The New York Herald Newspaper, July 13, 1876, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD oe BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York HERALD, Letters and sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE NO. 112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK | HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STI . PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L’ ERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. = VOLUME XII. ——— FIFTH AY! PIQUE, at 8P. M. WALLACK'S THE MIGHTY DOLLAR, at 8 GILMORE'S | BRAND CONCERT, at 8 1 OLYM McDONALD'S INDIAN BOWER BREEN BUSHES, at S¥. tATKE, 'SEUM. Matinee at 2P. M, S MINSTRELS, WECK AND NECK, KELLY & LEON atsP. M TONY, PASTOR'S VARIETY, at ® P.M WITH NEW SUPPLEMENT 1876. YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 13, “From our reports this morning the pro gre that the weather to-day will be slightly cooler and partly clowdy. During the swriner months the Herarp will be sent to subscribers in the country at the rate of daeenty-five cents per week, free of postage. Noricz to Country Newsprarers.—For prompt and reqular delivery of the Herat by fast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Watt Srreer Yestenpay.—Gold declined from 111 3-4 to 111 5-8, Stocks were irregu- Jar and heavy, firmness being exhibited ex- ceptionally in two or three of the fancies. Money on call was supplied at 2and 21-2 percent. Government, railway bonds and investment shares were steady. Jewrit will have abundant time.for the canvass in Connecticut. Bx Stow Drorrrs the freedom of the French municipalities from centralizing in- fluences is being assured. The ad interim arrangement for the election of mayors by the municipal councils is a step in this di- rection. Hayes May Frxp before he is through with this contest that the second Washington Asnows how to resent a slight. Tae Lone Braxcu Races continue to attract many visitors to that charming sea- side retreat. Yesterday the weather proved extremely favorable and the track was in tine condition. Four good races were run, and the winners had to earn the victory by geod speed in each case. the foreign affairs of England we suppose that Earl Derby's retention of his place in the Cabinet means that he has nothing bet- ter to offer, and that Ministerial break-up would be fatal to the interests of the con- servative party in England just now. The defeat of the Servians would justify Disraeli in all he has done, and render the coming attack of Gladstone and company ridiculous, for there is nothing in this world so success- ful as success. Hewitt Strixzs tHe Gonc.—Mr. Hewitt comes to the front with an enthusiastic indorsement of Tilden, and strikes the re- form gong a vigorous blow. Mr. Hewitt Shinks ‘‘new men are indispensable,” which shows that one clear-headed democrat at least is’not in favor of retaining republicans in office. Mr. Hewitt informs us that “‘busi- ness is ruined, industry paralyzed, labor idle,” and that the way to reform this is to elect Tilden and Hendricks and turn out all the office-holders. How this is to revive business and employ labor does not appear, and yet few men are more competent to in- form us on this subject than Mr. Hewitt. But we must take some things for granted in a canvass, and we must not expect too much information on subjects of political economy in a letter to a local mass meeting. Tax Repvpurcan Meerre at Cooper Insti- tute last night if not a rally was at least a ratification. A man must necessarily be a yood republican who would attend such a meeting at ail on such a night, with the thermometer outside at eighty-nine and the heat inside above a hundred. The vice presidents who allowed the use of their names on this occasion are to be excused for staying away, and the brave men who were present and listened to the speeches made martyrs pf themselves for the cause. It would bea mistake to regard such a meeting on such a night as a failure, and the multitude present, though not as large as is usually the case on like occasions, exhibited rare courage and devotion. The speeches were made by Mr. E. W. Stoughton, ex-Governor Balomon and General Kilpatrick, and are reported in the Hrratp this morning. Wr Snovry Like to Kxow tho thonghts that passed through the mind of Mr. Jewell as, under the impulse of the Presidential boot, he felt himself going bump, bump, bump down the White House steps. We ean imagine the wonder, the incredulity, the amazement that must have overspread that moon-like, benevolent face as he found himself no longer a Cabinet officer, but out ia the grass under the Jackson statue. And as ho brushed the dust from his clothes, and looked around for his hat, and took it toa hatter’s to have it blocked, and thought of the good days when, with George W. Childs, Bishop Simpson, ex-Collector Murphy and Mr. Borie, he was one of the fireside Cabi- net, he must have had his own views of personal government, peckages sheuld be properly | | him to be more clear and precise | tory. NEW YORK HERALD THURSDAY, JULY 13, 1876.