The New York Herald Newspaper, June 19, 1876, Page 4

HERALD- » PARIS OFFIC 4 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per | month, free of postage. i All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Henarp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed, Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE SIXTH STREET. —NO. 112SOUTH | LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New Yor NO. 71 TO-NIGHT. CHATEAU MABILLE VARIETIES, VOLUMY XI. AMUSEMENTS er. M. mines THIRD AVENUE THEATRE, VARIETY, at 81’. M. PARISIAN VARIETIES, as8 P.M. FIFTH A PIQUE, at 8P.M. Fanny WALLAC THE MIGHTY DULLAK, GILMOR GRAND CONCERT, at & KELLY & LEONS acs P.M. PARK THEATRE, TUE KERRY GOW, at8 P.M. Joseph Murphy. BOWERY THEATRE. UNDER BAIL, at 8 P.M. Woop" THER DOGS, ater. M. UNTC THE VOKES FAM WITH NEW YORK, "From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day wi{t be partly cloudy, | with occasional rain. During the summer months the Hrnraxp will be sent fo subscribers in the country at the rate | of twenty-five cents per week, free of postage. Nozicr to Country Nzwsprarens.— Vor ey and regular delivery of tie Wenaup iy. fast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Waar Princeton is doing for the College Regatta has been earnestly examined bya Henaup correspondent, the result-of whose observations is given elsewhere. Tux Wooprx Town fire visitation occurred yesterday at St. Johns, Canada. A fire ina lumber mill, a high wind, a town in ashes, over a million dollars lost, fhree hundred families homeless, is the terrible tale in brief which is graphically related elsewhere. One or tHe C Test PyEasures of the Exhibition must be the Art Department, and it is to be hoped that we may soon be able to announce to the lovers of the beautiful that there is no more unpacking and hanging to be done there, The Exhibition has been open now five weeks, and it is time every- thing should be in order. Goverxon Haxxs, until next November, | and perhaps for over four years thereafter, must submit to the unpleasantness of being public property. He is still saying good things of his defeated rivals and does not yet look like a man who realized the extent to which he has been hoisted into the public gaze. They say it is his way. Tae Henavo’s Sumer Enrenpnisss for the sake of its readers who fly before the hot winds to cool and shady places by the sea or the spas or on the mountains have begun, and Long Branch was delighted yesterday morning to see the wished-for Sunday paper appear hours before its usual time, and joy beamed on New Jersey as the Hrraup ex- press trains scattered the latest news at its doors. Tue University Britt before the French Senate will probably be made a Cabinet ques- tion, and the election of M. Buffet shows that measure taking power from the hands of the | Church and handing it over to the State will have difficulty in squeezing throngh that body.’ Hence may arise a conflict between | the two legislative branches, in which the Senate is likely to follow the example of the English House of Lords and bow in the end to the power that holds the strings of the money bag. A Tempzrancr Crusapg, somewhat on the basis of what we would call here “local op- tion,” is likely to be one of the mild sum- mer excitements in England. Our London correspondence describes a mass meeting in Hyde Park in support of a Parliamentary measure which will leave the question of the’ sale of liquor to be decided by a popular vote in the respective districts. As it will require a two-thirds majority to prevent the sale of liquor it will be as difficult to deprive | the poor man of his beeras to hit on the tight candidate in a democratic convention. Tur Cnayxet Tunxet scheme for uniting England and France by a submarine via- duct between Dover and Calais is rapidly | passing from the phase of scientific discus- sion into that of practical realization. A full description of this great undertak- ing is published in to-day’s Hrnary. It would be too soon to say that it will be successful, because “the systems of experi- | mental soundings and borings have not yet | progressed far enough to furnish reliable data whereon to base an opinion. Up to the | present nothing has occurred to dampen the enthusiasm of the projectors, and much has been demonstrated which will be regarded | as highly favorable to the ultimate success of the project. The chief danger lies in the possible existence of faults in the chalk for- mation that underlies the straits of Dover, but as none of these have yet presented themselves to the investigating engineers there are strong reasons for believing that they will not occur. The borings already in progress on the French side have been car- ried to a depth of two hundred feet through the harder overlaying formation. These op- erations will test the porosity of the chalk, andan estimate can be made therefrom of the amount of pumping power that will be necessary tokeep the excavations clear of ‘water. | by fifty thousand majority. NEW YORK HERALD MONDAY, JUNE 19, The New York Delegates to St. Louis. We surrender a large amount of space this morning to the publication of interviews had by our correspondents with the