The New York Herald Newspaper, July 5, 1876, Page 4

BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one Bolter per month, tree of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Henaxp. Letters and packages should be properly Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD-—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUM® XLi... — AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. — GILMORE’S. GARDEN. GRAND CONOEK:, at 8 KELLY 4 Li a0 8PM. MINSTRELS, OLYMPIC THEATRE. Ot8P.M. Matince a! . BOWERY THRATRE, WOMAN'S REVENGE, at 8 P.M. CHATEAU MABILLE VARIETIRS, ate P.M. TONY PASTOR'S 1 VARIETY, at 8 P.M. Matinee . M. PARISIAN VARIETIES, atOP.M. Matinee at 2 P TH FIFTH A PATRE. PIQUE, at8P.M. Fan venport. TH RI E, at 82. t. TIVOLI F. CENTENNIAL PANTOMIM M, Matinee at 2:30 ATRE, Wid. Ph WALLACK’S THE. THR MIGHTY DOLLAR, at 8 P.M NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JULY 5, 1876, ~~ From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be parily cloudy, with, possibly, rain. During the summer months the Henaxp will be sent 0 subscribers in the country at the rate of twenty.@ve cents per week, free of postage. Notice to Country Nxwsprauens.— For rompt and regular delivery of the Hmraup Jast mail trains orcers must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Ox tHe East River yesterday there was the interesting spectacle of a lively race by three of the yachts of the Williamsburg Club. A Trrnmie Tornapo is reported this morning, which will attract attention on account of its singularly destructive charac- ter. Onz Hvunprep years ago to-day the Vir- ginia Convention resolved to omit prayers tor the King, and inserted ‘‘Magistrates of the Commonwealth.” Tne Lona Brancu Races yesterday were exceedingly interesting, as will be seen from our report this morning, and equal in every respect to any of the Fourth ot July races | which preceded them. Tue Senvians it seems have already met | the Turks in battle, both sides, as is usual in such cases, claiming the victory. It is not likely that either side has been sufficiently successful in this conflict tocom- pela change in the attitude of the other Powers. Tas Crnrennian Muirany Covunrestes which are now passing between the North and South, and of which we have some ac- count this morning, will do much to reunite the sections. Northern hospitality cannot be too general or too generous toward our Southern visitors. Tue Expzror or Germany has the happy faculty of doing gracious and proper things at the proper moment, as is seen in his let- | ter of congratulation deliyered to President Grant yesterday. These international cour- tesies cost nothing, but they are wonderfully well adapted to promoting good feeling be- tween nations. A Cowarpiy Mvrver, followed by the suicide of the perpetrator is reported from Laramie, Wy. T. We publish the particulars of the crime in to-day’s Heraup. The mur- derer cheated His Honor Judge Lynch by swallowing powdered opium and died re- gretted by the entire settlement, which wanted to enjoy the privilege of hanging him very much. Boss Tweep is reported in a Canadian paper to have visited the territory of British Columbia quite recently en roue to South America. It is scarcely neoessary to remark that the ex-Tammany chief now need have no fears whatever when standing on British soil, as the abrogation of the extradition treaty by Lord Derby throws the «gis of England over our criminals who may take tefuge on her shores. Cmrcaco finds itself on the brink of a shaos which threatens more damage to that tity’s credit than even the great fire. It has to money in the municipal treasury, the po- tice and fire departments cannot be paid be- sause people will not pay taxes, owing to a State law which gives no compelling power to the authorities. Add to this the strain on the people's coffers to rebuild their city and the present dulness of business, and the condition of the Pheenix City will be seen to be an alarming one. ‘Tue Mopers Camp Mestrine no doubt lacks the boisterous enthusiasm of the old. old Methodist clergyman said to our corre- at Round Lake on Sunday, the Tawi Hoating party and the ime, when to attend a to pass a week of religions at were held to clear the e soul. The speculator in nest penny, where in the old camped upon ground free to us the creature comforts are ded to. Times have changed. Every, generation selects its conveniences ac- cording to its light, and if religious frenzy is . curbed nowadays in its sporadic outbursts it is because the sentiment of the timo has set against a religion of mere emotions. Per- haps it goes doeper for not showing so much on the surface. a ee Asthe | of to-day were things | j inated. | until the party had given him command of | hour. | four years, and the heart of the party went | delight ; plumbers like Boss Shepherd al- | Kelley saw in Hayes a Niagara of greenbacks, NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JULY 5, 1876. The Truc Inwardness of the Cam- paign—Roast Beef, Cakes and Ale. It is curious to note the impression made upon the country by the republican nomina- tions. A month ago and the party was divided into factions, clearly defined, under ambi- tious leaders. There werethe