The New York Herald Newspaper, June 28, 1876, Page 6

“leased by England in pursuance of her letter, which we print elsewhere explaining » tionary engines, with a platform running at _ the rate of twelve miles an hour. pre in favor of any plan that will secure us NEW YORK HERALD| BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, miblished every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Hznarp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XLI eS ANUSEMBNTS THIS APTERNOON AND EVENING. THEATRE. ats P.M. LE VARIETIES, ROW: PIRATES OF THE 15) CHATEAU o6 P.M. THIRD AVENUE THEATRI MS PLM. Matinee at = WoOOD's UM. HARKAWAY AMONG THE BRIGANDS, at 8 P.M. Mat- dnee as 2 P.M. sta. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, THE VOKES FAMILY, at SP. M. PARIS! VARIETIFS, oer. M. FIFTH PIQUE, 8 8P.M. Ff WALLAC THE MIGHTY DOLLA GILMOR BRAND CONCERT, at 8 KELLY & LEON'S MINSTREL wer. M. OLYMPIC THEATRE. HUMPTY DUMPTY, at 81’. M. Matinee at 2 P.M. PARK THEATRE. TRE KERRY GOW, at 5 P.M, Matinos at 2 P. M. TRIPLE SHEET, FEW YORK, WEDNESDAY. JUNE 28, “1876, ——— = oa a From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be partly cloudy Bnd clear. During the summer months the Heraxp will de sent to subscribers in the country at the rate y twenty-five cents per week, free of postage. Noricz to Country Nswspearens.—For ompt and regular delivery of the Heraup Jast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Wauu Srrezt Yesterpay.—The sales indi- cate continued dulness, with irregular prices. Gold opened at 112 and closed at 111 7-8. Governments were quiet and firm and railroad bonds steady. Money on call was supplied at 2 1-2 and 2 percent. For- eign exchange firm. Tae WEATHER seems to have affected Boss Kelly's reason. But St. Louis is a warm place. RGERS were arrested yes- terday for operating in forged mortgages. ‘These cases are only remarkable for the fool- hardiness in crime which they exhibit. AnorHer ALLEGED ForGEerR has been re- policy in the matter of extradition. From what took place in the House of Commons last evening it seems the British Cabinet is not desirous of discussing the subject, ex- cept through the regular diplomatic channel, Tue Nationa Boarp or Trapvz met in this city yesterday, but so far it has only arranged for junketings and excursions. A meeting of this kind ought to accomplish much good by taking the initiative for the measures necessary to the revival of trade and the return of prosperity. Tue Vermont Rervpiicans nominated Horace Fairbanks for Governor yesterday as a candidate around whom everybody can rally. The Convention was a harmonious one, and the resolutions merely repeat the Cincinnati platform and promise a republi- can victory in Vermont. MoyrenzGro anp Servia have nrade up their minds for war, and the Porte is at last convinced that hostilities are inevitable. We are nof, therefore, surprised that Midhat Pacha has laid aside his plan of reform. Mukhtar Pacha is said to have thirty-five thousand men ready to invaie Montenegro the moment Prince Nicholas declares peace at anend. The Turkish fleet is held ready for emergencies. We shall soon see whero Russia and England stand on the Eastern question. Sunstroxes.—Attention is called to the re- port of the Sanitary Committee of the Board of Health on sunstrokes, which we print elsewhere. It does not contain any new recommendation, but it putsin a few plain words the sum of medical experience on the subject. What to avoid is of much more im- portance to the general public than the question of remedies. Very hot spells are seldom of Jong duration in this latitude, but while they last they are extremely danger- ous. Keep cool if you can, but if you can- not, encourage perspiration. ‘Tur Coxrenence Coynurtzs on the Execu- tive Appropriation bill having failed to agree the Senate has consented to the appointment of a new committee of conference. It is likely that some understanding will be ar- rived at and that the reduced appropriations will be accepted by the Senate, while the | House wiil have to be content without a re- duction of saiaries. The whole question is avery petty point in legislation, and it is surprising that two august legislative bodies should expend so much vigor in contesting it, Ravi Traxsrr—A Movants Pratronm.— Mr. Alfred Speer addresses us an interesting | ais plan for rapid transit. Mr. Speer's plan | seems to boa sound one. He proposes sta- Mr. Speer claims that his plan is as much ofan im- provement upon the present one as our “printing tho Heravy from a mammoth roll is ahead of the old feeding process.” It would certainly seem to be so, if Mr. Speer's experiments bear out his anticipations. We rapid transit and of trying one after another ‘until the best is found. Mr. Speer’s method should have careful consideration. NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 28, 1876.