The New York Herald Newspaper, April 22, 1876, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. | All business, news letiers or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Letters and ackages should be properly sealed. a Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 4( ET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AV DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. LY¢ VAUDEVILLE, acs P. THE, VARIETY, at 8 P. M. Ww TWINS, at 8 P. M, BO HENRY V., at 8P. x. BROO) DAVID GARRICK, at8 P.M. an Sothern, TONY PASTOR'S NEW THEATRE. VARIETY, at 5 P. M. and 2 UNION SQU FERREOL, at 8 P. M. er) 1 HEATRE. M. C.K. Thorne, Jr, E, TRE. VARIETY, at 8 P. M. Miss Minnie Palmer, CHATR 8 P.M. and 2 P. PA at 8 P.M. and 2P. BOWE! ON HAND. ats THIRTY FOU VARIETY, at 8?’ MUSIC. ) P. M. Philharmonic Concert at 8 PL. FIFTH PIQUE, m8 P.M RE. ie Davenport, CIRCUS, dd How at2P.M. ands P. VARIETY, at 8?. Wo 7M. REBEL TO THE COR. and 2.P, M. Oliver | Doud Byron, BROOKLYN A JULIUS CAHSAK, at 1:0 P Barrett. IY OF MUSIC. M, and 8 P.M. Lawrence AY HALL. atSP.M. Theodore Thomas. SATURDAY, APRIL From our reports this morning the probabi are that the weather to-day will be cool and clear. Notick To Country Newspganers.—For prompt and regular delivery of the Henatp Jast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Watt Strezt Yestrrpay.—Gold was steady at 112 7-8. Money was supplied on call at 3 and 3 1-2 per cent. Foreign exchange firm. &tocks were a trifle higher than the day be- fore. Government bonds and investment shares were quiet and firm. Quren Victorta, while on her way back to England yesterday, was awaited at the rail- way at La Velette by President MacMahon, who paid her his respects. If this had been in America there would have been a great deal of useless criticism wasted on the cour- tesy. i Teunxish Pacirication.—Austria is ex- tremely anxious to save to the Turkish Em- pire the Christian provinces which Moslem tyranny and misrule have driven into insur- rection. The rest of the world can have lit- tle real sympathy with Austrian and Turk- ish selfishness. New Waarves anp Prers.—It is well enough, perhaps, to investigate the plans of the Dock Department in the construction of new wharves and piers, as is now being done by the sub-committee of the New York Cheap Transportation Company and ‘other associations ; but the necessity, after all, is the construction of these much needed | works. There has been talk enough about our bad terminal facilities. Now let us build new works as rapidly as possible. caer aneanmmcadtte Exsoutsh Crmmnat Practice is curiously illustrated in the American extradition cases now before the London police courts, these petty justices even going so far as to indorse papers sent to the Home Office with recom- mendations affecting the relations of the two countries under the treaty. It begins to appear that the English government is anxious to abrogate the Extradition Treaty altogether, or these acts of ‘police officers would not be encouraged. Mr. Disraeli’s course on this subject is in every way un- worthy, and when the English people begin to understand it we shall probably hear that it has been rebuked. Fanmwewt To tHe Sprctan Corresponp- Ent.—The Tritnme prints an admirable let- ter from its London correspondent deserib- ing the boat race between Cambridge and Oxford, which took place on the 8th of April. This letter is now printed in New York | twelve days after the event. But on the morning of the 9th of April, the day afte the race, the Henarp printed a despatch longer than the Zriwie's letter, giving a | picturesque narrative of the struggle. Then the story was fresh. It came with the news of the strife and the result. All the world | ‘was carious to know how the manly young | fellows bore themselves. But now how cold | and dead a story it seems—twelve days old, | and the race as much out of human interest gs the Treaty of Westphalia. The Tritune | NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 1876, Governor Tilden’s Presidential Chances. Governor Tilden is making visible prog- ress toward success at St, Louis. He is al- ready as good as certain of the delegation from this great State, and is likely to get all the New England delegations, although, | with the exception of Connecticut, those States can only assist in nominating but not in electing him. Nebraska has just de- clared in his favor, and her six votes will be of as much service to him at St. Louis as if she were not immoy- ably republican. Mr. Tilden is ahead of his rivals to-day both in the number of dele- gates of which he feels secure and also in a more desirable relation to the issues on which the Presidential campaign seems likely to be fought. The work of the inves- tigating committees is bringing reform more and more into the foreground as the paramount question, and his friends claim that he is the fittest representative of reform among all the statesmen of the democratic party. The efficient part he took in the destruction of the Tam- many Ring and his equally unrelenting war on the Canal Ring have