Blaine men, the Morton men, the Conkling men—not to speak of the poets and old maids who made the night hideous with howls for Bristow. In all these contentions there was no princi- Blaine had worked up a can- vass in true drummer style, and just when the Convention was to meet he arranged a sensational transformation scene worthy of Barnum. Morton had a strong following from the West, who naturally enough desired tohonor him for his rare and meritorious services during the war. Conkling had a strong following in the East, who gave him the allegiance which high character and courage always command. But the rivalries were prolonged and bitter. Sud- denly a second rate man—always second rate, whether in the army, the House or the Governor's chair—was discovered and nom- The argument in his favor is that no one can say anything against him. He has lived fifty-four years without making a record above that of ten thousand other republicans. Compare the record of Hayes with the brilliant parliamentary career of Conkling or Morton or Blaine, and how small he seems! It is as though an army had tired of its generals, | of the commanders who had led it to vic- tory before and who would be summoned todo so again, and picked out an orderly sergeant. In one of the French operas by | M. Offenbach we see how a strong-limbed e is made general-in-chief in a mo- ‘The same caprice seems to have ani- mated the republicans at Cincinnati, and it is an interesting question what inspired this nomination, The answer is simple— Roasr Beer! The republican organization has become a party of beef-eaters. When we think of this party as it came into being twenty years ago; its leaders men like Sumner, Seward, Chase, Lincoln; its platform universal freedom and the integrity of the Union; when we think of | the great soldiers and statesmen who have been proud to enroll themselves in its ranks, and see now what it all comes to—Hayes and Wheeler and 9 pea soup platform—we can see how it has fallen. The fall, however, is what we must always expect from a party long in the possession of power. The men of principle in the republican party have gone out of it. The men who gave it leader- ship and ideas are no longer in authority. This was seen when a successful trooper like Grant, who never voted for a republican ple at issue. the army, not only made President, but allowed to govern the party on,the military principle. It was power which consented to this. So we had at Cincinnati the creatures of power. It is not too much to say that nine-tenths of the Convention were gentle- men to whom republicanism meant roast beef, and who looked upon the nomination of a President and the arrangement of a platform as the laying in of supplies for four years. ‘Who will win?” That was the first question. ‘Which winning can- didate will do the best for us in the way of | beef?” ‘this was the second question. Of | course the Blaine people preferred Blaine, because he would cut,them off larger slices and see that they were better fed than Morton | or Bristow. The struggle in the Convention was really what might be called—if we are permitted to carry out our illustration—a fight fortenderloins. Blaine’s friends wanted the best slices, and so did the friends of the other candidates. But once this quarrel was over there came the question of roast beef. Your true party man if he cannot obtain the tenderloin will be content with a shin bone. So the ‘‘enthusiasm” which ‘‘rent the air” in Cincinnati when Hayes came in winner was ashin bone enthusiasm. The leaders thought he was the surest to win, and the beef-eaters roared like hungry lions. It is odd to note with what avidity the party supports the ticket. The favorite hour in the zoological gardens is the feeding ‘Then the true nature of the animals is manifest. The lion and the tiger, the wolf and.the hyena, are seen at their best. So we never know the true points of the beef-catefs until the hour of the nomina- tion, Once that it was seen that Ruther- ford B. Hayes was, so far as republican votes could declare, to be at the meat table tor out to him. Reformers like Curtis in him the best reformer; carpet-baggers like Dorsey hailed him as the carpet-baggers’ saw most melted in the ardor of their enthusi- asm ; the old-fashioned postmaster and edi- torial expounder came into line with eagles and fireworks ; the soft money fanatics like while bullionists like Woodford vowed that | he was eighteen carat gold ; protectionists | like Carey and free traders like Schultz raved him; and our brethren of fhe Union League, who but recently demanded a statesman like Evarts or Vish, now in meeting assembled resolve that it was Hayes they wanted all the time. It was not Hayes, but roast beef. All the | men in office who liveon the bounty of Uncle | Samuel shout for Hayes, because they expect he will keep them in their places. All the | men out of office who have not been recog- nized by Grant shout because they think | Hayes will “reform” the party by giving all of them high places. ‘The difference is between roast beef in possession and roast beef in expectation. In an election can- | vass this does not diminish the enthusiasm, Thus Mr. Choate, who hopes to be District | Attorney, has a