The New York Herald Newspaper, February 23, 1876, Page 4

a : NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, FHBKUARY 23, 1876.-WITH SUPPLEMENT, NEW YORK HERALD feet ONES BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. i All business, news letters or telegra| hie despatches must be addressed New Xone Haraxp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. ! Rejected communications will not be re turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112 SOUTH SIXTH STREET. IN OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK ees FLEET STREET, @ HERALD—NO. 46 PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L’OPERA, Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. —————— THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Saturday, at Five Cryts per copy. Annual subscription price One Copy.. Two Copies, Four Copies... Sent free of postage. Any larger number addressed to names of subscribers $1 25 each. An extra copy will be sent to every club of ten or more. Tux Evrorray Eniriox, every Wednesday, at Six Cysts per copy, $4 perannum to any part of Europe, VOLUME XI AMUSEMENTS THIS APTERNOON AND BVENUNG, THEATRE DOMIQUE. VARIETY, at8 P.M. Mati YM. TWENTY-THIR) CALIFORNIA MINSTRE WOOL SHARKEY, atSP.M. M THIRD AY VARIETY, ats. M RE, w SHE STOOPS TO Inek. M. Lucille Western. TEATRE. Matinee at2P.M. BRASS, at8 P.M. Gi NATIONA EXHIBITION OF WA! BOW a 81 SLOCUM, at 8 P.M. yne. PARISIAN VARIETIES, VARIETY, at SP. M. From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be colder and clear. ‘Tue Henarp sy Fast Mat Trars.— News- dealers and the public throughout the country will be sip with the Darty, Werxiy and Sunpay Herarp, free of postage, by sending their orders direct to this office. Yzstrerpay proved to be the most impor- tant day in the political calendar of the year. AvsTRALIA AND New ZEALAND are now con- nected by cable. Soon as many wires will overlap each other in the sea as now cross bne another upon the land. A Greenpack Convention was held at New Haven yesterday. hen even New England takes part in the inflation heresy it is easy to foresee that our financial future is beset by grave dangers. Destructive Froops are reported from Upper Austria and Moravia. We trust, how- ever, that this is not the beginning of a visitation similar to the floods in France, England and parts of this country. last year. Jupex Porten's Ancument in the Babcock case yesterday was mainly devoted to as- saults upon the press and laudation of the | President. ‘The speech is‘a striking one and | was evidently made for the country even more than the jury. In Spars the royalist successes continue and the Carlist cause must be regarded as hopelessly lost. Like all the Carlist strug- gles which preceded it it was useless from the beginning, and the sooner it is brought to an end the better. been hanging over since last November, was tun yesterday, Foster winning in two straight heats. all the others were distanced. There is some comfort in knowing that this long deferred race is over at last. Tar Democratic Nationat Convention is to meet in St. Louis on the 27th of June. All the arguments in favor of the Centennial City and the Fourth of July were unavailing yith the committee, and we presume the party goes West for a quiet time and a care- fal calculation of chances. Tae Excusa Hovse.or Commons is busy with practical questions. New extradition treaties are to be made with all the leading Powers, the Newfoundland fisheries ques- tion is in a fair way of settlement, and a mo- tion has been made to prevent the carrying out of the Admiralty circular in regard to fugitive slaves. Tar Rervpiicans of this State go to work early in proparing for the eitsuing Presiden- tial campaign. Yesterday the State Commit- tee agreed to call the convention to elect delegates to the National Republican Con- vention to meet at Syracuse on the 22d of March. This looks as if the nomination of Senator Conkling was to be vigorously pressed, the early date for the selection of Felegates being chosen so that his friends may have official recognition before the dele- gations from other States are made up, Rutherfurd was second, and | | The Republic in France. | Nearly every part of France adds its con- | tribution to the good result secured by the | elections of Sunday last. Even Brittany— ; not more remote from the highways of the | world physically than it has been thought | inaccessible intellectually and morally to | | modern thought—sends republicans. what hidden channels or secrét sympathies a whole people in any department discovers how the people in all the other departments | are going that they may go the same way them- selves no philosopher has yet told us, and it cannot therefore be put down for the bene- fit of office-hunters ; but these communica- tions by secret channels have evidently been active in France of late, for the agreement was n&t clearer or greater that once gave seven million votes to a plébiscile. But now that the doubt as to the result is over that doubt seems in France .to give place to another as to the possible consequences of | the result as it is. In this doubt the gloomy shade seems to prevail ; and while monarch- | ists and