—TRIPLE The ernor Tilden. The vehement and almost ferocious oppo- sition made by certain New York politicians and factions to the nomination of Governor Tilden, which has been the’ most noticeable feature of the preliminary contest at St Louis, would help him in the delegations of the other States if the democratic party were strong enough to elect a President without New York, But it so happens that New York is the grand pivot of the Presi- dential canvass, acknowledged to be so both by Mr. Tilden'’s supporters and his oppo- nents, who agree that his ability or inability to carry this State is the real test of the ex- pediency of nominating him. If his oppo- nents could succeed in convincing the dele- gates from the other States that ‘Tilden can- not carry New York there would be an end of his hopes, since everybody concedes that success in New York is indispensable. It being too late for anything we may now say to reach St. Louis in advance of the ballot- ing we may discuss the pros and cons of Mr. Tilden’s strength in his own State without suspicion of aiming to influence the Con- vention, The New York opposition to Tilden has been too violent and venomous for the au- thors of it to give him a cordial support ip the event of his nomination. It is of such |anature and proceeds from such motives | that it is certain to reappear in the politics in the Democratic The Kelly faction and the Morrissey faction will renew their fight for mastery in the city, and each will send delegates to the State Con- vention. The friends of Tilden will be dis- posed to revoke the certificate of regularity recently given to Tammany and to admit the anti-Tammany delegates. The claims of Tammany will be supported by all the prom- inent politicians in the interior of the State who are fighting Tilden at St. Louis, and this bitter and inevitable contest will ma- terially weaken the democratic party of the State. There will be a violent contest be- tween the Tilden and anti-Tilden wings of the party over the State ticket, and espe- cially the nomination for Governor. The Governorship of New York has become one of the great prizes of politics. For the first time a Governor will now be elected for three years, and the increase of salary from four thousand to ten thousand dollars a year, of which Governor Tilden was the first re- cipient, together with the rent of sosplendid and expensive a mansion such as he has chosen to occupy at the expense of the State, make the office more desirable than any other in this country except the Presidency of the United States. In the State Conven- tion the opponents of Governor Tilden’s designated successor will favor the admis- sion of the ‘fammany delegates from this city, standing on the recent decision at Utica by Governor Tilden’s own Convention. ‘he feud between Kelly and Morrissey in this city, which will be more inflamed and embittered by the contest at St. Louis, and the struggle to control the State nominations, which will hinge on. the admission or rejection of the Tammany dele- gates, render it inevitable that the New York opposition to Tilden will survive the ad- journment of the National Convention. It is hardly possible that the struggle of demo- cratic factions in this city should cease ; and, considering that Kelly is the leader on one side and Morrissey on the other, and considering further the parts they have been acting at St. Louis and the characteristic stubbornness of Kelly, the local quarrel will weaken the canvass of Governor Tilden. Tammany has carried its opposition so far and made it so virulent that it cannot very well retreat. It is notin the power of Kelly to regain his control in this city by support- ing Tilden after his nomination. John Morrissey stands in the way, and Morrissey has done too much zealous service at St. Louis for Tiiden's friends to turn against him now. The fight of democratic factions in this city is certain to be kept up and to be carried into the State Convention, where the rejection of the Tammany delegates will give Kelly a plausible excuse for bolting and opposing the Tilden ticket. The fierce Tammany opposition to the nomination of Tilden is a struggle for existence. If Tilden is nominated and elected the Custom House and Post Office, in the hands of Tilden's of the city and State Convention. appointees, will control the politics of | the city. John Kelly and his lieu- tenants will be contemptuously flung ont, and they are not of a temper to relinquish their grasp of the city spoils without a struggle. They would rather see the democratic party beaten than Tilden elected President, because under a republi- can administration they’ would have some hope of controlling the local government of the city, whereas with Tilden’s friends in the Custom House they would have none, If Tilden is nominated they will give hima simulated support as a means of retaining a foothold in the democratic party and en- abling them to claim recognition by the State Convention. But they will make such a war on his friends and breed such dissen- sions in the party as will give the republi- cans, who are thoroughly united, every ad- vantage in the canvass. But, apart from these sources of weak- ness, the estimates and representations of Tilden’s friends at St. Louis must be taken with considerable allowance. When he was elected Governor, two years ago, the republi- | can party of the State was weakened and the democratic party strengthened by sev- eral powerful causes which have ceased to operate or have