deep, if not a deeper, inter- est in the election of Mr. Hayes than Mr. | Bliss, who sits snugly over his rations in the same office and supports with a growing appetite the administration which supports him. Wait for three or four years, when Governor Hayes, should he become Presi- dent, finds that he cannot put ten thousand pegs into a thousand holes, and then we shall see what we shall see, And if the canvass is a question of roast beef with the republicans, how is it with the democrats? Every question in the | democratic mind is “show to win ;" in other words, “how to get at the beef.” We read column after column of interviews with over | the spirit of Jefferson and Silas Wright. St. Louis delegates, and the cry is ‘beef !” “beef! “beef!” It is a plaintive cry, for these delegates are very hungry. For sixteen years they have wandered in the deserts living on roots and leaves. A few of them, like Boss Kelly and Demosthenes Wickham, have had little butcher shops of their own, like Tammany Hall, and have kept in good condition. A few like Dorsheimer and Bigelow have had some years of good republi- can rations, and now can “‘reform” quite com- fortably. But the great mass of the party, how hungry itis! The poor Confederates, under the command of Watterson and Fitz- hugh Lee, about whom the republican dele- gates resolved and resolved the other day, have not had a square political meal for fifteen years. No wonder they ask, ‘Who | is the man to win?” Hard money or soft money; free trade or protection, State rights or centralization, Allen or Tilden, Hendricks or Bayard, anything or anybody, so they win, anything or anybody so the hungry souls have becf. The question as to Mr. ‘Tilden, therefore, is not, ‘Is he the first man in the party in intellect, character, experience and acquirements? Is he the man to bring back the government to the customs of the fathers? Is he the best type of democracy?” but ‘Can he carry New York?” The lenders of the dem- ocratic party aro discussed, not from that lofty standard which is applied to statesmen by political orators on the stump, but simply from this point of view, “Can they win the roast beef?” All is merged in that. We see nothing of the old democratic devotion to principle, nothing of Upon every question now before the country the democracy divide as irre- vocably as the republicans. They have no policy on the finances, on the revenues, or anything. They cry “reform” vaguely, for- getting that in Tammany Hall and the present House they have defied the first prin- ciples of reform in their treatment of civil | service. Every living question is made sec- ondary to the question of living, and Cin- cinnati having determined that Hayes and Wheeler will do the best in the way of roast beef of all the republicans named the coun- try is agitated with the question, What will the others do? : And we sit by and look on, we remember the Arab's habit when his burnous is in- fested with ants. He throws it on the ground; another group comes along and drives away the troublesome incumbents. Every four years we have one swarm of ants driving the other out of the government. Lincoln drove out the Buchanan swarm, Johnson the Lincoln swarm, Grant the John- son swarm. Who will drive ont the Grant swarm? Will the office fall upon Hayes and Wheeler or Tilden and Hendricks? That is the solemn question. As to statesmanship, patriotism, ‘‘saving the country,” ‘boys in blue,” and so on, there is no harm in talking about it. It suits a campaign. But i: is of no use. We shall go on as we have gone on. There will be the same favoritism, the same peculation, the same ele- vation of feebleness and mediocrity. We | shall have the same _ beef-eating, office- holding class, who make politics a profession and live in public employments, controlling conventicns, nominating candidates, dom- inating the country. There is no reform in what was done at Cincinnati ; we expect as little now after St. Louis. There will be in- different tickets on both sides, and the coun- try will permit the canvass to flag, reserving its enthusiasm for the Centennial. The time will come, however, when the word of quickening will be spoken, when America will awake to new duties and high responsibilities and noble achievements, as when in a larger sense she awoke to the enormity of slavery and in a smaller sense to that of Tammany Hall. It will not come this year. ‘The true inwardness of the Cen- tennial canvass will be found in roast beef, cakes and ale. England and Russia. Only a few weeks since England was the centre of a blaze of diplomatic glory. She had gained what was regarded in London with the complacency which prevails there as a substantial and splendid triumph over a Continental combination to determine the fate of the Ottoman rule inEurope. Russia, Prussia and Austria had agreed upon a schedule of reforms to be presented to the Sultan for his acceptance; reforms which, if he accepted them, would shortly close the career of Ottoman sovereignty in Europe, but which reforms were to have behind them the support of the great Powers so far that if the Turk did not accept them the Powers would assist as far as was necessary to extort them. In short, the whole point was that the