Bonapartists revile the republican | ship of state asa craft ‘built in the eclipse and rigged with curses dark,” even those | who hurrah at the launch seem to regard the possibilities of her voyage with more hope than confidence, Perhaps the apprehension that the pos- | session of power by a republican party will | lead to acts of folly, if not to acts that could only be justly described by a severer word, is natural enough, because all the ex- perience of so-called republican domination in France exhibits as a common result that it leads in dangerous directions. Every suc- cess that seemed to further republican ideals | has led to calamity; every scheme conceived to procure the domination of popular elements, or contrived to guarantee what was called the popular cause, has handed the nation over to some conspiracy or put it under the foot of some conqueror ; has made either war or insurrection, which have equally swept the country as with a deluge of fire. And with an experience of that sort, with a recog- nition in those vague delusions called gen- eral ideas that the Republic has always been the source of calamity, people cannot see why it should be otherwise now, and believe, in view of the result of Sun- day’s election, that they have substan- tial grounds for the faith that ruin looms in the near future. But the fact that the croakers are so clamorous ; the fact that all the elements of opposition hold up a tableau of the national history as the pic- ture of what is to come; the fact that great sections of the population are ready to re- gard the Napoleonic legend as a serpent’s slough and to give Chambord’s white banner to the ragpickers of _his- tory, yet proceed very faint heartedly in an inevitable advance toward the party of the nation—these facts alone might reassure the country, under that rule of contraries so pertinently applicable, that in France it is only that which is foreseen that never hap- pens. It threatens to be in France, under that or some other rule, precisely the same with parties as it has been with some promi- nent individuals as to disappointments and surprises. Here is M. Buffet—a distinguished republican in all the days when the name | was a discredit and reproach—who goes over | to the enemy only an hour, as it were, be- | fore the day of republican glory dawns on the country; and there is the ferocious Naquet, who believes that Marseilles will re- | turn him with an overwhelming vote, and that there are a hundred thousand heads waiting for the guillotine that he will put in operation. As these have been disappointed, the whole country may equally be disap- pointed by the discovery of a republican party not to be seduced by conspiracies—not to be driven from its course by any fury of passion—calm, strong, successful; knowing exactly what it means, and meaning always the welfare of the nation and the happiness of the people; the utmost of each that is consistent with the other. ‘ But there are more substantial reasons than any founded upon an epigram for the | opinion that the Republic as now organized | and in the hands of the party that has just | carried the country will not repeat the crimes and blunders consecrated in the chronicles as the crimes and blunders of the Republic in France; and the best of these | reasons is that the comparison of republics that is behind this assumption is not merely unjust but absurd. They who compare the so-called Republic framed on ‘‘the princi- ples of '89,” or the Republic of '48, with the Republic that actually exists in France, com- | pare very dissimilar facts that in the liberal | classifications of history are jumbled to- gether under the same name; and they who hold that because three governments are classified under the same name, therefore the third must necessarily follow in the course taken by the other two, give them- selves up to delusion. All that happened in 1789 and the succeeding years was a sort of | paroxysm of national frenzy ; not the regular action and reaction of political forces, but | the occurrence in the life of a nation of such an event as in an individual woul be called | an access of maniac fury. Crushed under the accumulated iniquities of ten centuries, ‘and excited by the declamation of rhap- sodists, who were called politicians, the people of France came to believe that | the world was made up of humanity | on the one hand and of government and political institutions on the other; and in this frame of mind they discovered one day | that the nation was in their hands—that they | were actually the supreme sovereign power. It is not altogether strange that they acted with popular energy on such convictions as they happened to have, and that they paid to institutions the long score of their crimes against humanity. It is as little to be won- dered at that the extremest thought was always the master thought of any occasion, or that the whole ended in general butchery, | and finally putthe nation under the strait- jacket system of a military tyranny. Re- straint is the universal consequence of de- I bauchery ; but to call that great piece of | national debauchery ‘‘the career of a repub- lic” is a device mainly used to discredit the name of