spent their force. In the first place, that was the year of the great ‘tidal wave” which rose to such a wonder- ful height and swept over the whole coun- try. Governor Tilden was lifted to office by that astonishing wave, which receded almost as rapidly as it rose. The election of a dem- ocratic Governor in Massachusetts was one of the political miracles which attested its prodigious power, and Governor Tilden derived nearly as much advantage from itas Governor Gaston. It would be absurd to measure the strength of any demo- cratic candidate in any State by the elections of that remarkable and most exceptional year. Certain it is that no State will be car- ried in the approaching election by a similar “tidal wave.” It was to that, and not to his personal popularity, that Governor Tilden owed the greater part of his majority in New York Opposition to Gov- | 1874, That wonderfal wave advanced from the West. It elected Allen in Ohio before it elected Tilden in New York and Gaston in Massachusetts. It began in 1873 with Allen's election and culminated in 1874 with demo- cratic victories in a majority of the States. When Tilden and Gaston were elected in November, 1874, they had the advantage of great democratic victories in the October States of the same year—victories which disheartened the republicans and filled the democratic party everywhere with hope and confidence. The democrats have nothing to expect from the October States this year. Instead of carrying Ohio by a majority seven or cight times as large as that by which Allen was elected they are liktly to be beaten by a much larger republican majority than was given to Hayes last year, so that the influence of the October elections will be on » different side from what it was when it contributed so powerfully to Gov- ernor Tilden’s success in 1874. The ebb of the ‘tidal wave” and the almost certain loss j of the October States would make it unsafe to estimate Mr. Tilden's strength by his majority in 1874, even if there were no other adverse changes in the situation. But there are material changes in other respects. In 1874 there was a strong liberal republican element in the politics of the State, the relics ot the Greeley movement of 1872. This element was courted by giving ® liberal republican the nomination for Lieutenant Governor and in various other ways. The liberal republicans accept the nomination of Hayes and seem glad of an excuse for resuming their old party connections. Mr. Fenton, who sympathized with and abetted the liberals two years ago, will give Hayes a cordial, active support. Senator Conkling, who, from motives very different from those of the liberal republicans, was cold toward Governor Dix when he was running against Tilden, will exert himself with all his power and efficiency in this year’s election. The temperance party, which consists almost entirely of republicans, will all vote for Hayes, whereas in 1874 they cast nearly twelve thousand votes for their own candi- date for Governor, and weakened General Dix to that extent. For these various reasons the republican party of New York will be stronger and more formidable in the coming election than it was in 1874, when Governor Tilden was borne into office on the ‘tidal wave,” and General Dix was weakened by dissensions and lukewarmness in his own party. © We have referred to these factsin the situ- ation in no spirit ot hostility to Governor Tilden, for the greater part of them have no special bearing on his candidature, Most of these obstacles lie equally in the path of any other democratic nominee for the Pres- idency. Bayard or Thurman would equally suffer from the subsidence of the ‘‘tidal wave,” would be equaily damaged in this State by republican victories in October, and would have just as hard a contest against the thor- oughly reunited republican party. None of these untoward circumstances have any force as an argument against the nomination of Governor Tilden ; but what they do show is that, with the strongest possible candi- date, the democratic party will have a hard and doubtful battle to fight in New York. The contest will be so close that the demo- crats cannot afford to go into it crippled and weakened by dissensions or coldness in their own ranks. Some other candidate would be more likely than Governor Tilden to restore harmony and inspire enthusiasm in the New York democracy. With any candidate the quarrel between the Tammany and anti- Tammany factions would, indeed, go on and be carried into the State Convention, but with the great difference that the nominee for the Presidency would be in no way involved in it or weakened by it. Both factions would support the Presidential candidate with equal zeal if he. were anybody but Tilden; but with Tilden in the field one of the fac- tions would be as hostile to him as to its immediate opponents. Whether Mr. Til- den’s great reputation ns a reformer would counterbalance this source of weakness is a problem which only time can solve, but the great failing off in the democratic vote of the State last year, when his reform record was as bright as it is now, may justify doubts. It is certain that no democratic candidate will have any strength to spare in this State, and that, unless the confidence Governor Tilden has inspired as a reformer would overbalance the personal hostility he has incurred, the party will not be strength- ened by his nomination. CuoatTe on Spxcran Ixsvrtes.