Turk was to be genteelly turned out of Europe. Nobody's right was to be violated—every- thing was to be done in regular form; but several Christian nations assented together to let the Ottoman disposition count for once against the Ottoman power and utilize the occasion to relieve some mil- lions of Christian people from unen- durable misgovernment in the name of Mohammed. England, however, did not like it. England, the most and tract-printing nation of objected; and London, which fines a woman five shillings for selling a bunch of watercresses on Sunday, cheered on a policy that was to keep three million of Chris: still under the Moslem heel because Russia was their friend. England, guided by the Asinn mystery—an Asian mystery out of Holliwell street—refused to assent to the proposition of the three Powers; and not only refused but pulled the wires of a revo. lution which produced a new Sultan, gave the situation a new aspect, made the pro- gramme apparently inapplicable, and so for the time defeated a well conceived scheme to improve the Turk off the face of the earth. Then it was that British journalists gave the world some rose-colored views of the early approach of an Anglo-Turkish millennium, At that time we suggested that the British suecess would be better understood when the war came which it had rendered inevit- able. Now it has come, and the result of that British policy has been té put Englard in a ruinously false position. It was all a shal- low piece of statesmanship~a kind of Christian the earth, “Brummagem” cheap imitation of real political sagacity. It glittered and sparkled, but it does not wear. Russia. foiled by the operation of the wires that were pulled in London, had only to pull certain other wires to initiate the war that is now on foot, and thus to present to England a problem of the gravest moment. What is England’s position in the case? Can she encourage her brand new patent, reform, warranted-to-wear Sultan in the war? Can she help him, or must she hand him over to his enemies? In the latter case the record of her recent activity in Continental politics ends in infamy ; and if she should resolve to aid or encourage the Sultan, what of all those millions of enlightened, conscientious, liberty-loving, thoroughly earnest men in Great Britain who believe that Christianity and liberty are not empty names? Will they not be heard from when gheir govern- ment endeavors to throw the might of Eng- land in the scale against’ a Christian people fighting for freedom? Hundredth Year—Have We Degenerated Morally? The Second We enter on the second hundredth year of our existence as an independent nation, hav- ing fitly celebrated our first centennial an- niversary. There has been a universal ex- ultation in the wonderful progress of the country in all the material elements of pros- perity; but there is at the same time a widely diffused feeling that we have declined in the moral qualities which make a nation truly great. Ifthis were true we should have lit- tle reason for rejoicing, for a decay of man- liness, virtue, patriotism and attachment to free institutions would be an evil for which no advance in physical well-being could atone. We do not believe that the country is in a state of moral decadence. We do not believe that our citizens are degenerate sons of worthy sires. There have, indeed, been some recent instances of official corruption, but, considering that we have eighty thou- sand public officers, the dishonesty of a dozen or so does not prove that the whole public service is rotten, much less that the great body of our citizens have disgraced their virtuous lineage. Admit- ting that there isa necessity for reform in official life, let us inspect some of the items on the other side of the account. In the first place, then, there is conclusive evidence that we have not fallen below our ancestors in bravery, endurance and soldier- like qualities. Ourcivil war is too recent for any doubts on this great head. The combatants on both sides were unquestion- ably sincere. There was never braver fighting, never a more resolute and self- sacrificing devotion to @ cause which the combatants believed to be right than was exhibited by the heroic men who took up arms in the secession controversy. If any part of the country has degenerated it is not in physical courage, nor in readiness to peril ense, wealth, safety, life itself, in a cause believed to be just. Nor has the country departed from the sound political principles on which our government was founded. When the South undertook to secede what did it do? Did it renounce the principles of free government? Did it abjure that great chart of wisely regu- lated liberty, the federal constitution? On the contrary, it readopted that instrument almost word for word. The Southern Con- federacy was organized on the patiern of the federal government, with precisely the same officers, the same mode of election, the same distribution of powers, the same guar- antees of personal freedom, the same appor- tionment of powers between the central government and the State governments. It is a signal proof of the fidelity of our whole people to republican institutions that the Confederate constitution differed but