The New York Herald Newspaper, February 29, 1876, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. j THE DAILY HERALD, published every | day in the . Four cents per copy. Twelve: dollars per year, or one dollar per | month, free of postage. | All business, news letters or tele hic despatches must be addressed New Yor« | Hiznaxp. | Letters and packages should be properly led. Rejected communications will not be re- PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112 SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO., 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE BE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms os in New York. = VOLUME XL ‘a : AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. be WALLACK'S THEATRE, raf STOOPS TO CONQUER, at8 P.M. Mr, Lester Wal- OLYMPIC THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P.M. i. EAGLE THEATRE. ONCLE ANTHONY, wt 80, M. OHATEAU VARIETY, at 8 P.M. | TONY PASTOR’ VARIETY, at 8 P.M. OF MUSIC. M. Mme. Seguin, TEMPLE. 1. Matinee at 1:30 P. M. TRE. tt Rowe. FIFTH AVENU .M. Fanny Davenport. THIRTY-FOUR VARIETY, ats 1. M BOWERY THEATRE. BI SLOCUM, at SP. M. Frank R. Fray PARISTAN VARIE: VARIETY, at SP. M. Matinee at 2 P. M. BAN FRANCISCO M GLOBE T VARIETY, at 8P. M. EATRE. ROOTH'S 4 JULIUS CAESAR, at 8 P.M. Lawrence Barrett. GERM DER VEILCHENFRE: TIVOLI VARIETY, at 8 P.M. TWENTY-THIRD STREET THEATRE, CALIFORNIA MINSTRELS, at 8 . Ww BCHAMYL, at 8 P. M. THIRD AV. VARIETY. at 8 WITH NEW YORK, TU 'SDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 18 From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be colder, with | possibly rain or snow. Tne Heratp py Fast Mart Trars.— Netws- dealers and the public throughout the country will be supplied with the Darixy, Weexux and | Sunpax Herat, free of postage, by sending their orders direct to this office. Wau Srreet Yestenpay.—Lake Shore and Western Union were sharply depressed. Other stocks more or less sympathized in the movement. Government bonds were weaker, Investment securities steady. Gold was strong at 114. 1141-84114. Money loaned at 3 and 3 1-2 per cent. Tue Suxnpay Scuoon Pourry or THE Cuvrcn engaged the attention of the Metho- dist ministers at their conference yesterday. They listened toa paper on the subject by the Rev. Mr. Lippincott and discussed it at some length. A Russtan Orricer is to reorganize the Khedive's army. The great Powers of the Old World have all become suddenly anxious concerning the affairs of the Egyp- tian ruler. If they are all quite disin- terested Egypt may truly boast that she has a great many powerful frie Tae Frist Vicrony.—That the approach- ing Centennial has had the effect of stirring up the patriotism of our people is demon- strated by the celebration, at Moore's Creek | Bridge, N. C., yesterday, of the hundredth anniversary of what the Tar Heels claim to | be the first victory of the Revolution, a graphic account of which we publish else- where. Tax Srrataciype-Franconia steamship ollision disaster supplies matter for a care- ful judicial watch on the part of the British government, with the view of ascertaining | where the blame for such a terrible fatulity | rests. This is as it should be. A great gov- ernment should never permit carelessness | offences, But Adams wrote like a partisan. | self. Butas none of the trio will start in or trifling on the part of its subjects who go far as the debts are concerned, the rea- | the Convention with a majority itis possi- may be intrusted with the absolute care of | life and property. | Tue Anauments on the demurrer to the complaint of Francis D. Moulton against | Henry Ward Beecher, claiming damages in | fifty thousand dollars for malicious prosecu- | tion, were delivered by counsel on both sides yesterday in the Supreme Court of Kings | sounty. The Court reserved its decision, and | thus created another exquisite morsel of sus- | pense for the scandal lovers who are praying | for iresh developments, ! Governor Tivpen’s Testimoxy in the six million suit against Tweed yesterday showed | the relation of certain warrants drawn upon | the Comptroller with the deposits made by Garvey, Ingersoll and Tweed in the Broad- | way Bank, as indicated by correspondence in dates and amounts. The Governor was | not very confidential in response to some of Mr. Field's inquiries concerning his political | connection with Tweed. He was extremely teticent in regard to money which he re- ceived by virtue of the ‘‘Boss’” own sign manual. Tur Birt for the reduction of the salaries | of New York officials was under discus- sion last night in the Assembly in Commit- | tee ofthe Whole. It was agreed to reduce | the salary of the Mayor to ten thousand dol- | lars, and also to provide that neither the ; Mayor nor the Comptroller should receive | any salary after the expiration of the term of | the present incumbents, On motion of Mr. | Foster it was resolved to reduce the Commis- | sioners of Docks, Charities and Correction, | Health, Taxes and Assessments to one Com- missioner each. The salaries of all city | of a great empire. In another generation | | ofoffice. Upon the same theory Jackson could | sons that lead to their re; | elected Governor of New York in 1870 men NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 1876.