—Mr. Choate, the lawyer opposed to rapid transit, argues that cne reason why the steam line should not be built is that it would be a “special injury” to the Sixth Avenue Railway. ‘This special injury would consist in drawing from the Sixth Avenue line a certain fraction of passengers, and thus diminishing its re- ceipts. This is an ingenious argument. Mr. Choate should write a book on ‘‘ Special Injuries.” He might show the special injury done to the sling by the bow and arrow; to the bow by the battering ram; to the ram by the cannon; to the smoothbore by the rifled cannon. He might show how steam is a “special injury” to horse and water power— how, in fact, all civilization, with its ad- vancement, its science, art and achieve- ments, was a “special injury” to the original occupants of the soil. Mr, Choate is an able man, and his argument that rapid transit should be prevented because it is a ‘‘special injury” to a slow, clumsy street railway, is among the achievements of the law. No Mercy to tHe Wuisker Tareves.— President Grant will shock the moral sense of the country if he shows any mercy to the whiskey thieves. These criminals were con- spirators against the revenue. They wero men of intelligence, position and authority. They did not need the money. They brought disgrace upon the administration and the country. They have all been treated with leniency. If McDonald, Avery and Hesing had stolen a ham in New York they would have been sent to Sing Sing for twenty years. They were parties to a con- spiracy to steal millions, and they have had each about two years’ imprisonment. The President would make a mistake to pardon any of these knayes. The Latest View of the Convention. The Convention organized, listened to some speeches and adjourned. Mr. Schell made a sensible, old-fashioned address. Mr. Watterson came to the front as a new man, but full of resource and intellect. He was @ capital temporary chairman. General McClernand, of Illinois, was ‘named for permanent President, which will be re- garded as an unfortunate selection. The Tilden men had it all their own way, so far as distributing the honors of the Convention was concerned, The tides all run toward Tilden as the nominee. His canvass is so well managed, however, and the “enthusiasm” is so well handled that it is difficult to estimate his actual power. In considering the canvass of the Governor we must always bear in mind that no candidate has been so well adver- tised. He is supported by the general sense of the party in many States, and among his earnest friends are the aristocratic represen- tatives of New England, as well as John Morrissey and the gamblers from New York. Behind this is a sentiment of respect for the Governor's high qualities, his reform services, his sincere and lifelong attachment to the democratic party. Against him, however, are certain adverse influences—Kelly and Tammany in New York and Allen with his following in Ohio, While neither of these influences commands our respect both are potent in politics. The Convention must consider whether Tilden is strong enough to carry the burdens of a mutiny that may cost the democracy New York and Ohio, If they do not fear this Mr. ‘Tilden will win. If the South stands by Tilden, and if his friends have not overrated his power, he is sure of the nomination. The two-thirds rule will not harm him as it harmed Douglas. There is no such ferocity in the war upon Tilden, if we except Ohio and Tammany, as in the war upon Douglas. The desire for harmony, the admitted merits of the Gov- ernor, and the cogent argument of his friends that reform must be the issue and that he is the pre-eminent reformer, will aid his canvass. If he wins it will largely be due to the South. To-day will determine. Tilden’s friends will carry him to victory—if victory is pos- sible. If the two-thirds rule prevents his winning it does not prevent his naming the candidate. The friends of Mr. Bayard seem disposed to keep him in reserve, as a young man of great possibilities, who is sure of his Senatorial place, and who can wait. We recognize the wisdom of this conclusion. The nomination of Hendricks for either place would be a misfortune. Hancock may push ahead—but what special strength can Hancock give the ticket? The best sense of the party, should Tilden fail, points to some such menas Thurman, of Ohio, for President, and Parker, of New Jersey, for Vice Presi- dent. In Thurman and Parker the republi- cans would be fully matched. If Governor Tilden finds he cannot control the Conven- tion, and will name Thurman and Parker, he will deserve well of his party and of the country. With Thurman and Parker onone side and Hayes and Wheeler on the other we could have a Centennial canvass—feeling, no matter which side wins, the country would be safe. The Coming Yacht Race—The Countess of Dufferin. We have the following letter from Mr. Gifford, the Vice Commodore of the Royal Canadian Yacht Club:— Quxnxc, June 