little from the federal constitution, except that eleven States were parties to it instead of thirty-four. It protected slavery, but so did the federal constitution until the new amendments were adopted. In respect to slavery the South had not much degener- ated trom the views of 1776, but the North had made great progress. The abolition of slavery by the same gen- eration which celebrates the Centennial an- niversary is a conclusive refutation of the idea that we have fallen below the moral standard of our ancestors, They acquiesced in a great wrong to humanity which became intolerable to their descendants. The peo- ple of this generation have sacrificed hun- dreds of thousands of lives and burdened themselves with thousands of millions of debt, not in asserting their own liberties and the liberties of their posterity, as our Revo- lutionary fathers did, but in asserting the rights of a despised and downtrodden race. This is not degeneration, but moral prog- | ress. We might easily extend the list of things in which the men of '76 had no moral ad- vantage over the present generation, but these instances may suffice as specimens, Tae Weataen Derino tur CeNTENNtaL CELEBRATIONS must have satisfied the hopes of the most exacting patriot, for seldom, in- deed, has the “Glorious Fourth” been ushered in under such favorable conditions of brilliant sunshine and refreshing breezes as that of yesterday. During the daytime, when the effect of the waving and bright colored bunting needed light and clearness of atmosphere, the sun shone from an almost cloudless sky, and the air was as trans- parent as crystal, and dense and dry enough to fill the lungs with an invigorating ethereal spirit at each inhalation, But at night, when the brilliant illuminations, the foun- tains of colored fires and the star clusters from exploding bombs and rockets lit up the scene from earth and heaven, a dark canopy of cloud overhung the sky, lending additional brilliancy to the fireworks by its contrasting absence of light. At this sea- son, when intense heat prevails over the continent, we must look for regular alterna- tions of sunshine and cloud, of bright, dry weather and rains. The clouds which now lower over the city indicate the approach of the latter condition in local areas, and unless a change of wind occurs we may be visited in this city by showers, accompanied by increased temperature and possibly by lightning. Srxce His Nournation at Cincinnati Gov- ernor Hayes has become a personage of so much importance that everytning rejating to him, his family and his home is inter- esting to the majority of his follow citizens. In deference to the curiosity that is felt in the story of his life and surroundings we this morning print a letter from Fremont, the home of the republican candidate for the Presidency, sketching the man and the place and detailing the esteem in which he is held among the neighbors who have known him from boyhood, The Country Waits to Hear trom Hayes. There is an active curiosity to see Gover- nor Hayes’ letter of acceptance, because his personal views are not so distinctly known as those of the candidate on the other side. Governor Tilden has been an aspirant for the Presidency for the last twenty months, but Governor Hayes was hardly thought of in connection with that office until quite re- cently, and then only as a barely possible candidate in case the Cincinnati Convention sbould fail to nominate a republican of more prominence., It is easy enough to anticipate the substance of what Governor Tilden will say in response to his nomination, for his views on public questions have long been clearly defined. He has devoted a great part of his annual messages to elaborate discus- sions of national questions, and as he has steadily looked forward to his present nomination ever since his election to the Governorship it is mot ex- pected that there will be any vari- ance with the opinions he was 680 forward to proclaim, and which his own party has so signally indorsed by selecting him as its standard bearer. But Governor Hayes has been more quiet and reserved; he lacks his rival’s strong and self-asserting personality; he seems rather a negative than a positive man; he represents a republican compromise and not any well marked pecu- liarities of individual sentiment. The coun- try, therefore, awaits his letter of acceptance with deep interest as a means of learning something definite respecting a man for whom it is invited to vote and whose record tells so little. “Speak, that I may see thee,” wasn saying of Ben Jonson’s; and the fact that Governor Hayes is so little known to the country except as an estimable republi- can who pulls quietly in the party traces is a reason why he should give ‘‘a taste of his quality” in his letter of acceptance. Is he a figurehead or a man of force? Has he the intellectual breadth requisite for grasp- ing the great features of the political situa- tion? Has he the self-subsistent indepen- dence of a statesman, or is he a man of putty and a tame repeater of party shib- boleths? His letter of acceptance will tell ; by that he must be judged. He has taken so much time for its preparation that when we at last get it it will be the best that he can