The New York Herald Newspaper, January 29, 1876, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. | JAMES GORDON BENNETT, | PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. rd All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yor« Henan. Letters and packages should be properly | sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. ——— PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 114SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET, PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUAKY ¥9, 1876.-WITH SUPPLEMENT loss ; at the same time that it would, in an | Ex-Senator Cowan's ¢heme for Re apart a portion of its owitterritory and de- The Cuban Conundrum. The publication of the Spanish correspon- entirely peaceable and proper way, discour- dence does not, after all, bring us much | 8° the slaveholders, Spanish and American, | nearer to the solution of the Cuban conun- who now use the power of Spain to prolong drum, The country is still asking why, if , contest in which they are the only gainers the Cubans have earned neither recognition | 4 she the constant sufferer, | nor even belligerent rights atour hands, the | President should threaten Spain with inter- | vention—which means war—on their ac- count; and it is still curious to know what is the nature of that further proposition which he promised in the Message. Under these circumstances we recur to the | Message and to the Spanish note just made public to see if a careful examination of these declarations of the President's thoughts may not afford some light on a very | dark subject. We find it there asserted that intervention is necessary—First, because of | our great trade with Cuba. But our great trade has not suffered ; it is doing very well. Second, we can no longer remain quiet, it seems, because, to quote the language of the THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. | re PARISIAN VARIETIES. VARIETY, at 8PM. Matinee at 2 P. M. gn FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, at 8 P.M. Matince at 2 AMUSEMENTS. WOOD'S MUSEUM DONALD McKAY, at 8 P. M. Oliver Doud Byron. Matinee a2P.M. GLOB VARIETY, at 8 P.M al JULIUS CH tduee ut 1:30 P.M. THEATE VARIETY, at SP. M. Mai GERM DER REGISTRATOR THIRD AVE WARIETY, ato. M. M Ww. THEATRE. MARRIED IN Mr. Lester Wallack. Matinee at 1:30 P. AR TIVOLI 1 VARIETY, at 8 P.M. F PANORAMA, 1 to 4 P.M. an M. VARIETY, at 8 P. B. ROMANCE OF A 8 P.M. Mr. Montague. Matinee at TONY PASTOR THEATRE, VARIETY, at 5 P.M. UNION si ROSE MICHEL, at 8 P. ou HEATRE. VARIETY, at 8 P.M, Matinee at 2 P.M. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE. PIQUE, at 81M. Fanny Davenport, Matinee at 1:90 RT’ ata! | STREET oa MOUSE. p. PM TH VARIETY BOWERY TI RE, UNCLE TOM’S CABIN, at 8 P.M. Mrs. G. C. Howard. WITH SUPPLEMENT. DAY, JANUARY YORK, 8 From our reports this morning the probabi are that the weather to-day wili be cloudy. 1876, Tue Heraxp ny Fast Mam. Trarys.— News- dealers and the public will be supplied with the Damy, Wrexry and Sunpay Hernan, free of postage, by sending their orders direct to this Office. Watt Srazer Yesrerpay.—Stocks, espe- cially of Western lines, were higher, invest- ment securities in demand and government bonds strong. Money loaned at 7, 5 and 4 percent. Gold was firm at 1130 1131-8 a 113, West Porst.—Thé democratic majority in the lower House of Congress yesterday car- ried the first of their so-called retrenchment measures, the reduction of the appropriation for the Military Academy at West Point. Tur Dmecr Casre is announced to have resumed business, the land dines of other companies having been placed at its disposal from Nova Scotia to New York. We now hope that both sides to the controversy as to the breakage will assist in reaching the truth about it. * CrenFvecos, according to our despatches, has been entered by the Cuban insurgents, who seem to be livelier than ever. The new Captain General will find the task he essayed a few years ago more difficult of accomplish- ment atthe present day than when he re- signed it into the hands of Valmaseda. Hartt has another revolutionary outbreak. It is likely that that respectable personage, the oldest inhabitant in the black Republic, would find it an extremely difficult task to enumerate the popular diversions of this kind which have occurred during his life- time. Every country has its national gamo, and the Haytians play at revolutions. Tue Emicrant Commission report to the Assembly some interesting facts regarding that department, showing conclusively the importance of preserving and fostering it, so that the vast number of immigrants who come to our port may receive proper protec- tion and care, and pointing out many abuses | which demand immediate attention. Dotan’s Case.—The case of Dolan, who, was cofivicted of the murder of Mr. Noe, and who narrowly escaped the gallows a short time since, has been acted upon in the Gen- eral Term of the Supreme Court, and the decision is unfavorable to the hopes of the prisoner. There remains now only the Court of Appeals between the unhappy man and death. Savinas Banxs.