The New York Herald Newspaper, January 13, 1876, Page 4

4 NEW YORK AKRALD, THURSDAY, JANUARY 13, 1876—WITH SUPPLEMENT. NEW YORK HERALD | BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, PROPRIETOR JAMES GORDON BENNETT, | THE DAILY published every | day in, the year. ‘Twelve dollars per year, month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yore HERALD, Four cents per copy. | or one dollar per Henarp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L’OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms | as in New York, AMUSEMENTS ‘TO-NIGHT. GLOBE THEA ‘Nos. 728 and 730 Broadway.—V ARI BOOTH ‘Twenty-third street and Sixt! POM. Mr. Lawrence Barrett, EATRE, nue,—J ULIUS C&SAR, FE COMIQUE, ats P.M THE. No. 514 Broadway,—V THIRD AVENUE TE Third avenye, between Thirtieth VANORAMA, at SP. M COLOSSEUM Nirty-fourth street and Broadway PARIS. Open trom 1P. M. tod to 10 P.M ATRE, Thirty-first streets.— RUSSIAN SIRGE OF M, alld from 7.30 P. M, Ys TIVOLI THEATRE. Eighth street, near Third avenue. —VARIETY, at 8 P.M, WALLACK’S THEATRE Broadway and Thirteenth street.—MARRIED (N HASTE, at 3 P.M; closes at 10:45 P.M. Mr. Lester Wallac, PARISIAN VARIETIES, Sixteenth street. uear Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P.M. Matinge at 2 . | | | BROOKLYN THEATRE, | Washineton street, Brooklyn —OUR BOYS, at8 P.M. Mr, Joun E. Owens, UNTON SQUARE THEATRE, preetrar. and Fourteenth street,—ROSE MICIIEL, at 8 LYMPTC 4 c. No. 624 Broadway. oer, agro oN ‘Twenty eighth street, near Broadway —PIQUE, at 8 P.M, | | | FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, | Fanny Daveuport. ' ASSOCIATION HALL, Swenty-third street und Fourth avenua—Lecture- PULDLAS-GREEK ART, Dr Jobn Lord, TONY PASTOR Nos. 585 and 687 Broadwa, v THEATRE, EVV, ats POM PARK TH Th Broadway and Twenty second street. esr M Joh» Dillon. B. THE WIDOW HUNT, ars P.M. BOWERY THEATRE, Gowery.—SUNSHINE, at 8 P.M. Lillie Wilkenson M THEATRE, Fourteenth stre xth avenue.—French Plays—LES DOMESTIQU D MINSTRELS, Day, JAN ate 18, 1876, From our resorts this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be partly cloudy and colder. Tue Henarp py Fast Man. Traws.—News- @ealers and the public throughout the Slates of New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, as well as in the West, the Pacific Coast, the North, ‘the South and Southwest, also along the lines of the Hudson River, New York: Central and Pennsylvania Central Railroads and their con- | nections, will be supplied with Tux Henrarn, free of postage, Extraordinary inducements Offered to newsdealers ly sending their orders direct to this Watt Srever Yesterpay.-——Gold was quiet at 112 7-8. Money on call ranged from 7 to | 5 percent. The stock market was steady at prices recently established, but afforded in- dications that the speculators are adroitly realizing. Dr. Mercuers, the Archbishop of Cologne, will probably be deposed by the @erman Ecclesiastical Court ; but as he bas run away | this seems a work of supererogation. | Sparn does not desire to haye toc many public functionaries sitting in the Cortes. This is sensible. But when all the wars are over it will give the generals more time, if less opportunity, to conspire. Tae Margvts or Rivoy, late Grand Master of the English Masons, and now Catholie convert, begins his contributions to Peter's pence with fifty thousand dollars. His lodge dues would scarcely have amounted to this, | Tur Henzecovina is reported except where the patriots are. In the enumeration of these places the Turkish commander has probably forgotten a few of the unpronounceable names. tranquil, Mr. Cave is determined the world shall not think there is any trouble between him and the Khedive. Possibly that ruler has listened to reason, as he did regarding the Zanzibar and Abyssinian expeditions. Lord Derby tried in a speech the other day to divest the Suez Canal purchase of any polit- ical complexion; and so it would never do for the British Commissioner to Egypt to get jato trouble that would look political. Cave js deep, and Lord Derby is like Bagstock— sly, devilish sly. e@ Count Anprassy’s Nore, it is stated, from Berlin, does not propose any outside con- trol over the Porte in carrying ont the pro- posed reforms, The engagements which Turkey would contract towards the Powers by accepting their proposals would be con- sidered enough. If this is true it looks as though the Powers, and Austria particularly, would not be sorry to see the Porte fail in its endeavors for, left to himself, Abdul Aziz cennot cv them out. When he had once more demonstrated this Austria would have *her cue to begin operations. The course here hinted at is disingenuous enongh to / please the ghost of