid to | the democratic canvass if the Governor will only take advantage of the developments of | the campaign and the mistakes of the ad- | ministration to present the democratic cause in its best aspect. The difference between Hendricks and himself on the financial question, which now alarms so many demo- crats, will enable the Governor if the matter is properly handled, to win strength in the Jastern and Northern States. A manly, nging declaration in favor of the na- tional credit and against all chicanery will | rally to his side the conservative sentiment ot the North, On the Southern question the Hamburg butchery gives him a rare opportunity. white men of the South, and his friends count on the united Southern States to vote the democratic ticket. He can therefore say to the South with all kindness, and with the assurance that his counsel will be heard, that as President he would protect all races and all classes, black as well as white. The attitude of Lamar on this subject is that of | a statesman, and the Governor will be wise | if he imitates Lamar's example in his letter of acceptance. The Governor will, we are confident, take ground in favor of the one term principle in the Presidential office. Here his opportunity for eclipsing the noble pledge which Governor Hayes has made to the people. Governor Hayes said that if he should be elected nothing could persuade him to be a candidate for a second is | term ; but this is simply the expression of a Mr. Til- den has an opportunity of going further. He may say that if he is elected he will in his first message, or his inaugural address, rec- ommend Congress to submit a one term amendment to the constitution to the vote of the State Legislatures, The difference be- tween the positions of the two candidates would then be this:—Hayes would have made a promise which he _ could not break without sacrificing his per- sonal honor, but which would set- tle no principle and would not bind any President hereafter, while Tilden would have introduced a reform which would be as enduring as the government itself. The passage of an amendment to the constitution of the United States giving a President one term only, either for four or six years, could be easily effected if the in- cumbent of the Presidency should advocate the change. The people approve it, and three-fourths of the States would be willing to enforce it. The principal obstacle to the adoption of the one term amendment in the past six years has been Grant. If, wAen the republican conventions of Pennsylvania, New Hampshire and other States declared against a third term and South Carolina declared for it, General Grant had boldly asked for a one term enactment | in the national compact it would have been carried with a whirlwind. This would have been the true answer to the charge of Cwsarism. But Grant had not the nerve to assume this position, and in his letter to General Harry White he actually employed the old sophistry, that the people ought to have the right to re-elect their President as often as they choose, They have the right, for the sovereign power rests with people, and they may create a king if they please. But Grant forgot that constitutions are meant to define the extent. and province of popular government, and that when a nation forms a republic it must embody its purpose in established laws. For the people to voluntarily deprive them- selves of the power to re-elect a President, is no more a surrender of right than for men to prohibit themselves from creating a dic- tator or consul for life. Freedom is impossi- ble without law, and the sophistry of Grant, if it were carried to its logical extreme, would make the whole constitution itself a violation of the right of the people to do whatever they choose. He did not save the Union in the late war upon an argument so flimsy. not a living element in politics now. It has no power except that of revenge. This elec- tion offers to both of the Presidential can- didates the opportunity to destroy Casar- ism, and we trust that it will be used with patriotic firmness. Governor Hayes has nobly declared what he will do if elected, and Governor Tilden should surpass that personal promise by pledging himself to an official act which will secure a permanent reform. The democratic party cannot afford | to be silent about the causes of Cwsarism after it has been so loud in denouncing its effects. It is a strong point in the favor of Hayes that what he said in his letter on the one term idea was an implied rebuke to Grant, which it required some political courage to make, considering that Grant still ccntrols the federal patronage, which is so potent in a Presidential election. Mr. Tilden would _risk nothing by a similar declaration, hos- tility to Grantism being in the regular line | of his canvass. On the contrary, in doing so he would follow the sound precedents of better days. Many Presidents and candi- dates for the Presidency did this before the republican party existed. There is an im- posing body of both whig and democratic authority in favor of the one term principle. Mr. Polk said, in his letter of acceptance in | 1844, “I deem the present a proper occasion to declare that if the nomination