—WITH SUPPLEMENT. | The Proposed Impoac! ts im the | South—Let Us Make Haste Slowly. We feel deeply with the Southern people | power to help a genuine work of reconstruc- in their troubles. We have done all in our tion, The Southern States have the elements this war need be more of a memory than | the disease of infancy to the strenuous, | lusty man, The South can never be great | until it accepts fully the lessons of the war. We do not mean degradation and humilia- tion, for no one would impose these condi- tions upon a single citizen. We mean com- mon sense. This the South lacks. There | are no war issues at stake. That awful | arbitrament was decisive. War made the | negro free. Freedom means __ political equality. Common sense would teach the Southern white leaders that by the conces- sion of political, equality they can win the negroes. Common sense would also | teach that where there is a large negro | population—in South Carolina, Louisiana, sippi, where the negro is in the majority—the part of wisdom is to | recognize the negro as an element in repre- | sentative government, to teach him as we | teach our myriads of aliens—that government | means the election of good men to office, The one point which the Southern whit man has never conceded is political equal. ity. The negro has not been asked to unite with the white man. The Northern man is stamped upon as an alien, a “carpet- | bagger.” And yet the complaint comes up | from every Southern State that there is no | “good government” possible, because the | white men can have no aid from the negro or the Northerner. This policy of ostracism now bears fruit | in impeachment. Impeachment is a polit- | ical expedient in Louisiana. The fact that | conservative men oppose it convinces us that | this isso. In Mississippi the same state of | things exists. Even as severe a critic as | Mr. Nordhoff, in censuring Governor Ames, entirely exonerates him from corruption. | Two democrats voted against the presenta- | tion of the articles against him. Now let us | concede, for the sake of argument, that in | Louisiana and Mississippi the government is | partisan and oppressive. Mississippi, how- ever (it is due to some one to say), has only | a trifling State debt. There have been no great railroad swindles, and there will be no | such opportunity for wholesale repudiation as was seen in Georgia and North Carolina when the democrats came into power. In Mississippi the Legislature, the other day overwhelmingly republican, is now over- whelmingly democratic. The removal of Ames seems to be assured. Kellogg hangs in the balance, but if the influences which dominate Mississippi can reach Louisiana we shall have democratic governors in both States within thirty days. Is there no danger that impeachment will become revolution? Do we not find in: the South, wherever the democrats have gained power, a tendency to revolution? The logic which leads that way is clear:—‘The recon- struction acts are ‘unconstitutional and void.’ Everything done under them is ‘unconstitu- tional and void.’ The amendments about the debt and slavery are like the edicts of Germany annexing Alsace and Lorraine--the edicts of a conqueror. We accept them only as France signed the Frankfort treaty, because the sword was at her throat and the vandal was on her soil, The sword was at our throat, the vandal was on our soil, What the sword makes the sword breaks. We are not bound by anything done ynder the reconstruction acts.” This is logical, but it is not the logic of a sound reconstruc- tion. It will be disastrous to every interest | dear to the South, The country will say, if | this logic is good in Louisiana and Missis- sippi, why will it not apply to Washington and to the general government? If the first duty of democratic State governments in the South is to overturn republican governors and dismiss republican judges; if every re- publican in office is to be expelled by the force of a democratic majority; if the debts incurred by republicans are to he repu- diated, what is to become of our national debt and of those who remain