Talleyrand and delight sg Bismarck and Gortychakot | opinion of the world would have justified | could not honorably have otherwise re- | | human as well as national in their obliga- | red-handed with the blood of our citizens | and this even under our existing administra- | thongh we did not fight then we may fight | | properly be weighed. | our ships taken on the high seas had just | her bottom so that she should go down be- | Yillany might cheat us of the justice we had * | cord, the proper sensibilities of the country | ig that sort before us now. | trous, any people recovers in a generation at | tary sense, but that, politically considered, | the war declared against Austria in 1792. | under favofable auspices, needed only time | leon. | barricades, Possibilities of Our Relations with Spain—Sensation, Our relations With Spain have for many years been of such a nature that an emer- gency of parties on either side might at any moment have precipitated a war between the two nations, and we believe that if this war had been declared by us the ultimate The our action, and might have held that we sponded to the provocation given. Every | treaty made between the two governments, as well as every general principle of interna tional law, has been violated to our | cost in the island of Cuba; but our demands for redress have been always referred to Madrid; for, though | Havana might insuit us, it was Madrid that must make reparation. At Madrid we com- monly found an auditor incredulous of our | statements, and we were put in a position | | which seemed to admit that we were parties | to a case in which the Cuban functionaries | were the opposing parties and the Spanish ! government was simply the judge between From that false position our maladroit diplomacy never saved us, and we were always constrained to retire from our ap- peals to Madrid none the better for our ac- tion. With this experience several times repeated almost any Power inspired by the notions which prevail in European politics | would have refused to make the journey to Madrid, but would have sent its frigates to Cuba and there have exacted repars ation, or | | have given a lesson that would have secured | a delicate attention to its dignity for the future. With an old score of grievances of our own, and with new reasons on our hands that are us. tion, the conscience of the nation and the opinion of the world would justify at the | present time such action as must necessarily result in war. On several occasions war might have been made by us when our right, though not based on broader grounds, would have been more satisfactorily perceptible to our peope. Miscreants intrusted with the government of Cuba might have been taken over and over again, when, in addition to the | murder of our people, our appeal for redress was treated with opprobrium and contempt, tion, At those periods our government pre- ferred to take all with pacific demeanor, but now. Our case is clearand the war would be just ; but would it be politic? It appears | to be a case in which this consideration may If the blood of the | nation were on fire at the thought that fifty | ora hundred sailors taken from under our flag had been shot in a Cuban town this con- sideration might be out of place. If one of been surrendered to us with holes bored in | fore she could’ reach a port, that Spanish demanded and that Spain had seemed to ac- would require that we should forego some merely politic reasons ; but there is no case Is it wise, therefore, to make at this mo- ment a war that might have been made with equal or with greater propriety two or three years sinee, or for which the occasion will be equally good next year? Untimely wars | are the greatest sources of calamity to na- | tions. From mere defeat, however disas- most. Waterloo, as to its material effects, | passed away like 8 summer shower by com- parison with some other conflicts in French history that were more fortunate in the mili- were untimely. France has not yet recov- ered from the effects of that great blunder, But for that war, the passions it engendered, the excesses it made possible, and the op- portunity it gave for personal ambition to | present itself in the guise of patriotic devo- | tion, the French revolution would have re- sulted in the successful regeneration of the country and reorganization of the govern- ment. For every monstrous evil of the old system an effective remedy had been con- trived; and a new system, set in operation and peace to secure good government and prosperity. So far the revolution had been a patriotic labor, if ever there was one. But they who were dissatisfied to have tranquil- | lity so near while their fortunes were