—A bill has been intro- duced into the State Senate holding trustees of savings banks liable, in real and personal property, for the misappropriation of funds or deposits by the officers of such banks. There cannot be too many safeguards placed | round those institutions to protect the in- | terests of the classes in humble life whose | property is confided to their care. Thero is a degree of criminality in defrauding the workingman, as has been experienced during | the past year in some of those banks, that should consign the perpetrators to a felon’s dock. Tux Sranise Wan still goes on, without | prospect of any speedy settlemont. The | accounts from the late battles near Hernani and Vera show that the Carlists possess a greater degree of strength than their oppo- ments would have us believe. Of course the inevitable “simultaneous” movement is to tbe made by the Alfonsists in the province of Message. The property of our citizens in Cuba is large, and is rendered insecure and depreciated in value aud in capacity of production by the continuance of the strife and the unnatural mode of its conduct. The same is true, differing only in degree, with respect to the inter- ests and people of other nations, and the absence of any reasonable assurance of a near termination of the conflict must, of necessity, soon compel the States thus suffering to consider what the interests of their own people and their daty toward themselyes may demand. But the President appears to have for- gotten what the people of this coun- try do not. forget, that ‘the property of, our citizens in Cuba” consists in | slave estates; that these unworthy citizens | of a free country have invested their means in slaves and in sugar estates, worked, and only to be profitably worked, by slaves. Does the President mean to say that he would make war on Spain—because inter- vention means war—to protect American citizens in the holding and use of slaves | which our own laws forbid? Having, at a monstrous cost, abolished slavery in our own cotton, sugar and tobacco producing States, are we now to undertake another war to pro- tect absentee Americans in the secure owner- ship and working of their slave gangs under another flag and in anothercountry? Ought not Congress rather to make haste to pass a law forbidding American citizens to hold or | use slaves anywhere, and depriving them of all claim to protection as citizens from our government if they do so? But it seems, according to the paragraph quoted above from the Message, that the people of other nations also own property in Cuba, and for these, too, the Prosident is concerned. Why should he be? It is none of our business, It is very well known that they would like to see us make it our busi- ness, There is not an Englishman, a Ger- man, o Frenchman or an Italian in Cuba, the | owner ofa sugar estate with its slaves, but anxiously desires the interference of the United States. American Consuls abroad, Americans travelling in Europe or in Cuba, can toil how often they have been addressed on this subject by foreigners, and how gladly the foreign property owners in Ouba would welcome American intervention. Their own governments will not help them to enjoy in security their slave estates; they would like nothing so well as that we should pull their chestnuts out of the fire for them. The Lon- don Times has for some months repeatedly urged and justified American intervention, and it is shrewd enough to conceal the rea- son why some Englishmen would be glad to see us make war on Spain. What are our real relations to Cuba? The question has been so long befogged by the President's anxiety about the future of the island that it is worth while to examine it carefully, and not in the twilight of the Message. Cuba is an island lying near our coast owned by Spain. A large part of its inhabitants are in revolt against its Euro- pean rulers, and the parent government, after seven years of effort, is unable to put them down. That is the whole story. It is nota new one. A similar struggle went on for years between Spain and her South American colonies. What did we then do? We did not, certainly, express our sympathy with Spain. We did not suggest that pos- sibly some means might yet be found by Spain to subdue or pacify her rebellious colonies. did was to observé carefully the course toward Spain to which international law | obliged us, but at the same time to express plainly, repeatedly and constantly, our profound belief that the independence of these colonies must be the final result of the struggle, and the satisfaction with which the American people would view such an end. That is our true and simple course now. It is absurd to say that Spain can ever quiet Cuba or repossess it in peace. It is absurd to say that any American wishes she may do so, unless he is a slaveholder in Cuba. The plain truth is that the Cuban struggle will go on to its certain and proper end—the freedom of the island—and that when the Cuban revolutionists have attained this end, as they can,and, if we let them alone, will, by their own growing strength and the increas- ing weakness of Spain, we shall very gladty welcome them into the family of nations. and wish them liberty and prosperity. In the meantime we are to look on and wait. We are neither to bully Spain nor to help her crush the insurrection. our duty by Spain and to let the rebellion work out its inevitable result, meantime tell- ing Spain frankly that we neither believe she can succeed nor desire that she shall. That is the plain and honest American policy in regard to Cuba. tiently awaiting the inevitable and certain result, it is the part of American statesman- ship to forecast its effect upon