23, 1876, To Tax Epiror or THE HERALD :— In your paper of the 22u of Jane, in an editorial speaking of the Queen’s Cup and alluding to the yacht Countess of Dufferin, you say ‘that vessel is an Amer- jean model and her victory would be the victory uf a flag, nothing more.”” Allow me, as owner of the above yacht, to set this matier right once and forall. The model from which the Counte Dufterin yacht has been built is Canadian, and made by Alexander Cuthbert, of Cobourg, Unt, a dian born, and who 1s the modeller also of the Annie Cuthbert sloop, at the present time the fastest in the inland waters ol Amer- ica, Should the Countess of Duiferin be so tortunute as to win the America’s Challenge Cup it will be the victory of « purel: lian model and of the flag of old Engjand, which Canadians are so proud to seo flut- ter from the main peak of the yacht which I bave now the honor to command. I am, yours truly, CHARLES GIFFORD, Vice Commodore Royal Canadian Yacht Club. Mr. Gifford’s manly letter will be read with interest. We honor him for his courage in challenging our possession of the Cup, and while we cannot wish him victory—for that would be unpatriotic—we trust when the goal is passed the two flags will not be far apart. We do not question the statement of Com- modore Gifford that the Countess of Dufferin is the work of Canadians, But, as we under- stand it, the Countess of Dufferin is really an American model, very much like that of the Columbia. It is built on the principles which have governed the construction of American yachts, principles peculiarly American, as all who know the different conditions of sailing on our waters and sail- ing on foreign will understand. When the America won the Cup the victory was complete, because it was the victory of seamanship over seamanship and model over model. In the case of the Countess of Dufferin victory will mean superior seaman- ship and the triumph of a flag. This is the reason why we could wish that the cup could be carried away. The deed under which we hold it does not admit of a satis- factory race, and our best yachtsmen have’ felt that in owning this prize we had a kind of proprietary interest in a hornets’ nest. Tre Avpany Lossy occasionally is shown | up in the courts, an instance of which oc- curred yesterday in the referee's examina- tion into the management of the Bleecker Street Railroad Company. It has long been known that the street railway monopolies regularly kept a paid agent at Albany, but yesterday the facts were testified to, as ap- pears from our court reports, and itseems the | companies were regularly assessed for rais- | ing the corruption fund. In such cases is it not possible to punish the persons engaged in the nefarious business? If the other mag- nates of the horse car companies are called ‘to a strict account for acts like these one frequent source of bribery and corruption will soon be closed. Smatt Bustvess.—The Tilden managers seem to have been as small and narrow in their management of the Convention as the Blaine men at Cincinnati. When Blaine’s friends had the organization they made war upon every republican who was not in favor of his nomination. Tilden's friends are doing the same at St. Louis. Among the victims are E, O. Perrin, the reading clerk, SHEET. and Felix McCloskey as Sergeant-at-Arms. For the last generation Perrin has rolled off the names of the States in a voice of thunder, and McCloskey has stood on the floor with warlike brow, a comfort to the correspond- ents and a terror to evil doers. Think of a democratic convention without Perrin roar- ing from the desk and Felix scowling on the floor! Governor Dorsheimer is new to the democratic party or he would not have sent these veterans to execution. It was a small business, and leads us to fear that Uncle Sammy’s canvass is in the hands of small men. The Indian Question. Our despatches from the Indian country confirm the views we have expressed as to the folly of this war, and, in fact, the follies of all of the Indian wars. Apart from any feeling of humanity, about which it is hardly worth while to speak, as it is 4 subject upon which there can be no difference of opinion, there are practical business reasons why we should end these Indian wars. Our relations with the Indians have always been in an unwhole- some condition. We denied the right of the English in discussing the Treaty of Ghent to deal with the Indians as separate tribes or nation- alities, and yet, until Congress passed a spe- cial act forbidding treaties, we have always treated with them. These treaties were only truces, plans for acquiring money and pres- ents. As soon asthe grass was far enough advanced ‘to feed the ponies the Indian broke his treaty. Assoon as the Indian Ring saw the chance for another war, for another movement of troops, for a contract for sup- plies or transportation, the treaty was broken. War on the frontier became s commercial speculation. Men lived on war as they lived on farming. We suffer from it now in what we seo in the Sioux country. All this must come to anend! It is not alone to our honor asa people, but to our business advantage as a prudent govern- ment, that we should end