-WITA SUPPLEMENT. What Does Governor Tilden Meant Mr. Tilden, in his short speech in reply to the committee that waited on him to give him formal notification, declined to go at large into the topics of the canvass, reserv- ing most of what he has to say for his studied letter of acceptance. We hope he | will be explicit in his letter on some points at which he barely hinted in his speech, and especially on the great subject of reform in the civil service made so prominent in the letter of acceptance of Mr. Hayes. What Mr. Tilden said on this subject in his speech | is unsatisfactory, because it is ambiguous. We do not complain of the speech ; it was prudent, and, perhaps, proper, to reserve a distinct statement of his views for his letter of acceptance. Butas he touched upon, or rather hinted at, the civil service question we are sorry that what he said is susceptible of opposite constructions. We will indicate some of the points on which we expect in his letter of acceptance. The great prominence, strong emphasis and satisfac- tory intelligibility of that part of Mr. Hayes’ letter which related to the civil ser- vice does not permit Mr. Tilden to shirk this subject or to palter with it in a double sense, Mr. Tilden’s speech is susceptible of dif- ferent and exaetly opposite constructions. That we may do him no injustice we insert his own language:—‘‘If I were to judge by the year and a half during which I have been in the State government I would say that the routine duties of the trust I have had imposed upon me are a small burden compared with that created by the attempt to change the policy of the government of which I have been the Executive head. Especially is this so where the reform is to be worked out with more or less of co-opera- tion of public officers who either have been tainted with the evils to be redressed or who have been incapacitated by the habit of toleration of the wrongs to be corrected, and to which they have been consenting wit- nesses. I therefore—if your choice should be ratified by the people at the election— should enter upon the great duties which would fall upon me not as a holiday recre- ation, but very much in that spirit of con- secration in which the soldier enters battle.” His allusion to reform ‘to be worked out with more or less of co-operation of public officers who either have been tainted with the evils to be redressed, of who have been incapacitated by the habit of toleration of the wrongs to be corrected, and to which they have been consenting witnesses,” may be understood in different and contradictory senses. Is it meant as a suggestion that he will feel compelled, if elected, to turn out all of President Grant's appointees in order that his purposes of reform may not be ob- structed by his subordinates, or is it an in- timation of the difficulties which will attend his administration in consequence of his de- termination to abolish the spoils system ? Mr. Tilden’s language admits of either inter- pretation; but his touch of rhetoric about entering on his great duties ‘‘not as a holi- day recreation, but very much in that spirit of consecration in which the soldiér enters battle,” might seem to imply that he does not mean to make a clean sweep of the federal officers. For if every em- ployé of the government is to be one of his own appointees there is no perti- nence in his comparing himself to a soldier who goes into battle not knowing whether he shall fall or be spared. Mr. Tilden could not be obstructed by subordinates whom he selects himself; but the public will be in doubt until it sees his letter of acceptance whether this passage foreshadows a purpose to turn out all General Grant's appointees, or whether it is an appeal for indulgent judgment if he retains them. We would gladly understand it in the latter sense, be- cause it would be a signal act of political courage and magnanimity for a Presidential candidate, nominated by a party out of power, to avow a purpose to reform the civil service by abolishing the spoils system. Such an avowal costs Mr. Hayes nothing, be- cause his party will retain its monopoly of the federal offices if he keeps his pledge. But if the democratic candidate declares his intention to make no removals for party rea- sons his own party will swarm about his ears like anest ofangry hornets, and denounce him for a promise to surrender the fruits of vic- If Hayes is elected and keeps his civil service pledge we shall have a republican President administering the government through eighty or ninety thousand repub- lican subordinates, which will be so slight a deviation from the old system that it would be absurd to call it areform. But if Tilden is elected and a democratic Presi- dent attempts to administer the government through eighty or ninety thousand repub- lican subordinates it would be such a total revolution in political usage as would stamp its author as the most intrepid re- former that has ever appeared in our politics. Governor Hayes’ civil service promises are too cheap to be of any value; but if Gov- ernor Tilden should take the same ground he might justly feel like a soldier who con- secrates his life in going into battle. The two parties stand on an entirely different footing on the civil service question, inas- much as reform on one side is consistent with its monopoly of all the offices, whereas | reform on