made by | the Convention shall be confirmed by the people and result in my election, I shall enter upon the discharge of the high and He has the sympathy of the | But Cwsarism is | solemn duties of the office with the settled | purpose of not being a candidate for re-elec- tion.” President Buchanan said, in his in- augural address, ‘Having determined not to be a candidate for re-election, I shall have no motive to influence my conduct in ad- ministering the government except the desire ably and faithfully to serve my country. the whig candidate in public pledge that they would not consent to serve for more than one term. President gural address, as follows : —‘'One of the de- fects of the constitation is the eligibility of | on the superior classes of society ? | alone in a little more than Presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power .of the States to its correction. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President, and consequently in mine, it would be useless and, perhaps, invidious, to enumerate the evils and the bitter fruits of this error of the sages who framed the constitution.” “I give my aid to the de- sired object by renewing the pledge, here- tofore given, that under no circumstances will I consent to serve a second term.” It may not be out of place to subjoin to these precedents President Jackson's recommendation in his first annual Message of an amendment of the constitution giving the election of the Presi- dent directly to the people. ‘In connec- tion with such an amendment,” said Jack- son, ‘it would seem advisable to limit the service of the Chief Magistrate to a single term of either four or six years.” Here, then, are the points which the Gov- ernor should make with due emphasis;— Reform, one term, protection to the South, | specie payment, pacification to the South and repose to the country. This letter he | should write at once, and in doing s¢ take command of his canvass, The imprssion has gone abroad that between Hendri¢ks and himself there is an irreconcilable difference which can only be settled by a juggle; that Hendricks is pulling against hin as Blair pulled against Seymour, and that/in the end the country will be deceived as Polk de- ceived it on the tariff questions The Goy- ernor must put an end to this, or it will destroy his canvass. He myst do so at once, even if it is necessary to say to Hen dricks that he is the candidate for the Presi dency, the chosen leader of the party, that | as its leader he must be obeyed, and if Hen- dricks is dissatisfied he must go off the ticket. The Ma The most touching of all the passages in the great authors are those which refer to the deaths of children, There is the fate of Arthur, with which Shakespeare moves our feelings in ‘King John ;” the mournful de- cline of Paul Dombsy and the death of Little Nell, which Dickens describes so beauti- fully, and a thoasand other pathetic pic- tures in romance and the drama, Thack- eray alone, cynical as he was said to be, had not the heart to paint the death of a child. Yet what is all this poetry and fiction to the truth in the American metropolis? Two thousand children have died in New York within twenty-five days. They died of foul air, of unfit food, of the stench of the gut- ter and the criminal neglect of our great city to provide help forthe poor. Surely New York e¢annot afford to rest under the stigma of such suicidal statistics as these. Two thousand children dead in less than a cre of the Innocents, month! Qur rich people relieve the misery | that is brought to their notice; but inci- dental charity does not compensate for the want of a general system. Fifty extra phy- sicians, who are appointed by the Board of Health, visit, it is likely, one thousand chil- dren a day; yet still they die, and, Under a sad and shrouded heaven @ur sorrow stumbles where the wiliow waves, Because the earth is filled with little graves, Which make the paths of life uneven. Snch a rate of mortality is disgraceful, and if the city government does not do its daty let the citizens come to the front and end this massacre of the innocents. What was the massacro of Custer and his regiment to this desolation of the households of the poor? Custer had his life buckled to the hilt of his sword, and his men carried their hearts upon their sleeves. They were men who could take care of their lives. But the children? What defence have they against the iniamies end the pestilence of a city of tenement houses, where palaces and hovels stand side by side, and the fever of the poor revenges itself Surely it is the duty of New York to care for her children. There is no nobler, purer, more enduring joy than that which follows the sacrifice of pleasure to duty. We all shun unpleasant duty. We turn from that cold, still mistress who offers no reward, but the reward comes and remains when the tempo- rary sacrifice of enjoyment is made. Where is St. John’s Guild now? Who give their money and personal effort to that and to similar charities? Where are the floating hospitals and children’s excursions? Over two thousand children buried in New York three weeks! The American metropolis is shamed by the confession of her own sanitary authorities. Let not our wealthy citizens permit the pro- found and beautiful words of the Saviour, “Suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not,” to be turned into the worst of irony. Parke Gopwin on Trupex.