us and to pro- vide for that. Now, the one thing absolutely certain is, that whenever Cuba becomes free slavery will at once ceasé there. This will for some years lessen very much the pro- ductiveness of the island, and we shall have to look elsewhere for o large part of our sugar supply. Instead, therefore, of crying out about the sufferings and losses of Ameri- can slaveowners in Cuba, and prosti- tuting the influence and power of our gov- | ernment for their protection, a wise and far- Navarre, the result of which will be the What the Presidents of those days | We are to do | In the meantime, and while we are pa- | It is worse than nonsense to talk of our “sufferings” in Cuba. We have suffered there by the losses of American slayeholders; that is all. Are we to pretend pity for them? Are we to threaten Spain with war to make | them more secure of their slave estates or to compel her to give them back? Is it not a | little shameful that our power and influence | Should be used on their account or that their | losses should receive mention in a Presi- dent's Message? The House of Representa- | tives has now the Spanish question before it. If the majority of that House are | wise they will pass a bill refusing pro- tection to any American who owns or uses slaves in foreign territory and‘ dis- | owning him as a citizen, and then adopt a frank declaration that, while we propose no unlawful interference against Spain or in | favor of the insurgents, the American people | believe she can never recover her colony, | and do not desire that she should, holding | universally that the whole of America ought | to be free from European domination. Such a policy would get general approval, we be- lieve, throughout the country. And if to this the House should add in the revised tariff a heavy differential duty against slave- | grown sugar—no matter where it comes from—the sentiment of the country would | applaud the act. Arbitrary Arrests by the Police. It should be understood at Police Head- quarters that the people of this country do not sympathize with the sort of persons who came here on the Mackenzie-Brydges excur- sion a few days since, and have no peculiar inclination to interfere for their protection; but they are very jealous of every invasion of private life by publie authority and are of opinion that if the police can arrest certain | persons without warrant, without charges, without violation of our law, without demand for extradition, without any legal process whatever, on’ the mere allegation of | immoral conduct, that no person is safe for | an hour and that all the laws made for the | protection of the people from the arbitrary exercise of power have been made in vain. In his defence the Superintendent of Police expresses his conviction that if the letter of the law cannot be exceeded by the police in pursuit of rogues they cannot be caught, | This may be true, and if it is the police had better let them go, for we are not yet ready to burn down our own house in order to roast chestnuts for the people in Montreal. But | the Superintendent claims that a case to justify his action was not made merely because the lIady’s friends were consider- ate. He says :—‘‘Mrs. Mackenzie's flight with property belonging to her husband could easily have been made grand lar- ceny.” Well, suppose it had been? Under what authority can any person be arrested here for grand larceny committed in Can- sumption. Mr. Edgar Cowan, former Senator of the United States from Pennsylvania, a gentle- man of intelligence and ability, has recently addressed a letter to Mr. Cox, chairman of the Committee on Banking and Currency, in which he presents a novel plan for reaching specie payments, which he thinks would se- cure the object in the course of a few months without shock or convulsion, without any dis- turbance of business and without injustice or even inconvenience to either debtors or creditors. It must not be inferred from these sanguine expectations that Mr. Cowan is one of the numerous tribe of dreamers and crotchet-mongers who are every day blowing some fantastic bubble which they mistake fora great discovery. Without at all indorsing his plan we think it plansi- ble enough to be worth stating, as it ap- proaches the subject on a new side and may perhaps suggest hints out of which some- thing can be made, Mr. Cowan's fundamental postulate is the undeniable truth thatthe worst of all evils in a circulating medium is the fluctuating unsteadiness of value. A creditor who lends money for seven per cent would receive nothing at all for its use if the currency should depreciate seven per cent between the date of the note and its maturity. On the other hand, the debtor who agreed to pay seven per cent would really have to pay fourteen per cent if the value of the cur- rency should go up seven per cent. An unstable currency damps enterprise and dis- courages business by making it unsafe for men to enter into contracts to be fulfilled atafuture time. It is not because the cur- rency is depreciated, but because its degree of depreciation perpetually fluctuates, mak- ing all calculations uncertain, that business and enterprise are so ruinously crippled. Supposing a greenback dollar to be worth eighty-five cents, and could be steadily maintained at that value without risk of fluc- tuation, business would proceed with just the same certainty and regularity as