still unmade, and they who did not admire the new order made the war, and out of that war came all the rest, from Robespierre to Napo- Eighty years of turmoil have been the consequences. Restorations and | red republics and reactions, coups d'état and communes—all these and similar evils have followed one another in bloody procession through the history of a country that might have been, for these | eighty years, at least, as tranquil as England | has been since 1688, but for the blunder of one untimely war. It is for Congress to weigh this side of the case calmly; to consider before they supply | the means to carry on a war whether all that | it can secure is not pitiful by comparison | with what it would imperil. Every one per- ceives that the intention is to put upon a democratic Congress the responsibility of re- fusing to pay for a war involving the national honor. But the people will, perhaps, trust | Congress on thatsubject. And if it is deemed in the House that a nation just issuing from the greatest civil conflict of history, with its | administrative machinery still deranged by that conflict; its finances disordered, and a gigantic intrigue on foot to destroy those forms on which the people depend for the security of their liberties; if it is deemed that such a nation had better not go to war with | the process for changing the Executive on foot, Congress must refuse the supplies, | though it be an unpopular course. But it is obvious that the President can make a sitnation out of which war would be the only issue for the nation; and if that situation is made and war results we have no apprehension for the consequences so far as relates to the enemy, and we should do our utmost, as we believe the unsuborned remote press of the country generally would, to ob- | stract the domestic purpose aimed at by | | Albany idea on the wouan’y sizhis question. | this measure, But we must denreoate (he | in the exact proportion in which it was effec- | tive. | to sensation, and that criticism we believe | the facts and elucidate the philosophy of | boards and contesting theirodd remarks and | journalists | proper kind disposition of a contemporary to muhke use of the occasion in the pursuit of its well known hostility to the Executive, and to hound him on to a policy that it doubtless believes would be his rnin. If the case should prove not to be his rnin—and it is one that has many chances—the course of our contem- porary would be unfortunate for the country It is a position that should be sacred from sensational uses. It is one of the com- mon criticisms of the press that it is prone to be generally an erroneous one. Certainly | the things that are commonly charged as sensations by the small spirits of critical literature are simply the somewhat exag- gerated statements in which the press age. It isa pity for any journal to give to the opponents of the press who make this | charge of sensationalism so good a ground as | is presented when it does its utmost to bring | about a war that would be a great calamity— simply because’ it believes that war would ruin one of its enemies. Social Science and Journa! That “bachelors’ wives make mothers” is the principle, we suppose, on which Mr. G. G. Hubbard undertook to state “The Daily Newspaper Press” to the Ameri- yesterday. It is a fine principle, and allows the shoemaker not only to go ultra crepidam, | but permits every tailor and blacksmith to say wise things about shoemaking. From such essays journalists learn things they never suspected before, and in publishing | them proclaim theories about their own sche ness which they never dreamed of. It is too | bad that real journalists have not time to spare to tell the world the facts about jour- nalism ; but as they would have to begin by. relegating the Hubbards to their little cup- queer facts, perhaps it is just as well that have work to do, That interesting creature, the “New York correspondent” of the country papers, furnishes a fund of startling information on this subject when real news is dull, but we are saddened to think of the joke which has been palmed off | on the gold-rim-spectacled Social Science | sages of Boston by presenting these familiar old myths to them as a history of journalism. It would have been very easy for Mr. Hub- bard to have gained a little trustworthy in- formation by applying ata few newspaper offices; but Boston is all soul, and a few lofty thoughts hung around the imaginative wreathings of the country papers go down like baked beans on a Sunday morning. We are sorry we have not room for more than a synopsis of Mr. Hubbard's little novel. The | Henatp has published sixty columns of ad- vertisements in a day, he says. This