—The canvass is becoming moony and shows the effect of the warm weather. An observer as cool and experienced as Parke Godwin has given some reasons for his support of Tilden. “If Tilden were President,” says Mr. Godwin, “in less than three months we should see our finances on their best feet, taxation reduced a half and the currency in a sure way to re- covery by gentle and almost imperceptible means. What is more, we should see tides | of Northern capital flowing into the South | to turn its rich natural resources into unex- ampled prosperity.” If Mr. Tilden can do all of this he is the man to be made Presi- dent for life, and the democrats are to be congratulated upon having so mighty a can- didate. We wish that Mr. Godwin would tell us how the election of any one man to an office in which he is trammelled by con- stitutional limitations will do for this coun- try more than a Napoleon, with all of his power, could do for France. If Mr. Godwin can make this point clear he will benefit the Tilden canvass. Tux Custer Moxvumenr is not intended to register the errors of the Indian policy, but to commemorate American courage. Let those who are unable to subscribe in large amounts remember the beautiful parable of the widow's mite:—“It was all she had,” and | therefore as acceptable in heaven's sight as Harrison repeated the pledge in his inan- | if it had been the treasures of Golconda. In such 8 cause as this it is the purptse, the | spirit that is appreciated, not the mero the same individual to a second term of the | pecuniary amount, j The Democrati¢ Canvass for Governor. The fact that no democratic leader is prominently named for Governor shows that there is some ground for the statement that a strong pressure will be brought upon Horatio Seymour to accept the nomination. It is known that Mr. Seymour does not wish this office, that he has retired from politics, that under ordinary circumstances he would spurn tha offer. But Tilden’s friends argue that the somantic ideal prominence of Mr. Seymour in the democracy would bind the party like a sheaf and draw out every vote. So far 4s Mr. Seymour is concerned we ques- tion if it is wise for any man, no matter how renowned he may be, to permit himself to be used as a political strengthening plas- ter, Nor is it altogether respectful to the wpona reluctant candidate who would re- ard it as a penance. The office of Governor is only second in importance to that of the Presidency, and the honor of New York de- munds that it should be thus forced upon no man, no matter how illustrious. There are twenty leaders in the party, men of expe- rience and gifts, who would do as well in the. Governorship as Mr. Seymour, and to whom it would be a gracious honor, not a mere politica! expedient, to aid the national campaign. There is one democrat whom we should all delight to honor, and whose nomination for the Governorship would, in the end, do Mr. Tilden as much good as that of Sey- mour. We mean Manton Marble, the former editor of the World, and for nearly fifteen the country. Asa journalist Mr. Marble is well known to the country, but better known | to his fellow journalists. The press of New York, without distinction of party, will bear witness to his ability, his patriotism, his fine executive, business training, his clear- ness of mind, his integrity, his de- votion to the best interests of his party and the Republic. These are the quali- ties we desire in a Governor. There is no man inthe democratic party, not even Mr. Seymour, who would make a better Gov- ernor than Mr. Marble. We if any would make a better canvass. It would be a stroke of rare fortune if Uncle Sammy were to put Mr. Marble at the head of the State ticket. If elected New York would have a Governor worthy of the name— a man who would do well every duty that the office involved, and whose administra- tion would redound to the credit of the Empire State. The Extradition Question. Our London correspondent sends us the last extradition despatch of Lord Derby, in | reply to Secretary Fish’s despatch of May 22, which, by the way, is said by our Wash- ington correspondent to be the last commu- nication ‘of Secretary Fish to the British government on the subject. Lord Derby received this despatch, it seems, on the 6th of June, and his reply is dated the 30th, so that he took twenty-four days to consider the matter, After all he only does what the lawyers call “confess and avoid.” He gives up the untenable position which he assumed in the earlier parts of his correspondence, that an actof Parliament is superior to a treaty and may change its construction. He has a good deal to say about the right of political asylum, which has nothing -to do with the present dispute, and about which there is no disagreement between the two countries ; he “regrets” the case of Heilbronn, and con- veniently forgets the other similar cases; and, finally, he remarks that, as the United States did not like his new construction of the old treaty, he had instructed Sir Edward Thornton