if the currency were maintained steadily at par. Thus far there can be no doubt that Mr. Cowan stands on tenable ground. The next question is whether it be possi- ble to fix the value‘of the greenback at say eighty-five cents and keep it there without variation. Mr. Cowan thinks it possible, and points outa method. The plan is sim- ple enough, for it consists merely in recog- nizing by law what exists as a fact. He would have the government redeem the greenbacks in gold at their actual value. This would, to be sure, require a stock of gold, but not a large stock; for if they were redeemable only at their real value they would not be presented in great quantities, paper money being so much more conve- nient than metallic. If at the time the law was made the greenbacks were worth eighty- five cents they could not afterward fall more than a fraction of a cent below that value ; because, as soon as they did, enough would be at once offered for redemption to restore thern to that figure. Nor could they ada? Is there any other law on this sub- ject between us and the Canadians than the Extradition Treaty, and in what part of that treaty does the Superintendent find any ref- erence to grand larceny? All this action was taken in truth in pursuance of a sort of po- lice free masonry. One chief telegraphs to another, ‘‘Arrest Brown,” and it is done ; for the fact that the telegram is sent is regarded by him who receives it as, ‘‘evidence that the person to be arrested is guilty of an act that places him within the pale of the law.” It is easier to believe that Brown is a rogue than that the other policeman has made a mistake. Perhaps it is bad for Brown, but then the police of different cities must be civil to one another. In the meantime, how- ever, it is provided by the constitution of this State that no person shall be deprived of liberty ‘‘without due process of law” Taking persons from a hotel and locking | them up at the station is ‘depriving them of their liberty,” and a telegraphic request from Canada that this be done is not “due pro- cess of law.” No Seat No A correspondent writes us a letter, which we print this morning, in relation to the necessary reform in our street railway man- agement, in which he takes the ground | proper to be taken under the circumstances— no seat no fare. If the Legislature will pass an act forbidding the collection of fare from passengers unless a seat is provided the in- | creased accommodations wili speedily follow. This may be done by increasing the number of cars or by increasing the capacity of those already in use. It is certain, however, that | until the collection of fare is made depend- | ent upon providing a seat for each pas- | senger things will go on in the old way. | Our railway corporations are too grasping | forany other policy to influence them so long as a strap can be made to pass for a seat. A change will not come over their spirit until the packing process is disallowed by law; but, with the packing process forbid- | den, double deckers will almost immediately | take the places of the present vehicles. Now, ! only twenty-two passengers can find seats | in a car, while, with seats on the outside as well as in the inside, at least forty persons could be accommodated. No car drawn by two horses should be allowed to carry more than forty passengers. Let the people of New York insist upon the policy of no seat | no fare, and the reform will come very soon, Fare, | ————— | Tar Assemniy Commemrrer appointed to in- vestigate the affairs of the Quarantine Com- | mission and the Health Officer have made a | report highly complimentary to the latter | official and suggestive of a change in the present system by abolishing the office of | the commission and vesting the Health | Officer with its powers. They also recom- | mend that the Presidents of the Cham- ‘ber of Commerce, Shipowners’ Associa- tion and Board of Health be appointed as | a board for the purpose of deciding appeals | from the decision of the Health Officer; that the latter pay the salaries of all em- ployés in Quarantine out of the fees collected annihilation of Carlism. We have heard so | seeing policy would lead the Prosident to | by him, and that hereafter no appropriation much of those formidable movements in | recommend the adoption by Congress of 4 be made for the maintenance of Quarantine Cuba, as well asin the Pyrences, and realized | differential duty against Cuban slave grown | except for necessary repairs. Those are the 80 little in the results, that it is pretty cer- | products and in favor of our own and of the | principal points of the report, which will tain thet Don Carlos and his followers will | free labor products of Mexico and the Central decide the question whether Quarantine American States. Such a policy would save us | shall be self-supporting or continue to bea keep the boy King actively employed for many a month to come by and by from serious ambarrasemant and | burden an the State, rise more than a fraction of a cent above that value; because, as soon as they did, the banks would issue more notes and expand the currency up to that level. It would be just as easy to maintain them at eighty-five cents as ata dollar, but the ad- vantage of redeeming them at their actual value would be that it might be done without disturbing business or affecting the relations of debtor and creditor. Mr. Cowan would