seventy delegates who will represent the New York democrats in the National Convention. Some of these gentlemen are already on their way to St. Louis and the others are preparing to leave. Their expressions of opinion are of ! interest just now, and will be scanned with considerable curiosity by politicians of both parties, They show not only a large pre- ponderance in favorof Governor Tilden, but such a resolute decision of purpose as ren- ders it certain that the delegation will not abandon him after .a complimentary vote. | Forty-eight of the seventy believe him alto- | gether the strongest candidate both for car- | rying this State and for success in the coun- try, and will stand by him with unwaver- ing steadiness. Several who are not so confident and determined are nevertheless willing to accept him. But there is an active minority of the delegates whose oppo- sition is vigorous and outspoken, and who will make strenuous efforts to convince members of other delegations that Governor ‘Tilden is a weak and an unfit candidate. One of these goes so far as to declare his opinion that Tilden would be beaten in New York Another avows his intention, if Tilden is nominated, to stay quietly at home and take no part in-tho canvass, But this mutiny in the camp will do Governor Tilden little harm. The guns of the mutineers are loaded with blank car- tridges; the noise made by their discharge | will be attended with no execution. They can talk against Tilden at St. Louis, but cannot vote against him. The unit rule by which the State Convention has bound them is a powerful and perfect muzzle, Every vote of the seventy will be steadily recorded as for Tilden thronghout all the ballotings, or, at least, until his friends think it expedient to withdraw him—a contingency which they regard as utterly improbable. With this mplete ability to hold the delegation and cast all its votes for Tilden they havea secure basis fora persistent battle. If they lose it at last it will be by the operation of the | two-thirds rule, which nobody expects to see’ discarded, The New York opponents of Governor Tilden can accomplish nothing at St. Louis unless by infusing doubt and distrust into the minds of delegates from other States, They have considerable facilities for this kind of work, because some of Governor Tilden’s opponents in the delegation are among the eblest, astutest and best known members of the democratic party. Three of these—August Belmont, Augustus Schell and John Kelly—decline to give their senti- ments for publication, but they are all the more formidable by their reserve, the most demonstrative politicians being seldom the most efficient. Mr. Belmont was for a long period the chairman of the Democratic National Committee; Mr. Schell holds that office now. Mr. Kelly is the most stubborn and self-willed, if not the most dexterous, democratic leader in this city. All three have a wide personal acquaintance with the democratic politicians of other States, and great experience in manipulating and hendling party conventions. They will | be reinforced by several delegates of well known political activity, among them 8. S. Cox, Allen C. Beach and De Witt ©. Little- john. The last will be an effective man on the floor if there should be occasion for speaking in opposition to any mancuvre in Tilden’s interest. He is a quick, keen, | practical parliamentarian, with, perhaps, a Better knowledge of the rules which govern the proceedings of deliberative bodies than any other democrat in the State. But it will be a great drawback to his influence that he is so recent a recruit from the republicans, that ho hails from a district where the Canal Ring is powerful, that his own associations with its members have been long and inti- mate and that he has declared in advance that he will not take the stump for Tilden if he is nominated. Mr. Cox will also bea serviceable ally of Governor Tilden’s op- ponents on the floor of the Convention by | his quickness of perception, readiness in debate and knowledge of parliamentary rules. Sut it looks as if Governor Tilden will be too strong for his supporters to be under any necessity of having recourse to parliamentary sharp practice, and if so men like Mr. Littlejohn and Mr. Cox will have no chance to exercise tneir peculiar skill. On the other hand, Mr. Tilden will have no lack of able workers in the New York delegation. We have heard no opinion ex- pressed as to who will be selected for its chairman to represent it on the floor, but we ; take it for granted it will be Senator Ker- nan. Mr. Kernan has had a large experi- ence in democratic national conventions; he is one of the oldest and stanchest of Gover- | nor Tilden’s friends ; he is a good speaker, and, above all, his character is so high and pure that every word he says will bear the impress of sincerity and be listened to with respect. Ife will have a valuable co- adjutor in Mr. Abram S. Hewitt, of this city, whose uniform good sense and character for fairness and moderation have won for him an enviable reputation in Congress, and will secure great confidence in the Convention. Mr. Henry C. Murphy and Lieutenant Gov- ernor Dorsheimer will be looked upon as men of mark, and