republic. In 1848 the conceptions of what constitutes a republic erred in an- other direction, but they were scarcely less It was thought then that the Republic meant the government of wild than those of ‘89. | not know that they.were combined of meta- physicians and lunatics. They believed in the Republic by divine right. They con- ceived that the nation was made up of the workingmen ; not all the workingmen, but only the mechanics of Paris. If a man worked with a plough in Normandy he was | By | beast of the field. If he was in any occu- pation that did not require him to wear a blouse he was an aristocrat. Ifhe worked with tools in any workshop of Paris he wasa citizen and a drop of the life blood of the nation. It did not take many months to demonstrate that a system based on the assumption that @ part was greater than the whole was merely a conspiracy, and the natien was not disconsolate when it saw that conspiracy of drivellers put aside by the more resolute conspiracy of Louis Napoleon, which, though it became a conspiracy of thieves be- fore it ended, looked like a conspiracy of soldiers when it began. But the Republic, as it now exists in France, is founded for the first time upon the conception of republican government as | @ principle and as the only valid ground of practical politics—a respect for the rights of all, however different, and the recognition that that alone shall be the law upon which the greater numbers may agree. In this Republic a man may declare for Henry V. if he chooses; and formerly he would have gone,to the guillotine forsuch an act. Itis not conceived in France that to have a re- public society must be overturned and ‘‘the bottom rail be put on top,” or that the elements which socially govern all societies must be silenced and put aside and the government given over to men distinguished from others only by their low origin, con- ceit and ignorance, In these points may be seen the improvement upon 1789 and 1848. This is not the Republic of a handful of theorists nor the result of an émeute. In 1871 it might have been said that the Republic was the result of an émeute, and was said by the harsh Prussian Premier; but the body then chosen to repre- sent the country was as valid a representa- tion of awhole people as was ever seen in the history of nations. Through four years it was engaged openly in the view of the people in the endeavor to organize the forces ofthe nation on some accepted theory—mon- archy, empire and republic respectively strove for the mastery—and it was proved that inthe councils of a properly representative body of the nation the Republic was strongest; that fact has convinced the nation of the appropriateness of this form to its present social condition, and the consent of the na- tion is behind the principle and behind all the machinery that has been organized to give effect to the principle. This is equally different from the government of dreamers that set loose the fierce instincts of the mob in ’93 and from the intolerance which in ‘48 held that no one was to be counted in the State who did not hurrah for the Repub- lie; equally remote from the ferocity of one and the false ideal of the other. This gov- ernment of the nation, inspired and in- fluenced by the spirit of the whole people, will apply the average moderation and wis- dom of the nation to practical concerns, and will not, by the pretence to act on standards of humanity and intelligence far above those of the French nation or any other nation, fall into the terrible errors of other times. It will prove, we believe, an enduring success, and the influence of its example on Europe will be very great. Washington's Birthday. It is a sign of the determined patriotism of the American people that Washington's Birthday was celebrated yesterday with so much fervor allover the country. In this city business was generally suspended, there were the usual parades and festivities, and the streets presented an animated and brill- iant appearance. One of the most interest- ing events of the occasion was the reunion of the veterans of 1812, most of whom are well up in the eighties. These men, soldiers in their time, are the: con- necting links with the Revolutionary strug- gle, and some of them in their childhood may even have seen the father of American liberty, in whose honor the day was observed. At Richmond there was a novel celebra- tion, consisting of a vice-regal court ball of the time of Lord Botetourt. But in Philadelphia, which occupies a sort of centennial pre-eminence, the day was even more generally celebrated than in New York and other cities. The streets were gay with flags, and the multitudes which went and came gave the city the sappear- ance of a great bazaar in which military parades, decorations and illuminations were an important part of the pageantry. It may be a very trite reflection, but it is one worthy | to be recalled that the Republic which Wash- ington did so much to found will always be safe while the memory of the Father of his Country is held in such grateful reverence as the celebrations of the centennial year show it to hold in the hearts of his country- men, Tur Inprana Puatrons adopted by the Re- publican State Convention