the other side would leave the | offices in possession of a party which had been defeated at the polls and repudiated by the people. And yet, in spite of the great party sacri- fice it would involve, we are entitled to ex- pect that Governor Tilden will take high and bold ground on the question of civil service reform. We should have little hope on this head if Mr. Tilden had not already shown himself to be an aggressive reformer, who does not shrink from the displeasure of his own party in obeying his sense of public duty, and if the St. Louis platform had not been courageously clear and distinct in re- lation to the civil service. It is well known that this platform was drafted in New York and received the approval of Mr. Tilden before it was presented at St. Louis. We do not see how he can consistently repudiate any part of it. Its civil service declaration penetrates to the pith of tho evil. It is in this language :—‘Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that ofti- cient, economical conduct of the govern- mental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every elec- tion, be a prizefought for at the ballot box, bea brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved compe- tency and held for fidelity in the publio employ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, professions—falsi- fied in the performance—attest that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary reform.” This has the clear ring of true metal and we do not see how Governor Tilden can ‘go back on it.” If this declar- ation be not utterly hollow and unmeaning it isa promise that the democratic candi- date, if elected, will not dismiss the sub- ordinate officers of the government on account of their politics, Unless it means this it is an electioneering sham and means nothing. It protests against the system which ‘‘makes the civil service subject to change at every election,” and ‘a prize to be fought for at the ballot box.” It declares that ‘the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax on the time of our public men nor an instrument of their ambition.” All we ask of Governor Tilden is that he will give unqualified approval and due em- phasis to this admirable part of the St. Louis platform, and pledge himself to sail by this chart if elected. If he has courage enough, if he has confidence enough in the sound sense and correct moral tone of the people to carry the civil service banner “full high advanced,” if he is willing to relinquish ‘‘the spoils of victory” and es- tablish the most important of all reforms at the expense of his own party, he will win a mame and acquire honors before which the most brilliant of recent political rep- utations will grow pale. Hayes’ cheap promise, which could be fulfilled without cost to his party, amounts to nothing ; but if Tilden shall engage, in his letter of ac- ceptance, to repudiate the spoils system and leave eighty thousand democrats ‘‘out in the cold” pining for offices filled by eighty thou- sand republicans he will have performed an act of political heroism of which this genera- tion furnishes neither precedent nor model. The Blunders on the Rosebud—Crook’s Position. The key of all the misfortunes of the pres- sent campaign is clearly an underestimate of the numbers and fighting powers, inde- pendent of numbers, of the Sioux. When our correspondent with General Crook's column wrote his first graphic description of the fight on the Rosebud he merely sketched in the details of the battle and such obvious criticism of the shortcomings of the commander as the events of the day forced upon him, It required the lapse of some days before all the disastrous conse- quences of that inglorious combat made themselves apparent in Crook's camp. More than this, it required the same time to discover that the Sioux had tracked every step of their advance, and that the attempt to enter the Rosebud Mountains, whither they had been lured like wonder- ing antelopes, came near proving a disaster beside which the loss of Custer’s force would have been a small one. Our correspondent’s letters detailing these facts will be read with astonishment by the whole country. The fine map which he has furnished, and which we publish to-day, will make the whole course of the battle clear. Had it been a campaign against booby birds it could not have been more carelessly under- taken. Our correspondent, indeed, hints that the incomplete organization of Crook's advance expedition was due in some measure to the belief (founded in some absurd way on camp gossip) that unless he struck Sitting Bull at once he would find Peace Commissioners before him. This seems incredible, but the length at which our correspondent discusses the peace question shows that the camp, and probably the Gen- eral commanding, were deeply affected by some consideration of the sort. As it was no part of General Crook's duty to concern himself about anything outside his orders, it seems astounding that he should risk so valuable a command in an endeavor to “head off” Peace Commissioners. The more Crook's failure is looked at the worse it appears. He was apparently im- pelled to hasty action by motives that should have no weight with asoldier; he