Mr. Manton Marble, although he will make no figure on the floor, will do as efficient work in counsel and quiet persuasion as any member of the New York delegation, Me has on extensive acquaintance with the better sort of demo- cratic leaders almost beyond that of any other delegate ; he has the talents of a dip- lomatist and manners which will conciliate the good will even of those whom he fails to convince. If Governor Seymour should go to the Convention as an ontside adviser and harmonizer of differences Mr. Tilden would be as strong as any candi- date could be made by friends from his own State. Had Mr. Seymour consented to go as a delegate the Convention would have in- sisted on making him its President—a position in which he could be of little ser- vice to any candidate. But as a disinter- ested adviser of the party, seeking no honor or recognition for himself, he would smooth asperities, harmonize differences and diffuse about lim a spirit of conciliation and a | porter, and he is for Hayes and Wheeler. and hostilities for the common good. Wy have heard intimations that Governor Sey- monur has actually consented to go, and we trust that they may be confirmed. He could not give a more decisive proof that nothing could induce him to accept a nomination himself, since the etiquette of such occasions requires candidates to stay away, and Gov- ernor Seymour is the last man in the country who wonld expose himself to the imputation or the suspicion-of hanging about the skirts of a Convention with a selfish object. But | he would do himself honor and deserve the | gratitude of the party as a promoter of con- cord and a counsellor of friends who stand apart and ought to be united, We also hear intimations of attempts, which may prove successful, to bring about a better state of feeling in the party in this State in advance of the Convention. Mr. Tilden's democratic opponents complain | that he has been too domineering and intol- erant in the politics of this State, and it is hinted that, without conceding the jastice of this complaint, he is not unwilling to stand aloof and make no attempt to influence the next State Convention, leaving the selection of candidates for Governor and other State | offices to the free action of the party. If he | satisfies the disaffected leaders that he will have no candidates of his own, and will | leave an open field for all aspirants for State officers, it is quite possible that most of the New York opposition to his nomination at St. Louis may be withdrawn. It is under- stood that Mr. Tilden's favorite candidate for the Governorship next fall has signified | his intention to retire from the contest. If a reconciliatioa should be consummated at home, and the New York delegation to St. Louis be a unit in feeling, as it is instrneted to be in action, Governor, Tilden’s prospects for the nomination on an early ballot would be very bright indeed. The Defunct Extradition Treaty. We are sorry that our amiable contempo- rary, the Sun, is prevented by its prejudice against Secretary Fish from doing him un- | grudging justice in connection with the Winslow case. It concedés that his inter- pretation of the treaty is correct, admits that he had no legal authority to comply with the British demand and engage that Winslow should not be tried in Massachusetts for any other crime than forgery, but it belittles the service he has rendered, and maintains that he was wrong in contending in his corre- spondence that it is no violation of justice or | fair dealing to try a surrendered fugitive for a second crime, if he has committed more than one. ‘‘The great principles of justice,” says the Sun, ‘require that a man who is surrendered for trial on one charge should not, in consequence of such surrender, be | subjected to trial on other charges—a trial to which he would not otherwise have been | liable.” This opinion of our contemporary does not seem to have been maturely considered. The States of this Union have had more ex- perience in the extradition of criminals than the whole world besides, and we should be sorry to think that our American courts, from the Articles of Confederation down to the present time, have been making decisions contrary to justice. Our States are foreign to one another in matters of criminal juris- diction, and bcth in discussions between their executives and in judicial decisions by their courts, questions of ex- tradition have been treated on tho princi- ples of international law or international comity. If Pennsylvania surrenders to New York an escaped felon, on a charge of theft, and it is afterward found that he had | also committed a burglary within the juris- diction of New York, no court in the State would hesitate to try him for both crimes. All that our State courts have required on this point is that the demand for surrender be made in good faith fora real crime, and not as a false pretext to get possession of the prisoner for another purpose. Even civil suits are permitted against persons sur- rendered from another State on a criminal charge if there was no bad faith, When the late Justice Nelson was on the Bench as a State judge a case came before him of @ person surrendered by