the drain upon the Treasury involved in these Indian wars. Let us pursue the Indian with force enough to capture and hold him. Count all the In- dians on the Plains, and if the census is accurate they number less than the population of Brooklyn. We could finda small reservation anywhere in Arizona, New Mexico, or even in some of the islands about our coast, and, giving the Indian a place there, keep him. The solution of the In- dian question is simply this:—‘‘How can we arrest aud hold three hundred thousand men, women and children?” Once that the Indian came within the jurisdiction of the American government he would become docile enough. But whether docile oF not, he should be under the hard but just and discreet hand of the government.. It would end these internecine wars when tribe scalps tribe in savage fury. It would guarantee the safety of our frontiers and open all these lands to enlightenment and prosperity. More than all, it would be the best for the Indian—leading “him, if such a thing were possible, into habits of industry, prosperity and peace. The Harvard-Yale Race—The English and American Strokes. The race which takes place in Springfield between the eights of Harvard and Yale on next Friday will be interesting in many respects. It will be to a great extent a trial of styles—English and American. All that Cook, the Yale captain, displays in his rowing is English, borrowed from the style of the English university crews. Loring, the Harvard coach, who is also conversant with the English system of rowing, on the other hand has instructed his crew to return to the old style, which, in years gone by, brought Harvard colors well to the front. Only for the sliding seat we might expect to see Harvard away up in the forties. So much has been said about Eng- lish strokes and American strokes that one might be led to believe that there was a vast difference between them. The English oarsmen, understanding rowing, from long experience, practice and study, better than Americans, wisely adapt their style to the length of their course and the condition of the water over which they have to row. Over the Putney and Mortlake course, for instance—a long course, by the way—the number of strokes rowed per minute is not nearly as many as that pulled when the same crews row over the short dis- tance course at Henley. So much is said about the advantages of the slow English as opposed to the rapid American stroke that people are liable in discussing the merits of both to lose sight of one great essential feature of n race—distance. If Yale should win next Friday the advocates of the Eng- lish style of rowing will have much cause for congratulation, but it will by no means prove the superority of the English system of rowing, unless in its applicability to long distance races. Tue Hoxorante Joxs’s Macnannarr.— The Honorable John shows a lamblike Chris- tian nature in his devotion to Tilden. Til- den turns John out of the Utica Convention, and John goes to St. Louis and throws money out like water from a hose in the Governor's interest. On the other hand, John Kelly, who might be called, in In- dian fashion, Bellowing Bull, was sent to St. Louis by Tilden, and now scampers about, threatening to impale any democrat who supports the Governor. We think the Honorable John will have his recompense. Magnanimity is never lost upon a free peo- ple. Mayor Wickham’s office will soon be vacant. Ix tur Onpen Trve the parties—whig and democratic—were controlled by the lords of the plantation. Now they are controlled by the lords of the railways. Mr. Washburne was wise when he said, just before the Cin- cinnati Convention, that his name would have no standing in a body which railway men managed. The plantation rule was harsh enough, but we prefer it to the railway rule. The old masters were arrogant and rnde, but honest and manly. The new masters are smooth and winning, but venal and treacherons. Sooner or later we must fight this railway power. It is becoming more and more monstrous. Tur Democrats have made McClernand, of Illinois, President of their Convention. They sre not, afraid of McClernand’s war record, ‘The Appropriation Deadlock. ‘This quarrel between the Senate and the House about economy is unworthy of the Legislature of a free government. The sup- position that underlies it, that the democrats as a party want reform, while the repub- licans as a party insist upon stealing, is demagoguery. The democrats especially, who control the House, can claim no merit on the ground of economical reformers, as only the other day“they passed the Equalization of Bounties bill, a measure conceived in fraud and brought forth in corruption, which under a patriotic pretext pro. poses to take s hundred millions out of the Treasury for the benefit of a few claim agents. This measure, the most corrupt of the session, is the work of a ‘‘reform” House. It shows how sincere its members are in pro- fessing reforms. The way to settle this question is to ap- proach it like statesmen. Reform is never a party matter. There are good and bad mep in both parties, The whole business should be taken up by the good men on both sides, What the country wants is a reduction of