given him a reform record which no other prominent democrat has attempted to emulate, If the revolting exposures at Washington continue all other issues may be eclipsed by that of reform, and the expectation that this will be the case is what makes Governor Tilden’s friends so confident. On the currency issue he stands no better than Senator Bayard, and would be a less available - candi- date than Senator Thurman. Both of these gentlemen have an advantage over Governor Tilden in their long experience at the national capital and more intimate ac- quaintance with federal affairs. Their in- tegrity is equally high and unsullied, but they have never had opportunities for ex- hibiting that unsparing vigor in chastising corruption which is the peculiar distinction of Governor Tilden. If some new and more astounding exposure should so kindle public indignation as to make reform the only watchword (as seems quite possible), the name of Tilden would be the rallying cry of the assailants of corruption. But so far as the exposures have yet gone there are no symptoms that they will efface party lines or that they will even force the republicans: to put forward a candidate of the type of Mr, Bristow. If there should be some tremendous explosion previous to the Cincinnati Convention the republicans might be compelled to take up Bristow as the only means of holding the party to- gether; but nothing of this kind is ex- pected, and no competent judge on either side believes the nomination of Bris- tow possible. This proves that the politicians of neither party think, as yet, that reform will become the all-engrossing issue on. which alone the Presidential election will turn, The fact that sagacious politicians, republican and democratic alike, believe the nomination of Bristow impossible at Cincinnati, shows that the present drift of public sentiment is not favorable to making reform the exclusive nor even the predominant issue ; but unless it shonld overshadow all others the nomina- tion of Governor Tilden at St. Louis will be no more a party necessity for the democrats than that of Secretary Bristow ht Cincinnati will be for the republicans. Governor Tilden’s frionds are not warranted at the present stage of the canvass in predicting his nomination on that part of his record in which he resembles Mr. Bris- tow. If reform should overtop all other questions the inevitable candidates would be Bristow on one side and Tilden on the other; and, so far as this issue is concerned, Mr. Bristow's chances are an exact measure of Mr. Tilden’s. Now, as the best judges on both sides think Mr. Bristow has no chance at all, the political aspect must undergo a change before Mr. Tilden can make his record as a reformer a confident ground of hope. As we have al- ready remarked, it is possible that some sudden and astounding revelation may dwarf all other issues than reform; but neither party expects it at present, and so Governor Tiden's real strength consists in the number of delegates on which he can securely count. In this respect he has a clear advantage over his democratic com- petitors according to present appearances, But politics is not a one-stringed instru- ment, and the present canvass has chords on which other candidates can play as well as Governor Tilden. The question of local- ity is destined to play an important part in the national conventions of both parties, and especially the democratic. It will trouble Senator Conkling, and may prove fatal to Governor Tilden. The ‘dark horse” which will be suddenly entered tor the Cincinnati race is more likely to come from the West than the East, and Mr. Tilden has still more to fear from Western opposi- tion. In tho first place, the Western demo- erats do not accept his views on the cur- rency. In the next place, every democratic candidate for the Presidency since the be- ginning of the war has been a New York man, and, as they have all been lament- able failures, the West will say that the omens dp not favor a repetition of the experiment. After the defeat of McClellan, in 1864, and the defeat of Seymour, in 1868, and the signal defeat of Greeley, in 1872, it will be asserted that New York has had more than its share of candidates, unless they can do better, and that, in any event, she has no itle to a monopoly of Presidential candi- lates for sixteen years in succession. West- ern pride may rebel against repeating an ex- periment which has so uniformly proved disastrous to the party, and claim the candi- date on the ground of geographical fairness, The West, acting in concert with Pennsyl- vania, can easily defeat Mr. Tilden’s nomi- nation, which is impossible unless he can | get two-thirds of the votes of the Conven- tion, It is known that Pennsylvania will might, so far as news is concerned, have | oppose him, and the following list shows printed a chapter from one of Tom Brown's how easily he may be defeated it the West is “narratives of racing. Farewell to the special | against him :— mt—the cable has killed him! He has gone with his rhetoric, his ‘‘views,” his learned analysis and his word-painting, to join the Conestoga wagon, the coach and the hand-press. Journalism is becoming the work of the essayist and the telegrapher. “The old special correspondent must find a calling. His work isdone. The cable killed him, Ponnsytvania, +. 