is true, because it has published nearly ninety col- umns, and the greater contains the less. The Tribune, he says, began stereotyping on this side of the Atlantic in 1861. The Heravp used the stereotype process in 1860, the same that Dalgani introduced into the London Times, the American invention Mr. Hubbard speaks of being a modification for the worse of that process, and soon aban- doned. The Hoe rotary ten cylinder press, he says, printed twenty thousand copies, and | the Hoe perfecting press thirty-two thousand copies an hour. We like large figures, but twelve thousand is the extreme limit of the one and eight thousand the other. The double Bullock presses used by the Heratp print from sixteen thousand to eighteen thousand each per hour, and we are content ; but then we are not furnishing wonder stories for Boston. ‘Then, as to circulation, profit and influence, he says. But why should we outrage our own modesty or that of our neighbors by proving that newspapers are published outside of Boston and Peoria? | It is not often we can extract a hearty laugh from the details of our profession, and if the Social Science people can only see the fun of Mr. Hubbard’s paper as we do they will not have altogether lost their time in listen- ing to it. We hope that the paper on ‘Homes for the People in Cities” is not also compiled from the country papers, for if it is only as pastoral as Mr. Hubbard's they will find themselves discussing the comforts of cowsheds instead of tenement house horrors. Ir Is Movnnrvt to hear of the jubilation among certain ‘leading republicans” over the Andersonville debate, for it has had as lit- tle todo with amnesty as possible. If the “bloody shirt” of the carpet-baggers is to have the “winding sheet” of the rebellion substi- tuted for it in the coming campaign we think the republicans mean to leave all live good | enough of the} The Commissioner of Public Works, The unanimous report of the committee of the Common Council against confirming General Fitz John Porter probably decides the fate of that nomination and seems to be accepted by his friends as a final defeat. He might continue in office in spite of the rejec- tion, inasmuch as the law extends his tenure until his successor is qualified. If Mayor Wickham should not choose to withdraw his name and gend in a substitute General Por- ter might remain at the head of the depart- ment during the residue of the Mayor's term. But it is altogether unlikely that General Porter would consent to hold office in this way. He is a gentleman of character and a | high sense of honor. His pride would not | permit him to cling to an: office against the | presents to its readers the great facts of the | spirit and intention, though not against the letter, of the law. We are prepared to expect that he will withdraw from the posi- tion if the Aldermen should not confirm him at their meeting to-day, and there are rumors that he will put an end tothe contest by retiring before the nomination is brought to a vote. Like a true gentleman he puts a proper value on his personal dignity, and will not consent to be put in a false or even an equivocal position, It will be incumbent on the Mayor to send in a new nomination, and if General Porter should recognize and acquiesce in his defeat before the question is brought to a vote the Mayor will make a new | can Social Science Association, at Boston, peaks oe to-day. The very best name he could select is that of Mr. John T, Agnew, a friend of himself and General Porter, ,&@ sound democrat and a gentleman who enjoys the full confidence, not only of his party, but of the community. Mr. Agnew is a popular citizen and would make an efficient officer. He is one of the two or three gentlemen who will be taken up for the Mayoralty in the next election if he should not be made Commissioner of Public Works, The committee of Aldermen to whom Gen- eral Porter's nomination was referred have mannér, We have no fault to find with their decision to advise against confirming the nomination. ‘This was done in the exercise of a discretion which properly be- longs to them, and there is no reason to doubt that their action reflects the wishes of their constituents. But when they permit- ted General Porter’s friends to appear be- fore them and advocate his confirmation they ought to have treated them with com- thon civility and decency. It was a gross violation of ~ courtesy to cross-question them in the brow beating spirit of ;a Tombs lawyer toward a_ slippery witness, and ply them with interroga- tories that had no proper relation to the question they were considering. One would have supposed that a citizen of the standing of Mr. Belmont had a title to be exempted