adopted no precautions in his advance, was led on like a blind man into ground he should never have occupied; he divided his command in face of a superior enemy, and was whipped and forced to double on_ his tracks, lucky only in escaping unnihilation. It is, indeed, with deep sorrow that we write thus of a brave, skilled Indian fighter and army officer of high rank, such as General Crook. Just now the country is distracted by a rumor of his death and the cutting off of some of his forces. While we believethat in his camp he could withstand the Sioux, we must recall his former failures, and must consider another statement regarding his movements which is little less than astound- ing. While the rumors of Custer's battle filled the camp, and while General Crook was awaiting reinforcements, we see it coolly announced that he was (June 27) about to leave his camp and go on a gold hunting expedition in the Big Horn Mountains. His camp was closely watched by Indian spies. What, then, are we not to fear? Sitting Bull had certainly force enough to endanger the command with every man standing by his arms. What, then, might not happen to Crook on his gold hunting expedition? What might not happen to his weakened command in his foolish absence? Something may have oc- curred to turn him from this hare-brained project. Hoping that all may yet be well with him we await the news, which should not now be long delayed, with keen anxiety. Dom Pepro left our shores yesterday for England after a stay of three months in the United States during which His Majesty probably saw more of our country than most Americans, Coming among us without a trace of his imperial state, and exhibiting a keen, searching interest in everything pertaining to our progress as a people and a nation, he rapidly won his way to oursympathies in a deep and quiet man- ner, new to most distinguished visitors to America. He carries with him the best wishes of a free people for the future of the great Empire of Brazil, over which he has | h been called to preside, The Monument for Custer. We printed yesterday two brief letters, en- closing subscriptions to the proposed monu- ment to General Custer, which deserve special note. One is from a Cuban giving twenty-five cents asan ‘humble contribu- tion,” while the other encloses ten cents from “a poor boy, John Keegan.” These two sums, small as they are, show how the popular heart has been touched by the gal- lantry and devotion of Custer and his men. We would much rather see a monument rep- resenting the mite of the widow and the ten cents from the poor boy than one directed by Congress and paid for ont of the Treas- ury. The real value of the monument such as we propose in honor of Custer is that it rep- resents a nation’s homage to valorand duty. In our hard, material age, where all that is worshipped are money and power, nothing is more becoming than that we should step aside from our canvass for the Presidency, our celebrating the Centennial, our stern, selfish pursuits, to do honor to the chival- rous soldier and gentleman who rode into the valley of death, We owe it to ourselves to commemorate deeds of this kind. When Cardigan rode into the Russian batteries with six hundred cavalry- men military critics censured him, and even Lord Raglan said he had thrown away his command. But with a splendor far ex- celling the victories at Alma and Inkerman, with a splendor which gains new lustre with time, the charge of the Light Brigade stands out in history. No man with English blood in his veins but recalls it with pride. If we honor Cardigan for what he did, how much more should we honor Custer. If England enshrines the commander of the Light Brigade among her heroes, how much more should we enshrine the commander of the Seventh cavalry. Cardigan’s enemy were the batteries. If he fell it was asa soldier. If he was captured or wounded he was sure of humane, tender care. Custer’s enemy were savages, who knew no mercy, who neither gave nor re- ceived quarter, who tortured their captives with every refinement of savage cruelty. When Custer rode into that Indian village, ‘the largest on the conti- nent,” as he exclaimed exultingly when his brave eyes first saw the tent-covered plain, and he gave the order to charge, he knew the terrible alternative. He knew that he must either win or die. What more fitting task in this Centennial year than to honor such a deed. Let us say what we will about the degradation of thg national character, and our Centennial prod- uct being corruption and national deca- dence, the charge of Custer is an answer to it all. It shows that manhood and valor, self- denial and absolute consecration to duty, even at the sacrifice of life, all remain with us. These are the qualities we honor in this achievement of Custer. Because we honor them, because we would have them ever an example to our children, as was the example of Leonidas to the sons of Sparta, we trust that the people will build a noble monu- ment to his fame. What Blaine Escapes. We congratulate Senator Blaine. He will bean addition to the upper house. He is one of the best debaters in the party, and he will be a valuable reinforcement to a debating majority which already has