58 Kansas., 10 Ohio... 44 Michigan 22 Indiana, 30 Missourt, 20 Utinois 2 Wisconsi 2 Towa, 2 Minnes oy Toral 288 The St. Louis Convention will consist of 738 members, and under the two-thirds rule 267 can prevent the nomination of any can- didate. The delegates from the States included in the foregoing list can defeat Mr. Tilden and have twenty-one votes to spare. His nomination is possible only by conciliating the West and disarming its opposition. The fact that he is ahead of his competitors is not an augury of success so long as his friends cannot point out the sources from which he can get two- thirds of the votes. He will have more than the one-third necessary for defeating his rivals, and the result may be a mutual slaughter of all the strong and respected candidates and a compromise upon some weak and ridiculous political nobody. Mr. Tilden is bound to prevent this in the interest of the party and of good gov- ernment. The wisest thing he can do is to make a close alliance with some Western statesman of ability, integrity and sound principles, on the understanding that if, after repeated trials, Governor Tilden cannot get the requisite two-thirds, he will give his cordial support to the favorite candidate of the West. He cannot be asked to make such an alliance with a democrat in whom he and the country lack confidence; but his friends can honorably come to such an understanding with the friends of Senator Thurman, who would make an able and admirable President, and whose policy in all its main features would be precisely that of Governor Tilden. A generous rivalry between two such men would have no tendency to distract or divide the party. Mr. Tilden could prosecute his cauvass until he found his nomination im- possible, and then, instead of a deadlock, which could be loosened only by picking up some obscure candidate, Mr. Thurman mightbe nominated by the aid of Mr, Tilden’s friends. Mr. Tilden would be a power in the new administration, and would feel nearly as much satisfaction in having placed a strong and worthy man at the head of the government as he could have had in se- curing the highest place for himself. It seems necessary for the public good that Mr. Tilden and Mr. Thurman come to a good understanding on the generous basis of allowing each to do the best he can for himself, but of keeping their rivalry within such friendly limits that each can heartily support the other at last, and save the party and thé country from the affliction of a small, obscure man at the head of the gov- ernment. If they should at last mutually abdicate their claims in favor of Mr. Bayard the public interests would be well served, but the West would be better pleased with the promotion of Senator Thurman, Blue Lights. It was never generally thought that to have the “blues” could in any way be agreeable or satisfactory to mortal creatures ; but it occurred to a gentleman in Pennsylvania some years ago to take a widely different view on this subject from that commonly held by the public. He saw, or thought he saw, that the effects of sunshine and light on nature— on the development of all forms of vege- table and animal life—were only great when they reached their object through a bine medium. This blue medium divinely in- terposed between the sun and the surface of the earth was the atmosphere that ‘‘clothes the mountain in its azure hue.” Since the blue sky days are the times when life is at its best, said this philosophic member Of the Pleasonton family, with a good omen in his name, why not make an artificial blue sky wherever we wish to secure animal and vegetable growth? And he did it. He put blue glass in his grapery, and in five months got the growth of two years. He put blue glass over his calf pen, and the animals reached maturity in six months. He sent a ray of light through blue glass on the head of a deafened mule in the stable, and the mule, like the woman in the story, ‘heard from her father at Botany Bay.” It may be remembered how full the country was of this topic at the time ; how some people thought there was a little error in the case, and that it was not really “blue glass” that did so much for vitality, but ‘blue grass ;” and how others indulged in philosophic extrava- gances on the yellow or light ray, the red or heat ray and the blue or actinic ray. But the excitement seemed to die away, and people fell into the habit of raising their chickens and pigs and early lettuce and grapes in the same old way as if no one had whispered to them the revelation of blue glass. Such is humanity. Now, however, comes the report of the contre-coup all the way from Italy. Italy has caught at the great idea and applied it, not to beets and lettuce, nor to the production of early spring | chickens, but to the treatment of human maladies, more especially the maladies of the nervous system, those departures from | health that may be supposed to be conse- | quent upon life in civilized society and un- der sunless skies. Very great success is | claimed for the éreatment of the insane by this method, and our alienists will have to: take notice of this important application. Perhaps our politicians also might turn it toaccount. Those who are cultivating so adroitly and sedulously the tender sprouts of Presidential candidates might find their fortunes in this fancy. How would Blaine look under blue glass? Tilden should be all roofed over with it at once. Tre Exma Mixe.