ex- penses, a lopping off of sinecures; but the country does not want the axe to strike the root of efficient service. The salaries of clerks and minor offices, of judges, especially ofall disbursing officers, should be raised or let alone. Such a place, for instance, of New York as the Postmastership should be paid twenty-five thousand dollars a year. So with the Collector- ship of the Port and the Sub-Treasury, We should pay well all who have to do with the finances. We need a small army but large staffs, We should keep the engincer, artillery and torpedo corps at a war footing. We should increase rather than diminish West Point and Annapolis. We should stop fooling with the Indians. Just now we pay more money for the support of each Indian than would pay for his board at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, We should seize every In- dian and keep him out of mischief. As to the diplomatic service, it should be cut down. As it is our foreign embassies are little more than gossip-centres for idle Ameri- cans. Outside of London and Madrid we do not have any diplomacy that an occasional postal card could not accommodate. Let us send some active, intelligent representa- tive to a Continental centre like Geneva and give him charge of all diplomatic business on the Continent. We could afford to pay him twenty-five thousand dollars a year, and when we had business with the courts he could take a train and attend to it. Two Ministers, one for the Continent and one for London, with consuls in the main cities, are all we need in Europe. In South America we need none. In China and Japan we should keep embassies with the ablest men we can find at their head, for with these countries we have real diplomatic relations, Economy consists in cutting off uselesd offices and paying the useful people well. This deadlock between the House and the Senate needs a statesman to straighten it. A lot of demagogues and pothouse politicians are anxious to make political capital for the canvass. To that end they will stop every wheel of government. But if real reform is desired there are a dozen men in either house who could draw up a bill cutting off millions and improving the service. These men lack courage, however, to begin right, and they would .have no sincere support from either party. Kextry as tHe Move Boss.--The more we study John Kelly's appearance ina na- tional arena as boss the more we are charmed with him. One of our contemporaries com- plains that Kelly shows plantation man- ners. What else should a boss have but plantation manners? ‘he plantation in the olden time was the best school for the boss, If Kelly treats Hewitt, Cox, Weed, Wickham and the-rest like slaves it is because they have given him the right so todo. Boss Kelly’s rigor in St. Louis shows force of character. If Hewitt, Cox, Wickham and the rest of the slaves who feel the stripes and go from hotel to hotel showing theis scars do not like the boss régime, let them pul an end to itat home. They cannot expect hog and hominy from their overseer and not have the lash now and then. We have no sympathy with Hewitt, Cox and Wickham. Boss Kelly is the true boss, after all, and we hope he will make the slaves obey him. Granwercy Park as a Poxtttcan Mecca.— Onur St. Louis correspondent telegraphs that Peter Cooper, candidate for the Presidency on the greenback platform, announces that in the event of the nomination of Mr. Til- den he will remain in the field. As Mr, Cooper and Mr. Tilden are neighbors, on Gramercy Park, it will make that charming sutnmer bit of greenery an important politi- cal centre. What with the Western editors coming to Uncle Peter for money to “help the cause,” and with distinguished states. men like Boss Morrissey and Boss McLaugh. lin coming to Uncle Sammy to confer about reform, the Park will be a scene of continual interest. It would not be a bad idea to in- crease the police force around the Park, Many of the residents leave town for the summer, and an intelligent policeman could see that the editors and the reformors did not go into the wrong houses. Orricen Panzer Ssiru’s explanation in the case of Jennie Carter, whom heis alleged to have sent to a house of dubious reputa. tion when she asked his assistance as a friendless wanderer, is awaited with inter- est. Ifthis conduct is the legitimate outcome of turning the police force into petty spies and tempters of liquor storekeepers to break the Excist law a reform is badly needed from top to bottom.. Inventing a black felt pot for boiling the policemen’s brains during the hot spell is not a fortunate beginning of the work of improving the force. Officer Smith's case should convince the Commis. sioners that a more radical change is necese sary. Uncrr Sammy TrupeNn seems to have the newspaper correspondents in as good a frame of mind as Mr. Blaine at Cincinnati. If the Cincinnati correspondents could” only have formed the Convention they would have nom- inated Blaine. One of the most brilliant correspondents and editors in the country, Mr. Watterson, was made temporary chair. man of the St. Louis Convention. This shows that Uncle Sammy recognizes the power of the press, and we have no doubs