also have a date fixed beyond which fature contracts should be discharged only in gold dollars, unless the contract specified that they were to be paid in currency, the green- backs still remaining a legal tender at their real value of eighty-five cents. The objection to this scheme—otherwise so simple, practicable and beneficial—is that it would be repudiation by the government to the extent of fifteen cents on a dollar. We will not argue that point, but only advert to some facts. It is a fact that no present holder of greenbacks ever received them as the equivalent of gold dollars. They have cost their holders only their actual market value, and they havesno equitable claim to be paid more at the expense either of the debtors or the country. This view overlooks the question of public faith, which we will not discuss at present. But it is a fact that the government does actually redeem green- backs at their various fluctuating market values every month in the year—that is to say, as often as it makes sales of gold. If it may do it in this form why notin a more open, direct and undisguised form? If it may pay out gold for greenbacks at a fluctu- ating market value why not at a steady market value, especially if the latter method would bring the great advantage of a stable circulating medium? Extradition and Crime. Winslow, ifallis true that is reported of his escape, seems likely to get fairly away with a heavy plunder; and may, accidents aside, enjoy indefinitely the fruits of his vil- lany in a foreign land and snap his fingers at justice, Such a result is demoralizing and encourages and cultivates crime, It should be made impossible, and itis not merely an advancing civilization which seems to demand this, but the great develop- ment of means of communication between different nations. At the present time a fugitive from justice can getto « country in Europe easier than he could have got from this city to Boston a century since; yet in that comparatively handy asylum he is as much out of our reach as he would be in the middle of the Chinese Empire, Yet the na- tions which thus afford an asylum to our rogues possess the same civilization with ourselves ; have the same interest in the pro- tection of property and the administration of justice, and complain from time to time, as roundly as we may now, that we shelter per- sons who have offended their municipal laws. This anomaly seems to result from the fact that the administration of justice has not kept pace with the growth of sodiety in other respects. In one hour we can communicate with Europe and get an answer; but the conceptions of governments as to extradition are nearly what they were when this process required from two to six months. Every government that has any interest in the wel- fare of a civilized people is the equal enemy of criminals, for crime is neither territorial nor national: and a State miaht as well sat | clare that therein criminals shall have im- munity from pursuit as to neglect any step for obtaining extradition laws, without which fugitives have only to run a few steps farther seross the frontier. Extradition simply gives legal force to the general con- sent of all societies that men shall be pun- ished for certain recognized crimes ; and we do not believe that a single nation in Europe would now refuse to make a treaty with us for this purpose, Our Mayors and the Spring Elections. Among the strongest arguments im favor of holding our charter elections in the spring is the history of the manner in which the Mayors and Aldermen of New York have been chosen, which we print this morning. It was not until 1834 that the Mayoralty was made a directly elective office, and the time fixed for the election was the second Tuesday in April. From that time until 1849 spring elections were held without interruption, and such men as Cornelius W. Lawrence, Aaron Clark, Isaac L. Varian, Robert H. Morris, James Harper, William F. Havemeyer, Andrew H. Mickle and William V. Brady were chosen. Throughout all this period the Aldermen were generally men of high character, and previously to making the Mayoralty an elec- tive office the Common Council was so care- fully selected that the executive officers of the city chosen by it were, without excep- tion, worthy of their high station. It will be observed, however, that the quality of the Board of Aldermen began to depreciate immediately upon the change in the time for holding the charter elections from April to November; and only four Mayors were chosen before another change was made. In November, 1850, Ambrose O. Kingsland was elected by the whigs, and two years later Tammany succeeded in electing Jacob A. Westervelt. In 1854 and 1856 Fer- nando Wood was chosen, but before hissecond term expired the evil of holding the charter and general elections together had become so apparent that not only was the time changed from November to December, but Wood him- self was beaten in the charter election of 1857. From that year until 1870 our Mayors were always chosen in December, but the charter election each year followed so closely upon the heated and excited canvass upon general issues that no great advantage was reaped from the change, and when the Tweed Ring again named the day of the general elections as that for the charter elections also the act caused very little remark. It is now apparent that another change is necessary