in office? It may be said that the reason why governors like Holden, Kellogg and Ames are removed is that they have been untrue to their oaths | have been removed by a whig majority Grant would be removed to-morrow. Grant | is arraigned by his opponents for offences as | grave as those charged against Holden, Kel- logg and Ames. John Quincy Adams in his diary shows that he, enlightened as he was, | believed Jackson to be guilty of impeachable | pudiation would re- pudiate millions of our New York debt. The | money raised by the repudiated bonds in | the Southern States was stolen. So was the money raised under the Tweed régime and | a large part of the money given to the Pacific | Railway. If impeachment is a remedy for | Southern misrnle and repudiation the | remedy for Southern corruption, then why | will not the same remedy apply to misgov- | ernment in Washington, the Tweed bondsof | New York city and the loans guaranteed for | the Pacifie Railway and the District of Co- | lumbia ? | The leaders of the democratic party and Southern men like Hunter and Lamar must see that this whole business is dangerous. In | all republican governments tlere is a remedy | for misgovernment in the ballot. The will of the people is sacred. Once that this will is expressed, and sanctioned by the forms of law, only an extreme necessity should over- throw it, When John T. Hoffman was | as eminent as Horace Greeley avowed their | belief that he had been elected by fraud. | Nor is it hard for us to dissent from that con- clusion, knowing as we now do the infamies | in stealing and repeating which marked the reign of Tweed. Suppose that the republi- | cans who followed Mr. Greeley had begun a campaign to impeach Hoffman as illegally elected, as guilty of “high crimes and | misdemeanors” in signing the Tweed | charter, the Erie acts and the tax | levies, and to repudiate the bonds issued by Connolly. It would have been a shock to every conservative mind in the State. It would have been a revolution. All that officials, as fixed in the bill, will be reduced twenty-five per cent. would have been gained, even from the re- | publican point of view, would have been | ference. | sarily the extermination of political oppo- | | either Conkling or Morton ; Morton would eee em nothing compared with the disasters that would have followed. It would have been disintegration, the beginning of what we have seen in the republics of South America— the pronunciamento superseding the ballot. The people of New York, even republicans, saw that it was far better to bear the ills they had than fly to others they knew not of—the evils of repudiation and revolu- tion. So we say to our friends in the South, and more especially to those in Mississippi and | an abiding faith in the ability of Uncle Sam Louisiana, if it can be proved that Ames | and Kellogg are guilty of “high crimes and | misdemeanors,” let them be removed. But | be sure of the proof. Let it be something | more than passion. It is not enough that | Ames and Kellogg are ‘‘carpet baggers” and “scalawags;” that they have used their offices to help their party; that they are partisans; — that they have dealt harshly with political | enemies. Every act of the white men in the | South will be scrutinized by the grand inquest of the nation. We shall have ‘‘re- pudiation” and “revolution” ringing from every husting. Ames and Kellogg will be- come martyrs, The war feeling will be in- | yoked. There may be outbreaks that will | call from the President military inter- | The Southern States are good | for one hundred and twenty-seven elec- | toral votes, without which there will be no | election by the democrats of their President. | | It will only require an order from the War | | | especially when the clear and disinterested | Department to swing at least fifty of these votes—those of Arkansas, Louisiana, Missis- i sippi, Alabama and North Carolina—back again to the republican line. The policy in the South is peace. Avoid all revolutionary expedients. Let impeachment be a remedy for “high crimes and misdemeanors,” not a political expedient. Treat the negro as a political equal. Do not drive him into the | arms of thieves. Teach him that suffrage | means good government and low taxes. Do not accept every victory as meaning neces- nents. When Jubal Early defeated his Yankee adversaries, instead of pursuing his victory with order and discipline he took to plundering the camps. Before the sun went down he was a routed fugitive. Let the Southern democrats ponder well this example, remembering that victories like those for which they are preparing’ in Louisiana and Mississippi may bring in their train a defeat as terrible as that