do. The country will take it as a measure of his intellectual capacity and his political courage. If it proves to bea mere repetition of the ordinary platitudes of his own party the country will form one opinion of him ; if it is marked by the originality and inde- pendence of a statesman who ‘‘steers by his own compass” it will form another opinion. The country is propossessed by Governor Hayes’ modesty, amiability, integrity, party fidelity and domestic virtues ; but with this favorable impression of the man it is watch- ing for marks of the statesman and the leader. Is he less than his party or greater? Can he mould it, or will he be moulded by it? If elected will he be President himself, or will the Presidency be in commission for the ensuing four years, and the admin- istration be directed by a camarilla of the old republican leaders? These are points on which the public judg- ment is held in suspense in the hope that Governor Hayes will prove by his letter of acceptance that he ‘understands his epoch,” and that he isa man born to lead, and not to follow. The fact that he is so little known to the country proves nothing either way. Experi- ments in this directign have sometimes been unfortunate, but Mr. Lincoln was a noted exception. We never had a President over whom members of his Cabinet or other party leaders had less influence, or who had a greater ascendancy in his own administra- tion than the obscure Illinois lawyer who was promoted over the heads of Seward, Chase, Sumner and all the old and tried statesmen of the party. et us hope that Mr. Hayes belongs to the same strong and original type ; that he is one of those rare men whose vigor of faculties and force of character only needs a proper stage in order to become conspicuous. ceptance should be a masterly and inspiring production the country will indorse the sa- gacity of the Cincinnati Convention. Speak, Governor Hayes, that we may see thee! Mr. Evarts’ Oration. The oration pronounced yesterday at Phil- adelphia by Mr. Evarts was worthy of tho occasion that gave it birth, Broad in its conception of the eternal laws upon which are based the claim of man to the enjoyment of freedom and equal rights, Mr. Evarts’ masterly retrospect places in a clear light before the meanest understanding the mo- tives of the men who asserted the rights of America to independence and created a gov- ernment based upon the will of the people by authority of the people. By this act they proclaimed a new political faith and laid the foundation of a new order of society, in which all the component atoms are equal in the eye of the law. ‘lo us who have wit- nossed the triumph of the faith they thus proclaimed in the power of humanity to work out its own salvation without the in- tervention of privileged classes of personages supposed to act by divine right as a link be- tween man and his Creator their resolu- tion appears only rational, but by the majority of people the proclamation of human equality and human rights was received as a monstrous innovation upon the accepted creeds and political dogmas of all ages. Yetit was in this bold assertion of human rights that lay the true grandeur of the struggle for independence, the real source of the prosperity which has rewarded the sacrifices of that struggle. Other peoples have fought os bravely, as tenaciously for the liberty of fatherland—for the protection of home and altar, but becauso they were local and selfish struggles they have faded out of memory and been lost tothe public conscience of the world. But the men who asserted the right of these United States to freedom went further in proclaiming the | inalienable right of man to liberty, and | drew their swords to maintain a principle If his letter of acé- -_ | t affected the whole human race,’and ect up a new measure of justice, not alone be- tween nations, but also between the gov- erned and their rulers. The declaration of the rights of man made by the fathers of the Revolution was to the political life of man what the Saviour’s Sermon on the Mount was to his religious life. It threw down the barriers erected by superstition, igno- rance and corruption and placed each citizen as a responsible being in face of his fellow man and his Creator, This grand experiment was hailed with derision by the advocates of the old and corrupt forms of government; they foretold that ir- religion and anarchy would be its necessary results; but a hundred years of glorious achievement, of passage through many trials and dangers, have fittingly rebuked the short-sighted prophets of evil. Well may Mr. Evarts, speaking on behalf of Americans, say, ‘‘Unity, liberty, power, prosperity—these are our possessions to- day.” and this while ominous war clouds overspread the horizon of nations governed by the much vaunted systems founded on privilege and divine right. While all is at peace in this great Kepublic where the people rule, Europe, with her privileged classes, aristocracies, princes, kings and emperors, resembles a huge camp where millions of men await the trumpet summons to begin the work of mutual slaughter. That is the contrasted result of the two systems of government—the triumphal vindication of the men who a hundred years ago proclaimed