—The inquiry into the value of the Emma mine asa silver deposit is unnecessary. It is journeying out of the record. If the mine had been as rich as the Comstock lode General Schenck had no business to guarantee its sale to Englishmen. | He could not know of the mine from his own personal knowledge. If he believed all that Park and Stewart told him he must have deemed them fools for selling their mine, worth twenty millions, as they claimed, for five. The wrong on General Schenck's part was in having anything to do with it. The effect of his interference was seen in the sale of a million sterling worth of “shares” to humble investors in England, women and clergymen and persons of small means un- used to the financial world. They believed what was told them by an American Minis- ter, and their belief resulted in their losing their investments, and in Schenck, Albert Grant, Park and Stewart amassing vast sums. This is the bottom fact in the whole buiiness, and the committee should not go beyond it, Distribution of the Geneva Award. The muddle on this subject has grown out of a notion that our government is bound to pay ont the whole amount of the award to claimants in order to vindicate its honor. It has even been contended that we are bound to return to Great Britain the residue if there should be any, which remains after satisfying the just demands of ship owners and insurance companies. ‘This is a whim- sical ide:, The Geneva award was made en bloc, and left to be distributed by our government on equitable principles. The British government has no right to in- quire what disposal we make of it. A tri- bunal in which her side of the case was fally presented decided that she was bound to make reparation for the actual damage done by the Confederate cruisers fitted out in her ports. The Geneva tribunal acted on an authentic list of the ships destroyed, and the award included compensation for no damages which were not proved to have been really done to American ships and cargoes, With the particular ownership of the prop- erty, aside from the fact that it was Ameri- can, she had nothing to do, and never made any pretence that she had. It was proved before the Geneva tribunal that a certain amount of American property had been de- stroyed, and the Court decided that the British government was answerable for its value, We made claim for no losses which we did not actually suffer, and the Court, in its award of damages, left us—our govern- ment—entirely free as to the manner in which we would dispose of the money. Great Britain paid for no property which the cruisers did not destroy, and, having settled no fictitious damages, she has no title to complain, whatever it may suit the views of our government to do with the award. In distributing the award Congress is, of course, bound by principles of equity. Un- insured shipowners who lost their property are entitled to full compensation. Insured owners are entitled to nothing if the insurance fully covered the loss. Whether: the insurance companies have a valid claim isa question which may be de- cided with almost as little difficulty. If their business was conducted on correct principles they reimbursed themselves by the war rates which they charged. Having lost nothing they are not entitled to any compen- sation. It is absurd to apply the ordinary law of salvage to a case so dissimilar. When a vessel is insured against wreck the com- pany contemplates the possibility of salvage and regulates its rates accordingly. But in insuring against war risks the companies did not act on any expectation that our government would recover dam- ages, and they looked only to the war pre- miums for reimbursement. Having lost nothing they are entitled to no part of the award. What, then, shall be done with it? Practically, this may be a difficult ques- tion to answer, but in principle it is very easy. The same rule is to be followed as in the case of domestic property to which there are no heirs. The constitution of New York, for example, provides that such property shall escheat to the State, and by the same just rule that part of the Geneva award to which there are no equitable claimants escheats to the federal Treasury. What disposal the federal government shall make of it is a question on which we may have an opinion to offer at a future time, but our only object at present is to expose the absurdity of sup- posing that it must be either paid to the in- surance companies or returned to Great Britain. Preakness in England. Preakness, in