Massachusetts for obtaining goods by false pretences, and afterward arrested on a civil suit. The counsel of the prisoner moved for a dis- charge, but Judge Nelson dismissed the mo- tion, with costs. We cannot see that intrinsic justice is a different thing between nations from what it is between our States, We trust there will bea new extradition treaty, and that it may rest on the basis which Secretary Fish has proposed—namely, an enlargement of the number of extradita- ble offences, and a mutual stipulation that | no person shall be tried for any offence not included in the list. Political offences might be expressly excluded, but this would not be necessary between two countries so attached to the right of asylum as the United States and Great Britain. The protection to po- litical fugitives is nobly stated by Secretary Fish:--‘‘The inherent, inborn love of freedom, both of thought and of action, is engraved | in the hearts o/ the people of this country so deeply that no law can reach, and no ad- ministration would dare to violate it.” We regret that a correspondence, of which this is a specimen, is disparaged by our neijh- bor as “a petty snecess” and ‘a mas- tery of technicalities.” Hexry Warp Bercuen has had one of his | old-time political talks with a Hernatp re- He is sorry for Blaine, and thinks he would have made an aggressive and not a defensive canvass, He does not think Hayes will make a brilliant canvass or wonld make a brilliant President. Mr. Beechg’s objec- tion to the word “magnetism” 2s a personal quality is curious and suggestive. It tunches a common chord of dissatisfaction in men like Blaine and himself, who would rather attribute their success to brains alone than to some brains and some magnet- ism. The general estimate of the world on this point is more likely to be true than that which is a self-measurement, Pore Pres IX. completed the thirtieth year of his pontificate yesterday. It is sur- prising to look back over the number of mighty events which this reign has wit- | moral atmosphere which would make it easy | nessed, and His Holiness seems as hale to- for sincere democrats to sacrifice preferences day as any time within the last five years, A Contrast and a Warning. Whether it be the management of a com- pary, corporation, railroad, newspaper or government, its success mainly depends on the head that directs and controls. There can be no more striking illustration of this truism than the position which England now holds in Europe during its present ad- ministration in contrast with the former one under Mr. Gladstone. Let us admit there are few men who enjoy amore brilliant reputation. He is a scholar of vast classical acquirements, a good writer, a very able financier, an eloquent debater, and in private life adorned with all the graces of a Christian gentleman. And yet, with all these qualities, we hesitate to con- cede tohim the character of a statesman. We consider Webster, Clay and Hamilton Fish superior in trained and practical knowledge of this somewhat peculiar and exclusive science. Peace, retrenchment and economy are good eelectioneering planks, but should never be the entire staple of » government platform. These indispensable qualities | may, if adopted too exclusively, tend to lower the dignity and prestige of a nation. The administration of Mr. Gladstone, of which John Bright was one. of its ruling spirits, almost nullified the political exist- ence of England and completely destroyed its weight in the councils of Europe. It con- sisted of.a “peace at any price policy,” the adoption of the maxims of the Manchester school, and was signalized by failures, con- cessions and humiliations. We will pass over the Geneva arbitration— that was a matter not only of policy, but of justice, yot it certainly was in contrast with | the conduct of Palmerston’s somewhat high- handed manner of treating the Alabama claims—and will only allude to one or two events not over creditable. Mr. Gladstone allowed Russia to tear up the Treaty of which had cost so much blood and treasure to conquer, without a protest, and with the faintest possible dissent. He saw with indifference Hanover, an almost collat- eral fief of the British Crown, swallowed up by Prussia with absolute calmness ; France, her ancient ally, despoiled of two of her most valuable and historical provinces, and amerced in an enormous war penalty, a sum of equal magnitude to our national indebtedness, without even a friendly remonstrance; but consoled himself for this abandonment and loss of national prestige by the boast of having saved money in the army and navy estimates, while his col- league, John Bright, thought that all short- comings could be condoned by giving to his | blushing country ‘‘a free breakfast table.” “The reaction came, thé Ministry fell, by the concurrent voice of all classes—radicals, liberals and conservatives. Mr. Gladstone was relegated to private life, to enjoy his disquisitions on Homer and his voluminous diatribes against the Pope, tempered with the healthy physical exercise of felling trees, The other disjecta membra were mostly sent to that political limbo of incapables, the House of Lords, while Bright still soothes his