the right of the people and their fitness to govern themselves, lessons accentuated by the eloquence of Mr. Evarts in his magnifi- - cent oration. How the Day Was Celebrated. The centennial celebration of American independence yesterday was marked by 4 fervent flow of patriotism which was, withal, so modestly and quietly exhibited that a person unacquainted with the character and temperof our people might have re- garded the event asone in which no very profound interest was felt. The celebration of the Fourth of July this year in reality began with the third, and at the dawn of the morning of the fifth it has scarcely ended, and notwithstanding the whole peo- ple joined in it we cannot remember a more quiet or orderly commemoration of the day. The surging masses which filled the streets and avenues along the line of the procession on Monday night and crowded Union Square ta suffocation: were 80 well behaved that scarcely a word was spoken or a blow delivered during the hours of patient waiting which ushered in our natal day. In the morning, too, everybody seemed bright and cheerful and ready to join in the less demonstrative ceremonies of the day. The churches, though not crowded, were fairly filled, and for once Catholic and Protestant, Jew and Christian, spoke in ac- cord, uttering sentiments of thankfulness for the religious liberty which is part of the birthright given us with the Declaration of Independence. At the Academy of Musio there was an old-fashioned Fourth of July celebration, embracing the reading of the magna charta of our liberties, together with an address by General Dix and an oration by Dr. Storrs. Both Tammany and anti-Tammany were careful to make the day one of patriotic devotion, Fers” nando Wood and Judge Gildersleeve being their respective spokesmen. In the public and private institutions and in the homes of rich and poor alike the day was carefully observed, and our despatches show that in every city, town and hamlet throughout the country there was the same general observance of the day. In Phila delphia, as was particularly meet on such an occasion, the event wasa grand and gor- geous pagentry, and we surrender an impor- tant part of our space this morning to a description of the scenes in the Centennial City. As we hastily sum up the story of these glorious ebullitions consequent upon the completion of the first century of our national existence the last fretful firecracker has not yet exploded nor the last candle of this general illumination burned down to its socket, but the occasion has shown that our people are awake to their duties as citizens of the Republic and that the spirit of its foun- dation still exists in the land, PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Brides like Niagara, ‘Trinity bas an orchestral choir, Senator Edmunds likes his boots sewed. Emile Ollivier married one of Liezt’s daughtera The commonplace and popular Abbotts summer in Maine. Anna Dickinson will act, but will not lecture, next winter. Wendell £ hillips will not lecture outside of New Eng- Jand next season. George William Curtis and family are going te Ash- field, Mass., July 6 Mrs. Samuel Colt has gone to the Centennial in a special drawing room ear. A South Carolina man is sending one crate of peaches to Philadelphia every day. Senator Sargent, an Argonaut, saw the first Chinese junk that ever landed in America. ‘The young swoil who says “‘yaas,” and wears an opera glass on his left hip, has gone to Cape May, Either a eheet ts (oo short or a man or a man is toe long for apillow. And nothing can decide this point but a fly. There is as much Latin in the muscle of a Harvard girl as (here is muscle in the brain of @ Vassar manor something of that kind, Lowell was the American author whom English readers liked best, but his latest slouchy style has caused him to lose iavor on the other side, In the caso ot Rov. Mr. P, Kendrick (Baptist), of Columbus, Ga., in the affair with a girl of th rteen for nearly a year, the “pious man” was lot off with a éne of $500. Miss Grundy says that the orizinal of Sir Walter Scott's Rebecca, in the novel ot “ivanhoe,” was « Philadelphia Jewess, whose picture Washington Irving showed to Scott, bi The later years of Hawthorne's life were clonded with the great secession idea, In his mind there wat a strange, weird thoory of secession, in which he be Neved that while his body was in the North his po- litical soul was im the South, Mr, Watterson, who recently played the cross-bat- tock on Cushing, loves Dom Pedro because Dom Pedre does not love courses at dinner, How would Mr, Wat terson like to begin with New Orleans molasses and end with {ried pork? A Massachusetts farmer-prophet says that July and August will be warm; tat tho first ten days of Sep- tember will be like August; that the coolest days of each month will be from (he 4. to the ith, andu@ Tilden will Sind bis calling and @ ection sure, Hon, Gilbert C, Walker, of the Richmond distrieh Virginia, and known aa the handsotmosi man in Con. gress, was born at Binghamton, N. ¥., 1 a graduate ot Hamilton Coilege, is forty-four years old, 18 an early carpet-bagger, and is no moro the repub'ican that he once was, That makes all the difference in the warts