which sent the heedless Early ‘whirling down the val s Private Secretary Babcock Neither Resigns Nor is Dismissed. We regret to find that General Babcock resumed his duties yesterday at the Presi- dential Mansion as if nothing had hap- pened. He denies that he offered his resig- nation, asserts that he does not intend to offer it, and it is not expected that the Presi- dent will require it. We are sorry that | President Grant is not disposed to make this concession to the public sense of propriety. It would have been a suitable indication of regret for his intimate personal association with the leaders of .the Whiskey Ring. His former intimacy with those disgraced people should be alike deplored by himself and the country, and a President who wishes to keep his honor clear should have no hesitation in acknowledging his imprudence and want of penetration. He was more to blame than Babeock for having such cronies, be- cause the latter could not very well withhold his confidence from the President's friends. A dismissal of Bab- | cock would of course imply some self- condemnation, but it is incumbent on the President to make amends for having been | caught in criminal company. Such an acknowledgment would have been equiv- alent to withdrawing his third term pre- tensions, and would have been all the more welcome on that account, But it turns out that he concedes nothing and is determined to hold every inch of ground on which a battery could be planted against the third term. Be his chances what they may, he refuses to weaken them by any act of his own. He must count a great deal on the chapter { of accidents if he expects to recover what | has been lost since the indictment of | General Babcock. But he was born to luck, and fortune may not desert him. There is one obvious circumstance in his favor in the number and mutual jealousy of his compet- itors. Blaine would rather have Grant than | rather have Grant than either Blaine or Conk- ling ; Conkling in turn would rather have Grant than any member of the trio but him- ble that the strongest of them will be dis- posed of by a coalition of the others in favor | of General Grant. It has become evident that the President will not surrender a shred | of his pretensions so long as there is no con- centration of republican sentiment in favor of any rival. The V . We print elsewhere a trenchant letter from Hon. John Jay, formerly our Minister to Vienna, in reference to the scandals arising | out of the American Commission. Mr. Jay contends that the record was unfairly used, that persons guilty of dishonoring the goy- | ernment were protected, and those who sus- tained its honor were not supported. That the | truth may be known Mr. Jay contends that | the record in the State Department should be printed. bad from the beginning to the end, commenc- ing with the appointment by Mr. Fish of weak and indifferent people to represent the government, some of whom were knaves, Mr. Jay shows in his letter that the government practically gave currency to a story that he himself was interested in sewing machines, acharge that on its face is ludicrous, He complains that the appointment of General Van Buren to a high position is an in- dorsement of this calumny, and that the evidence submitted to the government was in no case clearly given to the world; that there were suppressions and evasions, and that for truth’s sake the whole trath should be known, We entirely agree with Mr. Jay that if any injustice has been done the truth should be known; and, The whole business in Vienna was | | days of steam navigation, and the country- | MacMahon has a difficult task before him, land, like a prudent general, he is about to | | nonneed until the as there seems no better way than to print the record, the government owes it to the Our Naval Weakness. When written without the aid of an offi- cial googequill and unstamped with the de- partmental seal how differently a report on the condition and efficiency of the vessels composing the United States Navy reads from thaf presented to the country by the jolly gentlemen who control our forces afloat! A great many of us are possessed of to hold the seas against the best navies of the world, But we fear that this confidence is wholly based on the rose-colored reports that annually issue from the government printing office at Washington, and which are carefully prepared for home and foreign reading. That European governments are not deceived is easily seen by a perusal of the documents which reach us from time to time as the fruits of-a scientific analysis of our naval strength by eminent foreign offi- cers. Indeed, were it not for these expo- sures of our weakness, even