exclusion from office by a cigar in the smoking room of the Reform Club, where his pugnacity in argument forms a contrast to his Quaker garb and his public peaceful professions, A worthy good man, withal, is the Right Honorable John Bright, and per- haps the first Quaker who ever had sucha handle to his name. And when Gladstone resigned Benjamin Disraeli reigned in his stead. Then came the man, he the son of a_ naturalized Jew, himself only baptized at twelve’ years of age, without the advantages of a public school or university education, beginning lifeas an attorney's clerk, crippled with youthful debts, sneered at as an adventurer and mere writer of novels; a failure in the House of Commons at the outset, when he was obliged to resume his seat amid de- risivelaughter. This man, who then said on sitting down, ‘the time will come when you shall hear me,” has, by mere force of natu- ral ability, by energy, by real statesmanlike qualities, become Prime Minister. Our val- uable letter by cable on the 11th inst. tells us that England holds the trumps in the politi- cal game now playing. Austria, Germany and Russia pause when Disraeli objects. Turkey crushed, shaken to her centre by debt, misrule and fanaticism, looks round with suppliant eyes to him as her preserver. When he opens his lips the great money centres of the world are shaken. He says peace, and, like that beautiful description in Virgil of Xolus recalling to their caves the angry and blustering winds, all is hushed. We have drawn the contrast. Let us deduce from it a moralanda warning. Although in our great and free country the people ex- ercise a controlling elective and dominant voice, yet when once they have pronounced it, when once their suffrages are given, they lose all direct control over the government tor four years, They should, therefore, re- flect that there is no single man who, for weal or for woe, can influence so much the destinies of our country as the President of the United States. He may disgrace us by awenk foreign policy ; he may interfere much with our progress by a shifting domes- tic one; he may fill up Cabinet offices by weak, corrupt and ineapable men; he may surround himself by venal and discreditable friends and favorites ; he may become unjust and partial by nepotism ; he may lower our dignity by the appointment of discreditable foreign agents snd ministers, The remedy is now in our own hands, Let us choose an honest man for our Chief Magistrate, and let each individual citizen consider it his bounden and solemn duty to work for this grand object. Tue Frencn Mrnistnx have wisely decided not to indulge the childish pettishness of resigning because of the election of M. Buffet, the conservativé ex-Premier, to a life Senatorship. The Senators of the Right have explained that they did not vote for him as a royalist but as a Catholic and con- servative. Whatever importance is attached to these fine distinctions it is tolerably cer- tain that the Ministry, naturally displeased at the defiance which the election of M. Buffet undoubtedly was, will make a clean sweep of the government employés who are at all reqctionary. This revenge will gratify the republicans atany rate, for some of their number will step into the shoes of the doomed. ‘libertygand freedom in this land.” 1876.-WITH SUPPLEMENT. Clucinnati Rhetorte. Tom Moore, who knew, in his day, what relation the outward appearance of things festive bore to inward titillation, wrote, as emblematic of profound melancholy :— I feel like one who treads alone some banquet hall de served; Who-e lights are flod, whose gariand's dead—— This does not by any means reach the depths of desolation, but it fits very well into the groove of thought from which we pon- der over the vast emptiness through which resounded some days ago the doughty say- ings of the batch of nominators at Cincin- nati. The cold corpse of a stump speech that has died of chills is not more unat- tractive than the shrivelled glories of one that has died in fever. Yet the Cin- cinnati speeches deserve attention, for the country is like to hear them banged ond twanged and dinned into its ears with damnable iteration for four months to come. To the mass of our citizens they are caviare just now, but the budding campaign orators are clipping them and swapping them and disguising them for use in the near hereafter, when they will be flung at the heads of devoted republicans like hot shot. For two days the Convention talked, but, with one or two exceptions, it was only rethreshing the old bleeding- nigger campaign straw over again. We-have looked almost in vain for first class stump material. Logan’s call for every republican ‘‘to buckle on his armor and be ready for the fray” is tame and trite fora bounding buncombado like the Iflinois soldier and Senator. Even when he warmed to his work, let the eagle scream and shook the last reef out of the Star-Spangled-Ban- ner, he reathed no higher pinnacle than that from which to say, ‘‘Americans, the dagger of destruction is to be drawn and plunged” into the very vitals of the men who stood firm amid the storms that rclled against This is sad fustian, and we do not believe a word of it. It is prairie English for