at Indianapolis yesterday is, it is true, a bundle of plati- tudes; but these are not without their inter- est, especially as regards the vital issues of the day. It is plain that in spite of all their | declarations in favor of universal amnesty the republicans of Indiana will make war upon “unrepentant rebels” as long as it is to their political interest to find them. On the school question, too, there is an unnecessary declaration, intended solely for political effect. But the resolution on the currency question is the most re- markable of all, It is impossible to deter- mine whether these Indiana republicans are in favor of inflation or opposed to it, Their declaration is only a turgid succession of platitudes extolling the glories of green- backs. It is plain enough that they do not want resumption, and it is equally plain that they dare not say what they do want. Tur Prestpency.—The Indiana Republi- can Convention yesterday declared in favor of Mr. Morton for the Presidency, and the republicans of Wisconsin determined to sup- port Mr. Blaine. With New York early in the field in favor of Conkling the contest promises to be exceedingly lively, and a a group of Woctrinaires who called them- | compromise candidate is one of the possibili- | selyes republicans because perhaps they did | ties of the Cincinnati Convention. | day celebrated in this country. Why is . Washington in New York. All the flags in the city were flying yester- day and half the people were in Broadway waiting for the military parade in honor of | George I. George IIL never has his birth- this? Let us not write again the histories of England and America; it is enough that of the two Georges who fell out at the close of | the last century America much preferred George L.—George the first in peace, George the first in war, and George the first in the hearts of his countrymen. We suppose that many people remembered that Washington, about eighty-seven years ago, had his ‘home in New York, and the house where he lived still stands and is used asahotel. The stairs which that great and good man ascended any man may ascend still, and may be incontinently kicked down those immortal stairs if he does not pay his bill to the landlord. At that period Washington was in no danger of such an experience, for he not only always paid his bills, but was President to boot. His diary, which we have been reading with deep interest, is full of reminiscences of this time. Washington evidently took a great delight in the Bat- tery. Thus we read under the date of Sat- urday, November 14, 1789, the following entry :—“‘At home ‘all day, except taking a walk round the Battery in the afternoon.” On the 18th he “took a walk in the fore- noon,” doubtless on the Battery, and on the 30th he ‘‘went to the play in the evening,” but where or what he saw the deponent did not say. On December 7 his diary has this brief record :—‘‘Walked round the Battery in the afternoon.” On December 9 he simply observes, ‘Walked round the Battery.” On the 14th of the sawe month we learn that he “walked round ibe Battery in the after- noon.” On January 4, after a long interval of bad weather, we are again informed that he ‘walked round the Battery in the after- noon.” On January 6 he reverses the form of this expression by saying, ‘In the after- noon walked round the Battery.” On the 9th he says again that, ‘In the afternoon walked round the Battery.” It is not strange that on January 18 he should record in his diary that he is ‘Still indisposed with an aching tooth and swelled and inflamed gum.” But we find that on the 30th he ‘‘walked round the Battery in the afternoon.” It is plain that George took a deep interest in the Battery, and it is not strange, for it is a beautiful place, with a superb view. Perhaps, also, it was a habit of his, formed during the war of walking over English batteries. But, though he asserts that he oftem went on the Battery, his diary contains no admission that he ever went ona batter. Herein his immortal ex- ample is not imitated by the modern patriots of New York. We fear that in the céle- bration in his honor yesterday his favorite walk was followed in general only so far as the first two syllables. We hope, however, that the quotations we have made from his diary will have the effect of making the Bat- tery more fashionable than it is. We cannot do better than to follow the footsteps of the Father of his Country. Our Water Supply. The question of the water supply for the metropolis is one of the gravest importance, and it is beginning to attract the attention of the public, as well as the consideration of the Department of Public Works. We pub- lished yesterday the report of Mr. Thomas A. Emmet, to the Chief Engineer, of the sur- veys and estimates fora new Croton aque- duct. Two routes are proposed in this report, the estimated cost of each being in the neighborhood of ten million dollars. | Nothing is more necessary to this city than a work of this kind, and Mr. Emmet’s esti- mates afford an intelligent basis for consid- ering not only the cost but the necessity of the aqueduct. Buta full supply of water in the reservoirs is not all that is needed. It is even more necessary that the means