to propose to Secretary’ Fish the immediate conclusion of a new one, author- izing the very course to which our govern- ment objects. If Secretary Fish had had the | coolness to make such a proposition Lord Derby would probably have stigmatized it as a “Yankee trick.” We trust Secretary Fish will not make any reply to thisdespatch. The discussion is concluded so far as we are concerned. The British government has attempted to put a new construction upon a treaty which has been in force since 1842. It sheltere2 itself at first behind an act of Parliament. Driven from that, it then pretended that its con- | struction was the universal practice in extra- dition treaties. by different trenties—notably that between | Denmark and Belgium—it now talks of the sacrtdness of political asylum, which has never been in question, and suggests a new treaty which shall admit its claim to be just. And all this fuss is made about the smuggler Lawrence, who appears to be a person of uncommon importance in London. It is not useful to discuss the matter fur- ther. Our government, we believe, stands ready to make a new treaty upon a perfectly just and reasonable basis—namely, that the person surrendered shall be triable for any of the crimes mentioned in the treaty, and none others. That not only favors the course of justice, which is what both gov- practice of both governments under the by Lawrence implicating important political persons in England suddenly led the British “government, in great agitation, to impose entirely new conditions upon us and to de- fend its strange course by a variety of pre- texts, all of which are so weak and unten- able that the most influential English jour- nals have, one after the other, declared the United States in the right and their govern- ment wrong. Bristow axp Grant.—-The position taken by Bristow in refusing to testify to anything that has ever taken place in the Cabinet be- tween himself and the President would be tenable but for one reason. He and his friends, or, perhaps, to speak with precision, his friends alone, havo filled the country stacle to Bristow's suppressing the Whi Ring, that the prosecution was distasteful to him, and that in all of Bristow's efforts to reform the revenue the President was in his way. This is certainiy the impression that was conveyed to the country. It was the basis of the generous support which Bristow received for the Presidency. If this is true then the President was guilty of a crime for which he should be impeached. If Mr. | Bristow knows it to be true and refuses to inform Congress then he condones the Pres- | to their prowess at the oar. Empire State to have its chief office forced | years the leading democratic journalist of | question | Shown that this was not so | ernments want, but it is consistent with the | treaty of 1842, until the fear of confessions | with the idea that the President was the ol- | main column had reached and struck the | body of the enemy. should have taken the inflation Dull | by the horns by publishing such a manifesto as would have compelled | the boys on their triumphant return were ident’s crime and should share his impeach- ment. If it is not true then Mr. Bristow's friends have placed him in a cruel, false po- sition, and he should hasten to put himself right. As the matter now stands the Presi- dent has the advantage of his former Secre- tary, and so history will record. ° Send More Troops or Call Out Vol- unteers. There will not be any forward movement against the defiant Sioux for at least two weeks. The Fifth cavalry cannot reach Crook's camp on Goose Creek before that time. With the cavalry and friendly (?) Indians Crook's forces will not amount to more than two thousand five hundred men. We think that he should have at least five thousand. Too much stress cannot be laid upon the statement of Colonel Hughes, telegraphed us on Saturday from Bismarck, that he doubts if the troops under Terry as reinforced willbe able to engage the Indians. Terry's force does not exceed one thousand fourhundred men. Here, then, are two bodies of troops, each expected to attack a force of from five thousand to seven thousand Indians posted in chosen places of the greatest natural strength. It seems lit- tle short of madness. The difficulty of com- munication between the two columus is con- sidérable, and such being the case a con- certed attack requiring great precision of movement is all but impracticable. There- fore at least one of the columns—that is, the one to be relied on for the principal offensive operations—should be equal if not superior to the enemy, while the othercolumn should be strong enough to advance to certain positions and hold them until the There is no good reason why each of the columns should not number five thousand men. Then not only victory would be assured but escape rendered im- possible. Next to the all important neces- sity of soundly whipping the Sioux is that of preventing the defeated bands from scat- tering and returning to the agencies. The General and the Lieutenant General are surely aware of this and cannot have any confidence that the present forces in the field can accomplish this double purpose. This war should not be merely a