the democratic investigations. Gen- eral Hawley spoke too calmly for stump purposes. You cannot run an exciting cam- paign on a speech based on an ‘‘if.” There is too much conundrum init. The colored brethren on the first day talked the old- fashioned slaveholder's pistol and shotgun, and it is somewhat surprising to note that Fred Douglass’ speech mainly revived the long exploded ‘forty acres and a mule” idea of early reconstruction times. That smart trick of the Jews who borrowed the Egyptian brooches and spoons when they were about to make for the Red Sea and freedom was an unhappy reminiscence of the use to which the Northern carpet bag was put at the close ofthe war, It will pot be used in the cam- paign. We do not think General Hawley improved on the clear phrase, ‘‘when in the course of human events,” by opening the platform preamble with ‘‘when in the economy of Providence.” It is a rho- torical wooden nutmeg. In the nominating speeches there was, of course, a great denl of stump ammunition thrown away, as it was a fight of men, not measures. Colonel Inger- soll said some fine, sounding, hyperbolic things about Blaine, but as they were not true of him they are in most respects less applicable to Hayes. The latter has not “torn from the throat of treason the tongue of slander,” and he can scarcely be called “the grandest combination of heart, con- science and brains beneath the flag.” Col- onel Ingersoll had evidently been drinking, ashe says, “from the fountain of enthu- siasm,” which we thought was exclusively a democratic drink. Less applicable to Hayes’ canvass will be the description of the repub- lican party by the colored brother, Mr. Demosthenes Turner, of Georgia, who pictured Blaine bending over it like the good Samaritan as it lay ‘‘all over this land thunderstruck, paralyzed, dead and bleed- ing.” Neither can the Indiana deleghte’s phrase in nominating Morton, “It don’t need legs to make a President,” be applied tothe ‘Warhorse of Ohio,” who is expected to prance for the next sixteen weeks on at least two lower limbs. Mr. Woodford’s nomination of Conkling was chiefly remark- able for ‘its warning against ‘emotional insanity,” which no friend of campaign gush would like to see heeded. Perhaps the humblest, the truest, but not the most en- thusiastic encomium on any of the candi- dates was that bestowed on Hartranft—‘He knows enough to know that he don’t know everything.” That might suit Hayes, The joux Expedition. The highly interesting letter which we print elsewhere describing the march of Genetal Terry’s command from Fort Lincoln westward to the Little Missouri River gives good ground for thinking that if there is any necessity for punishing the hostile Sioux the comprehensive plan of three different + bodies of troops operating from different points was necessary. Sitting Bull, who had been, reported on the Little Missouri, is not and has not been there within six months. So far, therefore, it has been a wild goose chase, with the probability that Sitting Bull himself had something to do with it. Gen- eral Crook, who is marching for the samo point from the south, has met plenty of In- dians, but not in masses, and we have no news from General Gibbon, who was at last accounts moving down the Yellowstone in search of this same Sitting Bull, with histwo or ‘three thousand warriors. If the In- dians are well informed they may suc- ceed in eluding all of the bodies of troops sent out against them. The false information on which General Terry's force undertook its long march we have very little doubt was concocted by the Indians themselves; and though this may seem strange to Eastern readers it is one of the common experiences of Indian campaigns, and one which adds enormously to the cost of Indian wars. There is a chance that the hostile Indians may run against one of the columns in attempting to avoid another, but with a campaign ground of over fifty thousand square miles there is room for a good deal of hide and seek. Dom Pxpro, after going to church yester- day, looked over the torpedo station at New- port with evident interest, but his devotion to the arts of peace was instanced in his lack of desire to see a torpedo exploded. i His attention to the American guild of literature was again shown in his visit to the home of Mr, Bancroft. Such emperors are unfortunately rare. Secretary Bristow’s Resignation, The reason assigned by Mr. Bristow for his retirement from the Cabinet is a decorous disguise for the true one. His private affairs would have permitted his longer absence if his relations with General Grant had been mutually pleasant and satisfactory. Wesup- pose the truth to be that he made a yolun- tary tender of his resignation because he would otherwise have been asked for it. He has been barely tojerated in the Cabinet since the St. Louis trials, the President not wishing to force him out, because his friends would have cried him up as the great martyr ot reform and strengthened his chances for the Cincinnati nomination. Mr. Bristow did _ not resign earlier becanse his official position was a shield against open attacks. The friends of the President could not very well assiil him so long as he was kept in the