Conkling, Edmunds, Morton, Sherman and Logan. Blaine will make the republican forces in the Senate very strong if he acts with the party and does not quarrel, as he was dis- posed to do sometimes in the House, especially when he came across a strong man like Butler. Blaine in the Senate escapes the House investigation, which was taking an uglyturn. Upon that he will receive our warmest congratulation. He will not be required to give up Mulligan’s letters, nor to answer to the House for contempt in tamper- ing with a witness and offering him a consul- ship if he would leave, and refusing to give up to the House evidence which was the property of its witness. We cannot see how Blaine could have escaped severe cen- sure, or perhaps expulsion. If the House had any regard for its authority it would have censured orexpelled him. But all of this he escapes by going into the Senate. We hope he will recover his health speedily. He is certainly one of the luckiest men of the generation. Why Should Custer be Censured? The more the evidence in relation to the movement of General Custer comes to light the more we are convinced that in all re- spects this gallant and gifted officer did his duty. Itisclear that he was sent off on an in- dependent command—that his duty was to find the Indians. If he saw no evidence of their presence he was to return to the point of junction agreed upon with Terry. If he did find the Indians it was his duty to fol- low up the trail and attack them. This is shown by the censure visited upon Major Reno by General Terry for not pursuing the trail which he found, and which led to the scene of the subsequent massacre. We see nothing either in the orders of Terry to Custer or in the correspondence which we have published direct from the expedition, and which reflected the intentions and the opinions of Custer and his command, to show that it was the purpose of Terry to simply reconnoitre the Indians, This is what Reno did, and for doing this Terry censured him. Custer was sent with orders to fight, and these orders he obeyed. Let us suppose that Custer had discovered the trail, had advanced to whero he could see the Indian village and had returned to the rendezvous to wait for Terry's infantry. What would have been the opinion of the army? Terry might well have said :—“You have done simply what Reno hasdone. You tell me Indians are on the Rosebud, and that I knew. You came back for infantry, and you know that my infantry can never come within fifty miles of the Indians.” General Sheridan himself would have'said the same, and, much as he loved and honored Custer, would never have allowed him to ride at the head ci anothercavalry regiment. IfSheridan had found this Indian trail, as Custer did, he would have pursued it. He would have ridden day and night as Custer rode. If he found the village he would have at- od it as Custer did, He would have been justified in doing so by every law of Indian warfare. The attempt, then, to blacken the memory of this most gallant and lamented officer is unworthy. The crime of this massacre does not fall upon Custer. The more the evi- dence is developed the clearer it appears that he was sent out to do his duty and died in the effort. If we wish to censure the real criminals let us push our inquiries in other directions, Why did our military chiefs underrate the Sioux? Why, with all of our intercourse with the Indian tribes, did we not know the possible strength of the Sioux? Why, if we knew that strength, did we not send men enough to overmaster it? If Grant knew enough to find out the force of Lee, to organize armies to beat him and to wait until he had his armies in hand and ready, why did he not know enough to do the same with Sitting Bull? If Custer was too weak without the support of Terry and Gib- bon why was he sent away from them on an errand where they could not support him, and when he might have met the Indians at any time? He was sent off with fifteen days’ rations, which alone shows that the theory of the infantry support is untenable, And why, we may also ask, did Reno take to the bluffs, and not make an at- tempt to relieve Custer, or to so mancuvre with the Indians that they could all have moved into the hills together and there waited in a body defending themselves until relief came, as it did come? Reno is a gal- lant officer and has never failed, and no doubt he will be only too glad to answer o question which all the world is asking. It is disgraceful to throw the blame of this most lamentable disaster upon Custer. The memory of that officer comes out of the ordeal stainless, He did his duty. He died in doing it. The sacrifice does not lie with him; others are responsible, and upon others, sooner or later, the terrible responsibility must fall. Tae Sxconp Wasutncton begins to kick around in so lively a manner that we shall have to call him a second Jackson. The Governor and the Committee. The speech of Governor Tilden to the dem- ocratic committee was discreet and in much better taste than his address to the militia company at Albany. There was a touch of pathos in the suggestion that if elected President he would go into the White House with that feeling of consecration which a soldier feels when going into a battle. It was a cheering speech, and shows that the black flag policy is to be carried on to the end. Uncle Sammy means to give his op- ponents no quarter, and his opinions are echoed by Mr.’ Dorsheimer and Mr. Hewitt. The fact that the Governor avoided any other theme but reform shows that we are to have @ canvass upon one issue, if such a thing is possible. There were many ques- tions upon which we should have been glad to have heard from Mr. Tilden. He is so keen s master of phrase and knows so well how to shade an opinion that we are sur- prised he missed his opportunity. There was the question of one term—the question which threw upon the republican party the issue of Cxsarism and defeated it last year. The Governor might have complimented Hayes upon his manly avowal that he would not run for a second term, and, giving the country a similar assurance, withdraw that issue from our politics. Perhaps he in- tends to do so in his letter. Should he fail to do so he will alienate a large body of re- formers who think that the eligibility of Presidents to re-election is one of the pri- mary evils of our government. An assurance on civil service reform would have come with good grace from the Gov- ernor. We understand the difficulties which would surround this theme in addressing members of a House which had shown its appreciation of this reform by dismissing the oldest and best servants, and in the presence of Mayor Wickham, who represents an organization which compels every laborer on the boulevards to vote right or starve. But even at the risk of offending the demo- cratic House and the democratic Tammany Hall the Governor should have taken ground on this subject, and should have said that he would restore the Jeffersonian example to public life and remove no man from office who does not forfeit his place by misbehavior. Perhaps the Governor re- serves this declaration for his letter. These are points upon which the country will expect to hear fro Gavernor Tilden. ‘‘Reform” in the abstract is a good cry, but it is a very abstract issue. The Governor can do his canvass great good by explaining precisely what he means by reform, and how he is to carry out his plans. Centennial Dix and Governor Tilden. If our readers suppose that our venerable and illustrious friend, Centennial Dix, is in- sensible to current events, let them read his letter on Tilden, which we published yester- day. When the weather became warm the old statesman and warrior, instead of loafing around the city looking after delegates as a candidate for the Presidency, purchased an enormous quantity of ammunition, cleaned his weapons and started down to his sum- mer home, ‘‘Seafield, West Hampton,” on the Atlantic shore, to shoot ducks. The old warrior has had wonderful success. Our correspondents write that such shooting has never been known. We are glad of this, as the General is one of the saints of the earth, one of the few who, as even Tilden will admit, have not yet gone to the devil. When not studying the wide horizon for ducks the Governor studies the canvass. He sends a line shot into Uncle Sammy. “It will enable us to demonstrate by indisputable facts that the government, for the chief office in which he has been nominated, would not now exist if his example during the rebellion had been followed by his countrymen.” We might answer this by saying that no goubt the heart of Tilden was as true to the Union as that of Dix ; but we do not dare to interfere between the veteran sportsmen. We are glad to find Centennial Dix in such good trim, and so prompt and unerring in his aims, whether at flying ducks or running candidates, Gexrrat Grant is doing yeoman’s service for Tilden. Tho President evidently feels that Hayes slighted him by making no allu- sion in his letter to our second Washington, whose “illustrious services,” d&c., do, Let Us Look After the Congressmen. The declarations of Tilden for reform and of Hayes for civil service are gratifying. They show that whatever may be the result of the election we should have a man of honor in the White House who would do what he promised. But let us remember all the time that any President is helpless unless he has the support of Congress. We see how President Grant, who certainly went into the White House with the best intentions, was compelled to abandon his civil service idea. He found himself confronted by s cabal of Senators who demanded their share ofthe patronage, and under the pressure of this demand the President yielded. There will be members and Sepators of the same kind in the next Congress. We know the republicans. We have the evidence of Fitz- hugh, the late doorkeeper of the House, as to what the democrats would be apt to do. If Tilden were President he would be asked for fifty thousand places, and it would dis- turb the harmony of the party if he answered the demand by copies of his letter of accept- ance and the St. Louis platform. The way to clinch this business is to see that the reforms are enforced in the repre- sentative distficts. Let the district conven- tions of both parties put their nominees on the record. Let them exact a pledge that as members they will not attempt to unduly influence