by those inter- ested in its increase, we would remain in | utter ignorance of the humiliating fact that | the United States is regarded by European | nations as only a fourth or a fifth rate naval Power. On another page we print a carefully pre- pared report of the actual condition of our navy, which will be read with great interest. It will, without doubt, rudely dispel the | ant sense of superiority and security | h we have hitgerto been enjoying, | statements of the writer are compared with 4 the muddled and mystifying mass of so- | called information furnished by the Navy Department reports. This article clearly | shows that the application of the | single test of speed to the measure- ment of the relative efficiency of Ameri- | can and foreign war ships develops the startling result that we do not possess one ship which can compete in speed with those of the English and French nayies ; that our vessels cannot even run away from the en- emy. The reputation for speed gained by the famous Yankee clipper ships is lost in the men of Fulton have scarcely a ship in their navy fast enough to capture a Chinese junk. This reflection becomes a very painful one when we remember that the exigencies of modern naval warfare ‘demand the highest development of steaming power in order to achieve success. The question of a coal sup- ply as much as that of armament will decide the superiority of fleets engaged in American waters. Unless our war ships can overtake and capture the voal supply fleets of the en- emy we are wholly at the mercy of European navies. The superior speed and armament of the foreign ships would quickly force ours into harbor, where they could only be useful in maintaining a passive defence of threatened ports, and our commerce would be swept from the ocean or forced to take protection under some neutral flag. It must be evident to any one possessing the least knowledge on the subject that the armor which protects our monitors and iron- clads, and which is almost entirely con- structed of laminated plates insecurely bolted together, cannot resist the enormous penetrating force of the projectiles thrown- from improved rifled guns. The power of resistance to penetration of the laminated armor is, under the most favorable circum- stances, far below that of the homogeneous armor plates which have been adopted for the protection of foreign war. ships. Con- sidering, then, the enemy’s ability to regulate his distance to suit the superiority of the range of his guns over ours, the American iron-clad or monitor becomes a mere tar- get, with no other alternative but to sink or surrender. These facts and the many others show how utterly un- prepared we are to engage in naval war- fare with any prospect of success. . Until a sweeping reform is inaugurated in the whole system of our naval administration, by which our navy can be rendered really efficient for war purposes, we had better re- frain from interfering in the affairs of our neighbors. Let Congress at once appoint a commission of inquiry into the condition of the navy, and particularly into the whole- sale corruptions of the repair system, It is far better that we should know by this means our real weakness, disgraceful though it may prove, than to discover it at the expense of | defeat and disaster by relying on a strength | which we do not possess. Tne Frexen Mrsisrenrat Crrsts.—Presi- ; dent MacMahon has not completed the work | of the reorganization of the French Cabinet. | M. Casimer-Perier refused the portfolio of | Minister of the Interior. He has found it , necessary to explain the reasons for his | action to his Assembly friends of the Left Centre. It appears as if there exists a large ousy among the more prominent statesmen | of the Republic, and that this operates to some extent to prevent their cordial co-opera- tion for the work of ministerial service. The shade of M. Buffet's policy continues to darken the prospects of the Paris Executive. | take time to consider the situation: The Cabinet changes necessary for the recon- struction of the Ministry will not be an- | th of March. | Tar Derr Lerre’ he Attorney Gen- eral is unfortunate in his efforts to explai his letter to the Western district attorneys. | | His answer to the resolution of the House — \ calling for an explanation, which will be | found in another column, was characterized | by Mr. Lord, the original mover of the res- | olution, as an admission substantially of all | that was clayned about the undertaking to interfere with the rule by which the testi- mony ofaccomplices is taken; and this is the impression it will create everywhere, The whole matter was finally referred to the Ju- diciary Committee, from which we may ex- pect in due time some additional light upon what still appears as a very peculiar trans- action. Wastrxe Warrn.