his first race in England, has come in fourth, and that, if the statement were taken alone and without consideration of the circumstances, has an altogether un- satisfactory aspect. But for the sake of fair play the circumstances must be considered. This, in fact, is the case in any race ; but it is pre-eminently the case in those English handicaps where the programme is as full of complications and points as a piece of music. Plain people are sometimes startled at a queer result that happens occasionally in a yacht race. They saw the race, perhaps, and saw a given boat win. Then they went home and told all about it and who the win- ner was. Next morning they read in the papers that another boat, which came in sec- ond or third, or maybe fourth, was the win- ner of the race, This is one of the magic operations of ‘time allowance.” The boat that really came in first was to give ten min- utes to the one that really came in fourth, and as she only beat her by nine minytes and a half the fourth boat wins by half a minute. “Weight for age” and some points peculiar to the English handi- cap system have the same relation on the turf to the simple straightforward result in ahorse race as this puzzle of time allow- ance has to aquatic sport. If, for instance, the race at Newmarket had been an equal race, with discrimination only for age, Preak- ness, judged by what he really did, would likely have won. But he carried half as much again as was carried by the winning horse. Once upon a time they believed that they had in England the best horses in the world, and made allowance to foreign horses on that “score, but they have changed their opinion. Now they assume that the fact that a foreign horse is brought to England is an evidence that the horse is a first class one, and they make this point the basis of the first discrimination against him in the weight. This is the reason why Preakness carried “the top weight” in a race where there was another horse of the same age. This new notion in British sport was intro- duced by Admiral Rous, At the same time that the utmost ounce was thus put on the American by this discriminating expression of national modesty other horses were pres- ent whose failures in previous years had en- titled them to greater and greater favor till they got down to feather weights. Horses in England are put in to lose races year after year, because every defeat entitles them to further favor in weight. Thus Mait- land, in the first race he ever made, carried one hundred and twenty-two pounds, or only four pounds less than Preakness carried on Thursday. That was as a two-year-old. His defeat gave him in his next race six pounds less to carry, and still he lost, In subsequent races he carried seventy-seven —TRIPLE SHEET, the horse that as s two-year-old carried one hundred ‘and twenty-two pounds carries as @ four-year-old forty pounds less. At this rate a horse must win some time if he has four legs and is kept at it. With all the disadvantage, however, it will be noted that he so far disappointed the knowing ohes that while the betting was ten to one against him he beat a horse on which the betting was three to one. In actual running Preakness seems to have done as well as any while he lasted, but his want of condition showed on him before the finish, and it was far better tactics to save him and let the race go than to urge him to a possible though damaging victory. Belknap’s Levee. These are graphic despatches we have from Washingtvn about Belknap. He comes into the Senate when sitting as a court, and his entry isa triumph. Matt Carpenter, in full dress, and Black, witha silver snuff box, escort him. He ‘‘studies the galleries” and shakes hands with the managers of the im- peachment. ‘‘As soon as the Court ad- journed to-day,” says the 7ribune, ‘‘Belknap walked to the rear of the Senators’ seats and beckoned to Senator Allisoh to come to him. He was also joined by two members of the House delegation from Iowa, and, taking a seat on a sofa in the Chamber, seemed to be highly entertaining.” Now, far it be from us to say a word to add to the miseries that have fallen upon this wretched man. But when he aims to make his trial a triumph, to make his appearance in public as one who has done no wrong, to meet Senators and members on the floor of the Senate as friends and peers, we are com- pelled to say that his course is shameless and revolting and that Senator Allison and the others who give him public recognition in- vite grave censure. This man is a confessed thief. He admits that he used one of the highest offices of the land to rob the treasury and plunder the poorly paid soldiers. Be- cause of what he did the name of American has borne reproach in every land. Bel- knap is no ordinary rascal. He was the head of a great department of the govern- ment. The honor of the President, of the party and of the country was to a certain ex- tent in his keeping. His crime has some of the worst features of crime, and in his fall and punishment no one can sympathize. Belknap in the Senate is like a prisoner in the dock. It