of water distribution in the metropolis, and especially in the lower part of the city, should be increased than that the supply itself | should be augmented. Itis plain that with our present system of mains and pipes the means of supplying every part of the city with water are inadequate to the demand. Especially is this true in some such emer- gency as a great fire or an increased demand for manufacturing purposes. Even now | there is great scarcity in all that part of the | city known as downtown. This necessity | must be met by new mains and, indeed, by | a new system. ‘The first step toward the’ realization of such a system is a survey and | report similar to that of Mr. Emmet on the | proposed aqueducts. Our people ought to know just what is needed and what this | necessary work willcost. We trust the De- | partment of Public Works will at once set | about preparing this report from actual sur- veys. An intelligent basis being thus | afforded it will be comparatively easy to | secure the accomplishment of a work the | necessity of which is recognized by’all our | citizens. Dublin University Oarsmen. Captain Leslie, of the Dublin University Boat Club, as mentioned in our Dublin letter on Monday, said to our correspondent that ‘“‘the suggestions in the Hxraxp of the 19th ult., if acted on, would goa long way to facilitate the project” of having his “crew | row here ; and we are glad to add that these | very suggestions are now about certain to be acted on. The difficulties have all along | been three—the expense, the early date at which they were asked to row (July 20), and | the style of boats (sixes). By deferring the | race a month, so that they can get well | through with their home engagements and | have abundant time on this side, and by | The Way To Be Smoothed for a changing the race to fours, they are entirely ij suited, and we have it from excellent | changes are | authority that both these likely to be promptly and gladly made; also that preparations are making to have all their legitimate expenses met from the moment of their landing in this country until they leave it. Instead of the Dublin University Boat and Rowing | clubs sending each a crew it is the desire of | our students to meet the best team that can be made up from the two clubs—in other words, from the entire university. Captain Leslie's plan of having not a crew from the university simply, but from all Ireland, is_ able wishes of that section. an admirable one, and not a day ougnt vo ve lost in taking it vigorously up. But it would be presumptuous of our students and quite out of their province to send the chal- lenge in that case. That should come, not from any institution ‘or cluster of institutions, but from the nation. As the riflemen of America have ex- tended o hearty greeting to the chosen shots of Ireland, so the amateuP oarsmen of the nation should see to it that the best rowers in Ireland have an equally hearty welcome, and start beside them on the Schuylkill, And so they have already done; for the invitation of the Centennial Com- mittee, forwarded through the British Com- mission, and just now arriving out, is meant to include the very flower of the oars- men of the United Kingdom. If it cramps them by limiting them to members of indi- vidual clubs instead of a national team it yet cannot have been meant to do so, or, if it does, it ought to be amended at once. The Irish way of treating our riflemen is al- together too gréen in our minds to permit our recent generous hosts to have any con-. eern about the sort of time they will have in our country, and the whole plan is to in- vite, not simply the best men of some corner of any land, but, as all other productions, those of the whole land. The Hawaiian Reciprocity Treaty. The reciprocity treaty with the King of the Sandwich Islands, providing for the free ad- mission of certain products of each country into the ports of the other, requires an act of Congress to carry it into effect, inasmuch as it would modify the revenue laws. The ques- tion of giving it the necessary legislative sanction has been considered by a sub-com- mittee of Ways and Means, and it is under- stood that they will report in favor of the treaty. On purely revenue grounds we in- cline to agree with Mr, David A. Wells, that the treaty is of doubtful utility ; but, as we understand the question, its effect on the revenue is a subordinate consideration. In that view it is of small consequence which way it is decided; but it has larger and more controlling aspects. The real state of the question may be illustrated by a comparison with Cuba. There has been no time within the last fifty years when the United States would not have gone to wat to prevent the acquisition of Cuba by any other European Power than Spain. We havea similar though not quite so strong a motive for resisting the transfer of the Hawaiian Islands to any European goy- ernment. In point of fact they are the one ac- quisition which Great Britain wishes to make for strengthening her interests in the Pacific Ocean. If she had possession of the Ha- waiian harbors as naval and coaling stations she could do us great mischief in the event of war. She would then have an unbroken