—In making a demand for an increased water supply and better means of distribution in the lower part of the city we must not overlook the waste so generally practised by our people. A story used to be told of a family who went to Europe for a Continental trip, who found the many months of their absence. This is an extreme case, perhaps; but most families waste much more water than they use. Some means must be found to stop mere waste, for no supply will be adequate if there is not some supervision of the use of water in public and private buildings, and especially in manufacturing establishments. Mr, Wood's Report in Favor of the Hawalian Reciprocity Treaty. Mr. Fernando Wood, from the Committee of Ways and Means, has submitted to the Honse a report strongly indorsing the reci- procity treaty and recommending the neces- sary legislation for carrying it into effect. Besides providing for a free exchange of the productions of the two countries it contains | astipulation binding the Hawaiian King to make no similar treaty with any otiier Power, and engaging ‘that so long as this treaty remains in force he will not lease or otherwise dispose of or create any lien upon any port, harbor or other territory in his dominions, or | grant any special privilege or rights of use therein to any other Power, State or govern- ment.” We regard this as the most valuable part of the treaty and the controlling motive for making it. There are strong national rea- sons why we should object to any other nation getting a foothold in those islands or gaining control of any of their harbors. Great Britain covets them as a naval station for building up her power in the Pacific, and their possession would complete the chain of her naval stations between Australia and British Columbia. In case of war a few ships would annihilate our commerce in the Pacific Ocean, if they had such harbors as those of the Hawaiian Islands, open in winter and summer, where the prizes could be taken for condemnation without much loss of time, promptly releasing the cruisers to go in quest | of other prey. The commercial advantages of the treaty will be considerable, and they will have to be paid for in equivalents; but even if there should be a balance in favor of the islands in a merely commercial view it will be more than offset by the exclusion of other nations. Under the stimulating effect of the treaty the productions of the islands would be greatly increased and the United States would have a monopoly of their growing trade. There would be a large emigration from this coun- try to develop the resources of the islands, and they would become practically a colony of the United States, with such a preponder- ance of American sympathy and sentiment that ere long no treaty would be necessary for excluding other foreign influence. The treaty i§ to remain in force seven years, and either party may then terminate it by giving one year's notice to the other. There is no reason to doubt that the House will adopt the recommendation of Mr. Wood's report and pass the necessary bill. It is made the special order for Thursday. A Slippery Day. We said recently that we were not done with spring yet, and yesterday proved it. That treacherous and notorious season—why called so we do not know, for it is always out of season—made its reappearance to the general disgust of our inhabitants. ‘Thank Heaven !” many a citizen had exclaimed, “spring is‘over, and we may now look for- ward to the warm, mild winds of winter, faint with delicious scent of drowsy flowers.” These felicitations had hardly become gen- eral before spring, which had been concealed somewhere in the Arctic zone, returned and covered the city with ice. New York be- came a gigantic skating rink. The glaciers of Switzerland, the dykes of Holland are not more dangerous than was this glizade. Nothing could be more slippery than this rain, which begat hail, which begat sleet, which begat ice, which begat all manner of ills. The whole population began to conjugate the verb to slide. There was a grand metropol- itan chorus of ‘‘I slide, thou slidest, he slides, we slide, you slide, they slide ;” and the sud- den and abrupt illustrations of this verb fre- quently resulted in the conjugation of an- other—‘‘I sit, thou sittest, he sits, we sit, you sit, they sit ;" and this in turn evoked’ the general grammatical formula of “I damn, thou damnest, he damns, we damn, you | damn, they damn.” We believe they did, Moody and Sankey to the contrary notwith- standing. The streets seemed filled with in- numerable