this time to the spring once more. With the charter elections in April, as in the old time, we may expect some of the old time advan- tages, not in the choice of our Mayors only, bat in the selection of worthy gentlemen to represent the city in the Board of Aldermen, The Milk Nuisance. All the poets have chanted wine, at least from the time of Homer, who, for his own part, had a taste for mixed drinks and gave a good formula for a julep; and all that the poets have said of wine has glorified and helped to sell the queer compounds that are passed over the bar to a public with robust faith. How much of a similar sentiment has given currency to the disgusting mix- tures that the milkman leaves at everybody's door may scarcely be known; but it is pretty clear that but'for the tyranny of our associa- tions and sentiments milk would not be J regarded in the light of a prime necessity, as it is to a scarcely calculable degree. Re- formers jump up every now and then and urge man to do without meat and without potatoes, without butter, without salt, with- out tea, without coffee; and it is the insanity of whole sections of the population that he should sacredly deprive himself of all his alcoholic beverages, Although we do not remember that any of these wise people have preached crusades against .milk, they may have done so; and we are certain that all grown persons may with more safety and satisfaction be deprived of this than of any of the others. Our people commonly use this article in tea and coffee, and in puddings and in punches. But the nations which know most of coffee do not use milk in it ; and they who know most of tea equally abstain from the sort of fluid leather which results when the tannin of the tea acts on the animal secretion with which we color it. Very tolerable lives can be passed with- out the assistance of milk punches; and the pages of Francatelli can probably offer to delicate palates at least fifty puddings in which milk has no part. Would it not be well, therefore, for a great public to solve this ever-recurring difficulty of adulteration in this article of diet by giving up its use? One-half the people of this city; probably, never use any milk. They are an evidence that man, and woman too, can live without it. As for ‘the counterfeit presentment,” which, because they get it from a milkman they believe to be milk, they are none the better and may be the worse for it Many thought that they~ had a security in this regard—a sort of grand constitutional guarantee—in the ‘‘lac- tometer.” That impression was fostered by the Board of Health. With an innocence of positive knowledge peculiar to such bodies the Board itself certainly acted as if it be- lieved that all milk which met the standard of the lactometer was therefore necessarily pure and all that did not ‘was therefore necessarily impure ; and the public was con- fident accordingly. As the President of the Board is s chemist, and therefore is doubt- less inclined to measure all things by a chemical method, this was perhaps a natural sort of ignorance ; but any physician might | have discovered that there are other ele- ments in the purity of milk than its density, and that the lactometer could not measure these. All that instrument does is to rise or fall in a given fluid according as the.propor- tion of solids which the fluia holds in solu- tion is greater or less, If the fluid holds large proportion of solids the lactometer is buoyant; if the proportion of ‘solids is reduced the lactometer is depressed ; and aseny one of the numbers marked on | the rod of the instrument rests at the sur- face 80 is indicated the “density” of the fluid. Now, then, a milkman pumps in his water, and up goes the lactometer; then he plumps in his prepared chalk, sheeps’ brains and other delicacies of that sor vad down,! We goes the Inctometer; aud if the quantity is Properand fhe instrument goes down pre- cisely to the riyht point the Board of Health of this happy wity certifies to a wondering public that the miJk is pure, All that non- what guarantee has thho public now? None but abstention. “Tough not the poisoned bowl.” This will dame the milk trade, but will improve the »ple’s health and may open the eyes of the swindlers, Tne Committee on Crime’ Proposals. . One of the subjects with which the report of the Assembly Committee on rime will deal is of a nature Which makes its discus- sion in public prints a matter of grent deli- cacy and difficulty. We may not be sur- prised that in France the Revolution left room for the growth of a public opinion which could treat the subject in question as a hard and sad reality, that might be amelio- rated, but could not be extirpated. Tho great French cataclysm that begun in 1789 is mostly referred to for the Utopias that it hungered after ; but it was eminently utili- tarian, and gave free scope for discussing subjects which the Church had declared for- bidden and effecting reforms which since have one by one been adopted out- side of France. One of these was the bringing of the ‘social evil” under gov- ernmental regulation. In England the mat- ter was left to take care of: itself until about @ decade ago, when ao law was passed apply- ing the French system of supervision to the garrison towns as a sanitary measure for the protection of the troops. Since then the scope of the act has been enlarged. In America the system of supervising