battue for the purpose of killing some of the Indians who may stand to fight our troops, but to teach the Sioux and their allies for all time that the warpath is the road to de- struction. The United States should put at least five thousand additional men in the field. We do not for a moment accept the excuse that soldiers enough are not to be spared from the Enst and the South. They remain idle in hoth sections. But, supposing that the highest authority inthe land refuses to give the troops to Sherman, are our troops to be led to slaugh- | ter and our frontier settlements to be | ravaged by the victorious Indians? Are our arms to be again humbled and millions on millions squandered inalong and painful war? If the President will not give the troops. let him call for volunteers from the West. Five thousand men with just the right experience could be raised west of the Mississippi in ten days. There are officers enough to spare. A Feeble Presidential Canvass. Governor Tilden’s menace in his little speech at Albany, just after his nomination, that the campaign would be “aggressive,” seems an addition to the long catalogue of instances in which the vigor of the war did not come up to the pomp of the manifesto. The canvass has been at dead halt since the nomination of the candidates, Instead of the vigorous aggressiveness which Mr. Tilden was so prompt to threaten he and his party are acting with the timidity which is the natural consequence of divided counsels. We do not doubt Mr. Tilden’s disposition to “move on the works” of the republicans, but he is threatened with a fire in the rear from the soft money column of his own party. His ‘aggressive campaign” reminds us of General McCleilan’s dila- tory strategy in the first year of the civil war, when the staple announce- ment on the bulletin boards of the newspapers was, “All is quiet on the Potomac.” Governor Tilden dares not pub- lish his letter of acceptance, lest it should be stultified by the action of the democratic members of Congress. He has evinced less than his usual boldness in quailing before such an obstacle. If he had come out ina powerful letter, without waiting to consult with Hendricks and without giving time for the Hendricks intrigue with Western mem- | bers of Congress to ripen, he might now be | master of the situation. When he had formally promulgated his views no section ot the democratic party would have put | itself in opposition to the democratic candi- date; but his appearance of vacillation em- boldens the bad elements of the party and | makes it more and more difficult for him to | prosecute an “aggressive campaign.” Inmime- diately after his great triumph at St. Louis he the inflationists to ‘‘hide their diminished heads.” His delay and the infirmity of purpose it discloses give free scope to the Hendricks intrigue, and it is possible the soft money Congressmen may put the party in such a position that Governor Tilden will be compelled to ‘‘speak with bated breath.” | He could have foreclosed and shut off this debilitating muddle in Congress had he “taken time by the forelock.” He could have made it impossible for the soft money democrats to carry on their intrigue without | placing themselves in direct opposition to the democratic candidate. ‘The timid, dila- tory course he is pursuing is making his men- ace ofan aggressive campaign ridiculous. Tf the democratic Samson dallies with the | perfidious Delilah until she cuts off his locks there will be a long farewell to all his hopes of “an aggressive campaign.” Traaca’s Pent-vp Extuvstasm found vent on the arrival home of her rowing champions from their victories at Saratoga. Cornell may well be proud of her lusty sons, and the deafening hurrahs, the salvos of artillery; the bonfires and the speeches that greeted | but the natural tributes of admiring friends England's Eseape from Humiliation, ‘Lhe correspondence on the Eastern ques tion which has just been published by the English Foreign Office reveals a jealousy among the great Powers and at the same time a want of sincerity which do not augur well for the future. The three Emperors evidently have made up their minds to rule Europe, and with them peace or war only means the strengthening of their own power. Out of this ambition comes the very remark- able attitude which England and Russia have held toward each other and the equally remarkable attitude of both on the Eastern question. It is Russia which dictates the Berlin note and England which rejects it, Russia is disposed toward peace and is will- ing to persuade the insurgents to lay down theirarms. England, on the other hand, re- fuses to interfere, and resents, with a good deal of impatience, the subordinate posi- tion in which the Emperors would place the Queen’s government. Italy apparently was the Power which was to bring England to terms, and the strangest part of this mancuvre is that, if Italy had succeeded, England, by the act alone, would have sunk to a third or fourth place among the Powers of the world. It the accomplishment of this end was not the real purpose of the Berlin note it is difficult to determine what its purpose was. It was certainly not a mere concession in the in- terest of peace, and even if it