Mr. Winkles, all making energetic but unsuccessful endeavors to skate. But there were no Sammy Wellers near by for the Win- kles to hold on to, and had Mr. Pickwick been there he would have sternly pronounced them all impostors who could not skate at all. Yet he would have cheerfully admitted that | they could slide. How they slid was quite another matter. Here was a man following in- voluntarily an isothermal line from his door | step to the gutter, and here another, slowty, | amount of personal feeling and political jeal- | firmly but inevitably gliding toward a cer- tain point of contact with the first. The dif- ference between foreknowledge and fore- ordination had numerons examples in these foreseen but unpreventable collisions. And now and then the astounded traveller would meet some venerable and respected citizen like Peter Cooper, who never was known to | have skated in his life, coming slowly down | the street, with his legs apart like the Colos- sus of Rhodes, with the wind in his back and anguish in his eye, sailing like a rudderless ship in momentary danger of wreck. Appa- ritions of this kind were carefully avoided | by the wise, for they had frantic impulses to embrace everything they met, from a perfect stranger to a heartless awning post. Strange encounters might have been seen by the casual observer, of whom we have read so much. Married men embraced their mothers- } Jaw, and the unnatural spectacle was wit- | nessed of debtors clinging to their creditors | in- and refusing to let them go. Altogether, yesterday was the most remarkable day for | sliding that New York has known for years, and it is strong corroboration of our theory that the seasons are all in a conspiracy against the happiness of mankind, that the malignant return of spring should have been accompanied by a universal fall. Tur Suez Caxat Puncuase continues.to be a troublesome parliamentary subject for Mr. Disraeli. mated, by a question pnt to the government yesterday, that Sir Nathaniel Rothschild, « member of the House of Commons, had a financial interest in the contract. The cause of truth to give it to the world without | upon their return that the water had been learned gentleman referred to explained that delay. constantly running in their house during he is not a member of the banking house of An Irish home ruler inti- | Rothschild—an interesting fact which at once cut away the ground of the Hibernian querist and sustained the privilege of the Rothschild. The Horse Cars. Mr. Butler, of the Sixth Avenue Railroad, adds himself to the number of those who testify that the street car system is a failure. He produces figures to show that if thes¢ cars carry their passengers properly they will become bankrupt without exception ; that unless they have the privilege to treat passengers as third class freight—jam them in and pile them up and add a few more at every corner—they cannot escape the Sher- iff’s officer. All this is based, as we have said over and over again, on false figures. Nobody cares to argue with these men as to | whether their lines can be operated prop- erly and pay dividends and interest on a presumed capital four or five times greater than the cost of the lines. It is evident, however, that run as they are they can pay dividends on an excessive valuation. Now, if any oné of these lines had cost half as | much as its declared value it would have twice as many cars ‘and horses as it now possesses, and the interest on the other part of its fictitious valuation would be enough to pay the supplementary drivers and conductors. It would have then all its actual present earnings to use just as it uses them. Itis evident, therefore, that the ob- stacle to reform is not the nature of the case, but the obligation that the companies are under of paying interest and dividends on | millions of merely nominal capital. From that obligation, therefore, they should be re- lieved, out of regard to the interests of the public. Some owner of bond fide bonds or | shares should take legal steps to restrain the companies from paying on shares or bonds issued without consideration. i | | Wonk or raz Wuskey Rixc.—The poli ticians of a certain sort who, with their allies of the Whiskey Ring, have been balked i: their effort to bring about the ramen Secretary Bristow by the overwhelming power of public sentiment as represented through the press of the country, have now ; turned their attention to District Attorney Dyer, hoping to demoralize the whiskey prosecutions in Chicago, Milwaukee and else- where by the suppression of this acute and faithful officer. Their success in this effort would have quite as disastrous an effect upon President Grant and the republican party as would the removal of the Secretary of the Treasury ; and it is to be hoped, in the in- terest of both and the country at large, that their representations will meet with no coun- tenance or encopragement at the White House. Tae War rm Spary.