line of naval stations from Australia to British Columbia, and the Sandwich Islands. would be her chief base of operations against our States on the Pacific. It would be an inexcusable neglect of great national interests to allow England to gain a foothold in the Hawaiian Islands, and we can easily prevent it by cementing ties which already exist and attaching their inhabitants by making their prosperity de- pend on our favor and friendship. By grant- ing them commercial advantages we can secure their market for our own productions, and, what is altogether more important, we can forestall the efforts of England to make those islands the ultimate centre of her naval power in the Pacific Ocean. It ison this broad ground, and not asa question of trade, that the reciprocity treaty is not merely defensible but a measure of national importance. Admiral Porter and General Schofield, who is now serving on the Pacific coast, have expressed themselves very strongly in favor of the treaty as tend- ing to exclude Great Britain from strategic advantages which might operate to our injury. The strong majority by which the Senate ratified the treaty shows how fully this order of considerations was appreciated, and Mr. Fernando Wood, who is chairman of the sub-committee to which the treaty was referred, recognizes the full force of the reasons for giving effect to the treaty. It is to be hoped that the comparatively petty question of revenue will not thwart a measure of so much national impor- tance. The fact that our Pacific States strongly favor the treaty should have some weight, since we have so many motives for strengthening their attachment to the Union. The great barrier of the Rocky Mountains would make it comparatively easy for them to assert their independence with the assistance of a foreign Power, and the same motives which have caused the government to refrain from enforcing the Legal Tender law on the Pacific coast should cause us to be very indulgent tu the reason- The reciprocity treaty will give them cheaper sugar, enlarge the market for their productions and stimu- late their trade without any perceptible effect on the prosperity of the sugar plant- ers of Louisiana or any serious diminution of the public revenue. We hope, therefore, that the necessary legislation for carrying the treaty into effect may be adopted by Congress without opposition, The Centennial Canvass, The Henatp proposition that the republi- cans should nominate Charles Francis Adams for President and John Jay for Vice President, and that the democrats should nominate John Quincy Adams or ‘Johnny Q.” (as he is called and as his grandfather was called before him), with Fitzhugh Lee or Wade Hampton for the same offices, and that both “Hail Columbia,” does not meet with that enthusiasm which we had anticipated. Per- haps our meaning was not clear. Charles Francis Adams is the grendson of the illus- trious Adams and John Jay is the grandson of the illustrious Jay, two of the noblest characters of the Revolutionary time. Their descendants, the gentlemen we nominate, are worthy of their ancestors, They are men of experience, culture, high breeding and un- spotted reputations, ‘They are also republi- cans—Mr, Jay decidedly black, Mr. Adams & gray mouse color or ashes of roses, “Johnny Q.” is the grandson of the second Adams ; has been democratic candidate for Governor in Massachusetts and Senftor. He ly a brick-red democrat. He is now in the rime of life and well fitted for President, Lee and Hampton are descendants of two gallant and noble spirits who flourished in the Revolution. There are no prouder names in the South. ‘True, they were rebels during the war, but as we are to celebrate the greatest rebellion in history thid very year we need not worry over that fact. Or how would it.do to ran Seymour on the democratic side, Roscoe Conkling on the re- publican, and Fred Conkling, the warrior statesman, between, as a liberal? They are connected in close family ties. Or how would a Washburne ticket do, with E. B. from Illinois as President and some one of the seven or eight brothers as Vice Presi- dent? The advantage of a canvass like this would be the absence of acerbity. It would bea harmonious struggle. Charles Francis would not abuse his son and Johnny Q. would pro- tect his father. ‘The Conklings would pul} together like friends and brothers-in-law and the Washburnes would do the same. Give us something new in the centennial year, We are tired of the old paths. The Republyan Leader. An Albany journal—the Times, we think— hastens to deprive the Hon. Hugh Hastings of the honor accorded to himin the Heraxp the other day in an extract from the diary ofJohn Quincy Adams. This extract was as follows. (Vol. 9, page 120, under date of April 3, 1834):—“Morning visit from Hiland Hall, of Vermont, with Mr. Hastings, of Albany, N. Y., one of the dele gation from the memorialists of that place. Mr. Hastings told me that he was at the President's last Saturday, with Job Pier- son, of New York, and that the President asked him when the House would take up the question of the deposits.” The “President” here referred to is Andrew Jackson. ‘The Hrratp quoted this to show that Mr Hastings still retains