would be as proper for Recorder Hackett to invite Liverpool Jack, or some of the burglars on trial before him, to sit with him on the bench and have a good time during the intermissions of the trial asit is for Senator Allison, one of Belknap's judges, to associate with him in public. An Alibi for Dr. Hammond, Miss Charlotte Thompson has come to the rescue of Dr. Hammond’s memory, and en- deavors to clear away, by the statement of facts within her knowledge, certain of the more difficult circumstances. But it does not appear that Miss Thompson has that particular and accurate knowledge of the dates which would be necessary to establish the fact that Dr. Hammond was at some specified point in Alabama ona day when he must have been elsewhere if he were guilty of the crime on the steamer. She claims that she has ‘absolute proof” that Dr. Hammond spent “‘between two and three days” on her estate in Alabama, and that he could not have done this and reached New York on the 10th of December if he left the ship, as we supposed, on the Sth of December, or even if he left it a day earlier, We believe he could have done so. Between this city and Mont- gomery the railroad time is sixty-three hours, and between Savannah and Mont- gomery the time is twenty hours, Rather less, therefore, than three days and a half of actual time on the road was necessary to go from Savan- nah to Montgomery and thence to this city, out of the six days given, if the man left the steamer on the 4th. He could, there- fore, have had two days and a half on the plantation or elsewhere. Miss Thompson assures us that Dr. Hammond did not com- mit suicide, and that the coroner's. inquest established this. Wise as the coroners may be there is not one in this State or any other State who can establish positively a fact of which he has no evidence, and a fact that is only in a man’s intention, of which no record has been made, is, when the man is dead, afact of which there is no evidence, Dr. Hammond died of a poison he habitually used. That is known, But he did not take his habitual dose. That is clear. With what object, then, did he increase the dose, or did he do it inadvertently? Physicians acquainted with the properties of the drugs they use are unlikely to make errors of this sort. But the only difference between the circumstances of the many occasions on which this physician took chloral and did not die and the one on which he took it and did die was in the intention that made the last dose a fatal one. . How, then, can a cor- oner, who could not know his intention, prove that he did not commit suicide? American Curtizensuie.—The scandals which have grown out of the abuse of American citizenship by those who have used it as a shield against the legitimate | demands of the country of their birth, to whose government they primarily owed allegiance, while neglecting every duty to | the country of their pretended adop- | tion, are likely to find their rem- | edy in ® measure recently perfected | by Representative Faulkner, of West Vir- ginia, which very fully defines the rights and duties of naturalized citizens and of citi- zens of the United States residing abroad, Should it become a law it will have the This detective mania will run itself out in @ little time. It is inconsistent with the self-respect of the people. One of the worst features of Grant's administration is the recognition given to fellows like Beil, Net- tleship, Whitley and the rest as ‘“detecs tives.” These men have no place in society and are unworthy of the confidence of any self-respecting administration. When Mr Bristow is an older man—for he is now very young—he will see the value of not depend- ing upon detectives to make a canvass, Is the Dark Horse Coming tothe Front? | “Conkling leading, Blaine a length and a half behind, and dropping to the rear, Morton distanced, and a renewed activity’ among the others, with the dark horse steal- ing to the front. Even bets on the dark horse and the favorite.” If this rnce for the, Presidency were a race at the Derby this would be the correct statement of the actual | position of the struggle. The sudden prominence of Mr. Conkling, which may be dated from the support given” him by the Henanp at a time when interne-, cine party strife seemed to destroy his just claims to recognition as the republican leader in New York, has developed an opposition in the West that seems to centre on Governor Hayes, of Ohio. For some time, and espe- cially since the politicians of Pennsylvania, with singular infelicity, changed the time of their fall elections, Ohio has been the Key- stone State in a political sense. If Ohio pre- sents a candidate the West is apt to support him, for the Western people since the election of Lincoln have claimed the right to govern the Union. They nomi-" nated Lincoln, who was the ‘dark horse” of’ the 1860 race over Seward, who was the favorite. They renominated Lincoln in 1864 with Johnson, who was virtually a Western man, They gave us Grant and Colfax, who came from the Mississippi States. They took Grant again, and it was only by an accident