—The Carlist war, which has agitated Spain and injured her national existence for such a lengthy period, has now ended. Don Carlos has parted from his more immediate personal followers and sought refuge on the soil of France. He entered the territory of the Republic yester- day. This is Alfonso’s grand opportunity. The question remains, Can he improve it so as to make it useful to the Spanish nation and himself? His friends and supporters have assured the world in the’ affirmative. It looks bad, however, to find that in the very first moment of triumph Marfori, the ill-starred favorite of Isabella, should have,” been set free and that the question of the ex-Queen’s return should have been sub- mitted as an agitating puzzle to an over- worked and somewhat nervous Ministry in Madrid. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Babcock has blue eyes. Rumor—That Governor Tilden is engaged. General Phil Sheridan has a little daughter. Bristow was colonel of a Kentucky regiment, Soda water is not made of soda, but of marble dust. ‘There is only one German in Congress and he is from Texas. & Go West. In the Black Hills cheese is a dollar for jnst a little mite, The Kentucky Legislature is first for Hendricks and then for Old Bill Allen. Tilton ism Canada; but the weather ts so cold thaf he has to hang up bis pictures in an Ulster overcoat. The Chicago Times erroneously says that the Dan bury News map 1s dead, and Mrs, Scott-Siddons wishes he had been. A fashion critic says that ladies in mourning should not wear feather, Their husbands probably weas feathers on the other side. “Grocer.’’—Thore is no real way of tosting the purity of maple sugar. You had better consult some promi- nent furniture dealer. Near Boston the spring weather is so far advanced | thatthe cherry buds and rum blossoms have come with the faithfal rovin. An Iowa house of worship is called “the tear-down church.” There 1s one over in Brooklyn that, by a little double shuffle of speech, might be called the | break-down church. Those who read Washington’s ‘Farewell Address” will see that he dectined a third term and thanked the people who wanted him to have another, on the ground that he guessed he'd go to farming. Colonel Jim Flood, the king of the Bonanza mines, writes to a friend that the question of areturn to specie payments ought to be settied during tho present session of Congress. Colonel Flood is a democrat. So demoralizing bas been the effect of civilization upon the Sandwich Islands that the 400,000 population have dwindled to 50,000; and on some of the islands the proportion of men to women is as seven to one, “Perdita."’—It is impossible to determine from his- torical evidence whether or not George Washington cut down the cherry tree, but you may rest assured that if George did not Hie the man who got up the story did, The Washington correspondent of tho Virginis Chronicle says that the family of ex-Senator Nye are in absolute destitution, and that the ex-Senator is io | the Fiatbush Asylum in a state of hopeless imbe- cility. A writer from Cairo, Egypt, says:—‘‘Nothing in the | world can surpass a sunset seen from the citade', when the sun ts sinking on the Libyan Desert through a sea of golden waves behind the Sphinx and the pyramids of Ghizeb.”” Bulow says of the German press in America, that “4¢ is simply wretched; low in tone, ignorant im admin- istration and without even enterprise enough to get honestly what little they do print. They steal their correspondence, news, everything, The German prese | in America is a pitiable affair.’ A Canadian coachman drove a carriage over are porter of the Montreal Gazette the other day and nearly killed him, bat did not wait to render assistance, When asked why he drove away trom the wonnded man he declared he had carried tim too often for noth: ing already, but would have given him another ehanee, | if it was to be the last, Murat Halstead sends the following:— Here are two efforts to get even with Roscoe Conk+ ling, which are coin the New York Her. THE FOX AND THK GRAPES A yine o'er the wails of the White House doth clamber, Whose pendutons clusters slo thiekly thereon cling, How tempti look from the Senate's low chamber, But they'll ever be sour to Sir Reynardie Con-kling, AN UNSUCCERSFUL CASARIAN OPERATION. Dark reminiscence of the primal Giesae 4 Must eer about the Kabicon cling; And modern Cmws— fiddie-de-dee. ‘That stall can's “boom” suabinions .