his prominence as 1 leader ; that he is the friend of Grant, as hi was the friend of Adams and Jackson ; tha for the better part of a half century he wa high in the councils of the nation. Thesi periods of’ long political activity are noi unusual in this country. Horace Binney, who died a few months ago, was the friend of Jefferson. George Ticknor, who died only yesterday, as it were, was the guest of Madison, while Judge Elbert Herring, who passed away only on Saturday, was the friend of Hamilton and Burr. It is, there- fore, not surprising that Mr. Hastings should have been in consultation with Jackson and Adams at a period so comparatively recent as 1834, The evidence of the diary is so@ conclusive that we marvel at the obtuse- ness of the Albany Times. It only shows how far partisan malice will go. Ler Tuem Resiex.—Some of the states. men who serve the city complain because Comptroller Green miakes them swear they do their work before they draw their pay. This is a hardship. Con- sidering that most of these statesmen would now be digging up on the Fourth avenue improvement if they had not suc- ceeded in securing fat berths elsewhere, and that most of them, if turned out on the world to earn their living, would find it hard to do so, it does seem to bea hardship that the Comptroller should make them take an oath before they take their money. ‘Bui there is no reason why we should have any trouble. If these statesmen don’t want te swear let them resign, That will save trouble. We offer to find men withix twénty-four hours abundantly competent t¢ do the work and to swear oncea day that they earn their wages if the law so directs. Rather than submit to Green’s tyranny le the statesmen resign. That will show man hood and independence and self-respect. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, 2 Garibaldi believes in cremation. Silver still gluts the San Francisco market, Seven thousand of Moody and Sankey’s Glasgow con verts have not backslidden. The New Haven Register believes that the only rhyme for Conkling 1s Yonkers, Baron Blane, Italian Minister at Washington, yester- day arrived at the Albemarle Hotel. Balzac ruined his health by drinking great quantities of black coffee in order to keep himself awako, Dr. Cutter says that steaming should take the place of boiling in cooking, in order to preserve the salts in food. Never before in the history of the country were women lobbyists at Washington so poworful as they are now. Car loads of salmon ara every day shipped East from Calitornia, The California salmon is coarser than that of Maine. ‘The opinion is gaining prevalency that Westervelt, convicted under the Charley Ross excitement, is Inno- cent of the crime. Awoman critic says that men may love for mere critical beauty, but that women base their love upon esteem for character, Sir Alexander T. Galt, of the International Fisheries Commission arrived in the city yesterday from Montreal, and is at'the Windsor Hotel. “Science,” says Dr. Holmes, “is a good piece of fur- niture fora man to have in an upper chamber, pro- vided he has common senge on the ground floor.”” Mr. Oscar G. Sawyer has just beep commissioned by the Navy Department as Secretary to Commodore Clitz. He will at once proceed to his ship at Port Royal. Tho daughters of Sir Edward Thorn@n, the English Ministor at Washington, wear thick-soled shoes, plain unpuned-back drosses and heavy old-fashioned cloaks. And they are pictures of health. Dr. Salisbury says that men are two-thirds animal and one-third vegetable in constitution. Yet our food is the other way; we cat about seven-eighths of vegetable food and one-eighth animal, a" ‘The hadit of opium smoking in the Chinese dens at Virginia City is becoming 80 common among the white people that mapy of the older pupils m the | public schools are begiuning to frequent these | places, and a loud call ts tnade to have them closed by law. Mr. Spurgeon, being a sensiblo parent, lot his twin | sons freely choose their callings, One became aclert parties should flock to the polls singing | andthe other an engineer's apprentice; but, after all, these chips of the old block are now engaged in minis teriai work. It 18 said that Charles Spurgeon, Jr., “gives promise of becoming a powerful preacher " Captain Moreno is on his way from San Franciscofto Washington in the interests of the porsons wno wish | to lay a Pacrfic cable from San Diego to Canton, An argument in favor of laying the cable is that the amount paid for messages yearly from the United States to China and Jupan is more than seven per cont of the cost of a cable from San Diezo to China, and yet this enterprise has been killed in one Congress and failed in one or two others. The girls who stud? at Michigan University rival the boys in their learning. Neither good order not the sebolarship of the university has suffered any harm from the presence of ladies in its class rooms, while the physical disasters to the women themselves, which an eminent medical authority has of late clearly demonstrated to be the penal conse yuences of feminine | toil at the dry and arduous tasks of university study,« have thus far strangely failed to make their appear ance in that neiguborhood,