the mind of the President in the disposal of patronage. This is the only way to insure this reform. We may elect a second George Washington for President and yet unless the Senate and the House unite with him there will be no genuine re- form. Therefore we urge upon honest men, of both parties, the wisdom of looking closely to the districts. Custer Monument. The The subscriptions to the monument to Custer, recejved by the Henatp, amount to $2,269 05. Mr. Henry Hilton sends a check for one thousand dol- lars, in order that “the heroism of the gallant General Custer and his brave comrades” should be ‘recorded upon some- thing more enduring than mere memory.” A New Jersey boy sends two dollars, anda poor entry clerk contributes ten cents. These subscriptions show the popular wide- spread feeling in favor of commemorating one of the noblest deeds in the annals of the Republic. The way to do this work and to make it national and representative is for every town and village to form a Custer Monument Association. Let every one, rich and poor, give as he may in behalf of. the work, and then we can decide in what way it can best be applied. The main point now is to honorin an enduring form the valor and self-denial of our brave soldiers and of the gifted man who led them. The spirit which animates the gifts of Judge Hil- ton and the others whose contributions we to-day acknowledge is the spirit which will stimulate high effort and noble per- formance of duty, and in doing so add new glory to the American character. We Anz Inrormep that the friends of the second Washington, who is now about to retire into private life, are incensed because Hayes made no allusion to the great soldier- statesman in his letter of acceptance. It is odd that the Governor should have forgotten this small courtesy, and as the President is not a man to submit to slights he may take his own way of showing how he feels. He is certainly doing all he can to show the republican party that he cares no more for its candidates now than he did twenty years age, when he was a democrat. It shows the depths into which an administration has fallen when the candidate of the same party has no appreciation and shows that he hag no desire to be burdened with it. However, Grant has the consolation of knowing that if Hayes does not think it worth his while to write about him that he has had in the past week letters from the Emperors of Germany and Russia and the King of Italy—all calling him their great and good friend. Tae War ix Turxey.—Out of the multi- tude of contradictory despatches from the seat pf war in Turkey it is difficult to gain a clear idea of the position of the contending forces, but this much is apparent—namely, that the Turks have checked the Servian ad- vance, and the next important battle which Tchernayeff will fight will decide whether the Servians are to retire finally behind their frontier or to continue to struggle for an ad- vance in the face of growing odds, The Montenegrins, who make better soldiers than the Servians, have lately been giving some account of themselves. A Question Anises which Marshall Jewell can do much toward settling, as to whether members of the Cabinet have any rights which Presidents are bound to respect. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, It is hot even in the Berkshire hills. ‘The chestnut trecs blossomed early this year, Congressman Seclye is resting in Amherst, N, H. Empress of Brazil on Grant:—'Ho was so very silent.’” Sultan Murat Halstead likes Hayes’ letter of accept- ance. . Sir Alexander T. Galt, of Montreal, is among the late arrivals at the Gilsey House, General Pope and Major Dunn are on their way East to testily in the Belknap trial. . Major General Henry E. Longden, of the British ‘Army, is registered at the Grand Central Hotel, The Emperor has gone, and a good many people who made his acquaintance may say domino, Count Porocki and Count Drohojoski, of Poland, and Count and Countess Sala, of Paris, are at the Brevoors House. Bishop Charles Todd Quintard, of Tennessee, returned from Europe in the steamship Scythia and is atthe Coleman House. + Evans, the Welsh athlete, who is supposed to be the strongest man living, let a half ton gun ba placed on his chest and bo fired off; and heis five feot eight inches high, just the stature of Tum Sayros, M. Baltzzi, the fortunate owner of Kisber, who Bained the Derby and tho Grand Prix de Paris, is neither Hungarian nor Italian as has been stated. He belongs to avery rich family of Greek bankers, of Smyrna extraction, . For Blaine’s successor, besides General Jamos A Hall, of Damariscotta, are mentioned John 1. Stevens, of Augusta; W. L. Stevens, of New Portland ; Stephen D. Lindsey, of Norriugowock, aud General RB, Shep. herd of Skowhegan. In London Pere Hyacintne ts quite the oratorical lon of the hour. Ho has already deliverod two lectures on the prospects of Christendom, to crowded audiences in St. James's Hail, and he has promised to deliver ® third, The French preacher is a fine man and a power. ful orator. He hasawonderfal b ld apou the attene tion of his audience, though this may be aecounted tor In some measure by the desire of ever: te be posed to understand French, in <a