that Colfax was not again named. The two leading generals of the army, the presiding officers of the Senate and the House, the Chief Justice, the majority of the chairmen of important committees are all from the West, The peoplé of that section are inspired by the feelings expressed by Sherman in his celebrated letter to Grant, that the seat of empire is in the Mississippi Valley. There is no real feeling in the West for any East- ern candidate, not so much as there was for Seward in 1860, whose most eloquent cham. pion was Schurz, as the head of the Wiscon- sin delegation. The East is divided—New, England will not support Blaine, New York has a busy fraction against Conkling, and from Pennsylvania we hear that Forney and McMichael among the leaders threaten to revolt against Cameron’s purpose to give that State to Conkling. If the West unites, and union seems iney+ itable, the dark horse may come from the prairies. Bristow isa sentimental candidate, affected by the old maids and old fogies of the party. Even his best friends say that he is so young a man—early in the forties—that he may wait. Then Bristow has too cordial a support from Stevenson, Beck, the Courier=" Journal ond the Kentucky Bourbons to make him acceptable to the grim, stern radical who came so near impeaching Johnson and do not care to risk the results of the war upon a President from the South. There. will be no break in the West in favor of any Eastern man, while at least three delegationa from the East are ready to break in favor of the West. If Conkling has an honest support from Grant—his strength, which grows from day to-day in honest, wholesome fashion, be- cause the more he is studied the more he is regarded as the natural republican leader— he may keep the lead and reach the winning post. But it looks as if the West were pre- paring to spur some favorite to the front. Is it Hayes or Washburne, or some one not’ named? Just now it looks like Hayes. But in politics there is nothing so much unlike and so far apart as to-day and to-morrow. In the meantime it would be well for Conkling’s friends to watch the race and see that the dark horse wears the Oneida colors. This is what Thurlow Weed did in 1860, When the race was lost to Seward he saw that it was won bya candidate whe wore the colors of Seward. Defeat in time became victory, and there is no reason why the result at Cincinnati sbould not b Conkling’s victory whether he wins or lose the nomination. Rings in Paris. And now comes Paris with a characteristic variation on the great theme of the age—cor- rupt practices on the part of public offi- cials. There has just been discovered and exposed in that city the operation of a ring system precisely similar, in all but its pro- portions, toour municipal ring and to the crooked whiskey conspiracy. In its propors tions the Parisian ring is on o miniature scale. There-seems, in fact, to beno grandeur in the soul of the Parisian peculator, and he steals meanly. This ring was formed on the sale of poultry in the public markets. It came out ina quaint way. No person en- gaged in that sort of enterprise over here ever kepta diary ; but one of these French rogues did. He habitually wrote in that lit. tle résumé of the small events” of his career the amount of the sums he received as bribes. He called them ‘‘complaisances.” Fancy the pleasant reading we should have had if a journal of that nature, kept by the President's private secretary, had been produced on the St. Louis trial, with its entries of .five hun dred dollars received one day and a thou. sand dollars another, and pithy reflections ; on the characters of the contributors, La- | croix, the Parisian, who committed this effect of materially decreasing the amountof | daily indiscretion of a diary, was in debt te diplomatic correspondence now carried on at Washington with foreign governments. acertain young woman with whom he had been on terms 80 intimate that she was ac quainted with these entries in the journal, Tun Derecrrve Masxta.—The Washing-| and for revenge she “gave him ton correspondent of the Times calla | away”--that is to say, she handed attention to the number of detectives | his journal to the police. They inves. who swarm about Secretary Bristow. | tigated. Paris has very fino markets, and “Hired detectives are on his track, watching his comings and goings.” This detective business is one of the basest phases of our it requires money to keep them in order. This money is obtained by the collection of a small tax on the transactions, In this politics. Unfortunately, no one has done so | financial operation the chicanery was prac much of it as those who are in the interest of | tised. Mr. Bristow himself. His campaign for the Presidency, so far as there has been a can- vass, has been one of saints and detectives, pounds and nincty pounds, and at length with the detectives im the majority. | Venders habitually made false re turns of their saies, They understated prices, and they only reported a part of the transactions, They are too well watched for this to be unknown to the officers om | ’ +