Cabinet. The reasons ceased on both sides as soon as Governor Hayes was nominated at Cincinnati, and Mr. Bristow thought it expedient to get beforehand with the President by at once offering the resig- nation, which would else have been ex- torted. This, as the whole country knows, is the plain English of the matter; but we approve of Mr. Bristow's reserve in making no parade of his uncomfortable relations with his official chief. He would have acted with more manliness and spirit if he had retired as soon as he knew that he no longer possessed tho confidence of the President. We dare say President Grant will not write him one of those remarkable letters of regret, friendship and indorsement such as he has been in the habit of giving to men who were forced out of office for reasons very different from zeal for reform—the letter to Secretary Delano, for instance. The speculations relating to Secretary Bristow’s successor point to Governor Mor- gan. Mr. Morgan is, perhaps, the fittest ap- pointment that could be made to that im- portant office. He isa business man of the highest standing, and has had a wide expe- rience in public life. He is sound to the core on the currency question, and his per- sonal respectability would strengthen the administration. But we tear that his frank- ness and candor in his speech opening the Cincinnati Convention may not have raised him in the favor of President Grant. His advice to the Conventjon to putin its plate form a demand for a dne term amendment of the constitution was an implied rebuke of the President. Such a recommendation as- sumed that there is an occasion for it, and was an implied admission that General Grant had excited apprehensions by his ambition for another nomination. It is pretty safe to assume that Goveruor Morgan, notwithstanding his high character and em- inent qualifications, will not be invited to a seat in the Cabinet. Shall the Centennial Exhibition Fail or Triumph? Whether the Centennial Exhibition fails or succeeds is a matter of grave importance te the American people. They have to some extent risked the national reputation upon the event. They are accused of boasting that the greatest Republic known in the history of the world is the most successful experiment in government, and the Exhi-| bition is intended to be a demonstration of the claim. If we fail; if Paris, London and Vienna excel us; if our International Exposi- tion proves to be a blunder, the rest of the world will say of our Liberty, as the Queen in “Hamlet” said of her double on the stage, “The lady doth protest too much, methinks." Our boast is a very great one, and we ought to make it good. Thus far it is doubtful if we can succeed. The opening day of the Exhibition was, of course, a triumph. The President of the United States, Congress, the foreign Minis- ters, and many citizens were present, and the entire attendance was. more ‘than a hundred thousand people. Yet the cash receipts were only about thirty-eight thonsand dollars. Since then they have dwindled to a daily average of about ten thousand dollars, while the daily expenses greatly exceed that amount. There are many faults in the Exhibition of which the public has reason to complain. It does not attract foreigners, and even our own citizens have not given it the support that was expected. The hotels which raised their prices because of the vast attendance on the first day were soon obliged to reduce them. When the hotel keepers reduce their prices there must be something out of joint, for hotels are like barometers, and generally give the mean avernge of the financial con. dition of the country. It is conceded, with deep regrot, that since the opening day the Exhibition has steadily - drifted into debt, and all that is thus fa: anticipated to redeem it is the Fourth of July. Our old friend Yankee Doodle is t come to the rescue. There is no doubt, in our opinion, that the attendance then. will be greater than that of the inauguration of the Exhibition. The Fourth of July isa national holiday, and not only all Philadel. phia, but thousands of people from the neighboring States and cities will make it a point to use the opportunity patriotically by visiting the Exhibi- tion. Besides this, many societies will meet in Philadelphia on, or abont the anniversary of American independence, Among these are the volunteer reunions, the International Typographical Congress, the National Law Congress, the National and State military encampments, the Grand Army of the Republic, the Congress of Au. thors, the National Convention of the Cath. olic Young Men's Association (as large 9 body as the Young Men's Christian Asso ciation), the Salesmen and Commercial Trav. ellers’ Association, the Catholic Total Absti- nence Convention of America, the World’ Hommopathic Convention, the Grand Knights of Malta, and others which we need not name. These visitors and the attraction of the great anniversary itself will swell the attendance on that day enormously. But one swallow does not make a summer, nor ean two grand days of patriotism make success of the Exhibition. Failure or success depends more upon the Commissioners who manage the Exposition than upon the public, They must atone