houses of ill-fame has had but little trial, as ‘in St. Louis, for instance. It would appear that public sentiment is too sensitive as yet to treat this matter widely on its mere hygienic merits, because it is so involved in the ques- tion of morality. The Committee on Crime, however, propose to take up the subject in their report. While hesitating, it is stated, to recommend a licensing system with medical inspection, on the ground we have just noted, they will sug- gest a compromise by which these houses shall be placed under absolute police control. Now, whatever may be urged in favor of the licensing system as a sanitary measure looking to the health of the present and future generations, nothing worth list- ening tocan be said in support of semi-le- galizing these houses by handing them over to the police. The very revelations made in the course of the committee's investigation all show that the police have had these houses practically in control for years past; that there is little doubt that, from the cap- tain to the patrolman, shameful revenues have been derived from them, and that police corruption has only made bad worse by giv- ing immunity to the vilest, and without the slightest protection to the public. New neighborhoods have been invaded by them, and the vicinity of public schools made dan- gerous to youth. Public decency has been shocked by parades of fallen creatures through the streets, after the ‘‘raids” of new clean sweeping official brooms, that the power of the police to harass if not to punish might be made manifest; but no real good has been done or will be done by mere ‘police control.” Morx Vorcxs ror 4 Spxtnc Exrcrion.—At , the meeting of the anti-Tammany General Committee, at Irving Hall last evening, that sturdy body put itself manfully on the record by demanding a spring election for municipal offices, ‘when all good citizens, irrespective of differences upon State and national issues, can join hands in support of all candidates honestly in favor of municipal reform.” Upon this solid ground they can advance to an easy victory over Tammany Hall Tre Srvc Srvc Manacument stands a good chance now of being thoroughly overhauled and its career of bungling andincompetency brought to a close. The State Prison Inves- tigating Committee have brought the subject in most unequivocal terms before the Assem- bly. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Sunflowers are blooming in Missoari, Sam Bard haunts Washington Capitol. A Texas mob burned a negro murderer to a crisp. In the Oregon mountains the suow 1s five feet deep, while in the valleys the grass and wheat are green, Miranda, the Spanish artist, purposes to have ox- hinited at the Centennial a bust portraying Virtue. Senator John P. Jones, of Nevada, arrived in the city yesterday from Washington, and is at tho St, James Hotel. Secretary Bristow, accompanied by his wife and son* arrived at the Filth avenue Hotel last evening, from Washington. Charles Dadley Warner says the Germans stuff cot- ton 1 their ears after hearing an opera, in order to preserve the music, ‘The value of the birds and fowls on exhibition at the: Portiand, Me., poultry show is estimated at $60,000, the: Pigeons being worth $10,000. Washthgton Star :—‘Tucker, ot Virginia, the Stato rights man, is a brother of ‘Bey’ Tacker, anda nephew of Jonn Randolph, of Roanoke,” The Washington Repudlican, in an article evidently written by Grant, says that Congressman Platt, of New: York, has raised a full beard as brown as a horse chest- nut Is this a bid for a third term? © Warts, you don’t want to throw away any jokes om the Hxnatv, You know it was a Paterson (N. J.) jour. nalist who went to Von Balow’s concert and asked how Jong the Dutchman was going to tako “‘to tune up.” The Boston Globe, a great authority tn franscondentay politics, says:—‘Timid ladies scamper across the coast- ing paths on the Common with an agility that gives the le to newspaper statements regarding the pullback. '* Santa Fé, tho largest town in New Moxico, has a population of about 5,000, five-sixths of whom are natives, and the balance Americans, Israelites and Ger- mans. The Israelites carry on the largest business and control the trade, Threo or four Mexican stores are the sole representatives in trade of the natives, who are, an indolent race. _ In Boston, according to the Advertiser, in tho retait dry goods trade, generally, there is @ fair amount of business, at moderate profits, in spite of the general The large houses in and around Winter street have a daily array of customers apparently as large as ever, if not as lavish, and are all of them in a healthy and sound condition. Most of these houses make their purchases for cash, Tne Turf, Field and Farm says:—“Failing in out efforts to establish a subscription pack for hunt ing the fox on Long Island in the hope that it might Indnoe our young men to abandon the efom inate road wagon for the more manly saddle, we find some consol axion In the fact that young men who have the means and the pluck to make {t a success are bom to organize.n polo clad. We have never seem the gare of polo played, but know that to excel in It Tequives ® seat/in the saddle like that of a Comanche Indian, & qurek and the heart of a tom, [tise ame for men to play at, and he who would wim at It shoald be mounted on a quick, wiry pony, of which ‘the Taxaesmonaians ia the type’?