had been ace cepted it is not likely its promises would have been fulfilled. The intrigue was simply meant for the humiliation of Eng: land, and the correspondence shows how narrow was the escape from that humilia« tion. Itisin this view only that the pub- lished papers have any real importance, but they are important as showing the changed relation of the great Powers. It is the policy of the Northern Powers to degrade | the commercial and political supremacy of Great Britain, and now, although the danger is revealed, it is clearly shown also that the crisis has not been reached. Nothing can be more surprising than that Turkey is to be let alone in the future, while England is to become the ‘‘sick man” of Europe; but the discovery will give a new interest and fresh zest to European politics. Tue Centenniaz Yran.—It is strange that Mr. Wheeler, in his letter accepting the nomination for the Vice Presidency, should fall into the common error of speaking of the “centennial year.” A little reflection would have shown this excellent writer that in using this phrase he actually said the ‘hun. dredth yearly year.” There can be a cen- tennial event, a centennial celebration, a centennial exhibition, but not a centennial year. Dr. Johnson, in one of his imitations of Juvenal, said:— Let observation, with extensive view, Survey mankind from China to Pera— a passage which has been thus translated :—« «Letobservation, with extensive observation, observe mankind extensively.” But Dr. Johnson was guilty only of pleonasm, while Mr. Wheeler offends by an absolute absur- dity. English is better than Latin, and we advise our orators and journalists to say the “hundredth year” when they desire to refer to 1876. Tue Westarr.—As predicted by the Heratp the week opens with cool, refreshing winds and a tempera.ure so delightful that we can realize only now how fearfully warm the weather has been during the past three weeks. With the thermometer at seventy- five degrees we hear men complain of being chilled. This shows the suddenness of the change and the contrast between the torrid heat of last Thursday and the genial warmth of yesterday. ‘The storm which passed over this city yesterday, the advent of which was duly announced in Thursday’s Henatp, gave us a sharp blow from the westward, with a short but refreshing shower. We may now look for some days of clear, cool weather, during which we can recover in some meas- ure from the depressing effects of the heated term. : Tuer Puurrrs Yesterpay.—The noted faces among the ministry of the city continue to disappear from their pulpits for a season of rest and recreation in the country or by the sea, and if the churches are not closed alto. gether the country parson is heard raising his voice to heaven. If the sermon of the latter lacks the beauty and polish of the minister he replaces perhaps it tells the old story of redemption a little more directly and with less stretching out of the fingers of the mind to grasp up illustration from the topics of the day. Our sermon reports else- where contain much of this plain, wholes some soul food, which the Christian readex can digest with benefit. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Brigandage in Sicily 18 an institation, Bi-hop Wilverforce:—'*Don’t waste any time in kill- ing dead devils.” A correspondent suggests that hereafter the Little Big Horn River should be called the Custer Rivor, ABiack Halls miner says he took out $5,000 from the hilis; but it ts noth hat he himself took out, The Saturday Review, in its article on Tilden, speakg of the “conservative” party, meaning tne repub- licans. At Long Branch the fashions tor gentiemon’s hate are that they shall be iarger, in order to accommodate the heads, Gail Hamilton insists that Genoral Belknap lived within his salary, and that his good taste was believed to bo extravagance, England is introducing schools of cookery with great success among the working classes, to the great benefid | of morals and comfort. The proposed leviathan hotel to be erected by a Bel- giau company in the new Avenue do l'Opera will a fiat roof, on which will be a skating rink, with na. merous groves. An Aberdeen papa, bent on Instracting his son, said, “It you had three apples and should give me one how many would you have left?" “I wouldn’t do it, pa™ was the prompt reply. General Joun 8. Phelps, the democratic nominee [oy Governor of Missouri, was. chairman of the Congres sional Ways and Means Committee while James Bu chanan was Mresident. In favor of General Sherman, as against Wendell Phillips, it, may be said that the frontiersmen were once incensed against the General because he was s¢ lenient toward the Indians, Although President Grant will be known in history as the man who gave most personality to an adminis: tration, he will also be known for the changes he mad¢ in his personal following and in his Cabinot, A correspondent writes \o us in reply to General Q 0, Howard's article in the Atlantic, that there never was such a thing as a 12-pound Parrot gun, and that | “wabots” were used only with spherical ammunition, Our correspondent was in the ordnance before, during, and after the Gettysburg fight, of which General Howe ard speaks, ~~