from their rudeness. His eminence in the highest business and social circles of this city should have protected him from such impertinence, quite apart from his services to the democratic party, which are alsoa claim to respectful treatment. Mr. Belmont was the chairman of the Democratic Na- tional Committee for a very long period when the party was under an eclipse, and it is more owing to him than to any other man that it did not become extinct during those dark and trying years. Besides his well known services as the head of the demo- cratic organization he rendered others which, if they should ever come to the public knowledge, will receive public homage. It was he that saved the democratic party from being swallowed up in the gulf of a destructive and suicidal cop- perheadism. His’ correspondence with eminent persons, official and unofficial—a correspondence which, although it has been ; putin type, has been seen only by a few personal friénds—shows a breadth of view, a statesmanlike sagacity, a vigorous and en- lightened patriotism which, if his self-re- specting reserve should ever permit the cor- respondence to be published, would attest the value of his counsels both to the party in power, which sought his advice on financial questions, and to his own party, on which he exerted a wise, restraining influence that saved it from fatal mistakes. It is diseredit- able to the Aldermanic committee before whom Mr. Belmont appeared to state the claims of a candidate that he was subjected to the rudest kind of coarse impertinence. The French Cabinet and the Elections. The French Cabinet is a house divided against itself, but it seems that it has de- cided not to fall until after the elections. The cohesive force which thus keeps it up is a wholesome fear of public opinion. M. Buffet, who most represents Marshal Mac- Mahon in the Cabinet, would be glad to see issues in the hands of the democrats,’ Whether Jefferson Davis is excepted or not from any amnesty is of little actual moment ; but when a party that owed its advent to power to division in the opposite party, that | kept its seat as an exigency of the war of | slavery, and now, with eleven years of peace | behind it, drags open the grave to sustain its | life by feeding on the carcase of the rebel- | lion, it is time to turn away disgusted from | the picture it presents. Wedo not think | that the American people can be made to yote now on the ‘‘winding sheet" and “grave clothes” issues ; yet this was professedly the object of Blaine’s demagogery, and which Mr. Hill's intemperate language is expected to aid. Queen Vicronma will visit her German relatives in April, first stopping at the home of the late Prince Albert. Her Majesty is | probably anxious to settle the Princess Bea- trice, and will in that case prefer to find the young lady a husband among the flourishing families of Germany, wherein every grade of royal stock is cultivated, rather than repeat the experiment of taking a mere English nobleman into the family. Tur Ayri-Conrvption Resovvtions over which the Assembly lést its time yesterday might have had a humordéus side if they | had been debated in Tweed’s time, for | then nobody would have believed they meant anything, as the stealing was all done by rule. Now, however, that plunder is not well or- ganized, it is rather a puzzle to know what all these professions of honesty mean, Rear Estare for the ladies is the latest Ministers Say and Dufaure replaced by more decided conservatives; but doing so would plainly confess to the electors that the Cabi- net which fought out the last session of the Assembly was a makeshift which required strengthening before it dares face the people. The French people think weakness unpar- donable, and the falling asunder of the Cabi- net would be the last proof of its want of strength. On the other hand, we can well understand the real reluctance of Messrs. Say and Dufaure to leave the Ministry. They bring the prestige of their positions to the canvass, and do not lose an atom of their political identity. They dis- arm the government of its opposition to certain candidates by preventing that unity of purpose which most assuredly would be exercised in the conservative di- rection if their places were filled with men like the Duc de Broglie. The result of this will be good for France, It will give that country a better chance to express its opin- ion freely at the polls than at any election in twenty-eight years past. The intoler- ance and passion for governing which ac- tuate all parties in their turn of power have never permitted the people to think calmly over what they were about todo. A wild republican flurry, a wilder Napoleonic fa- ror, a grim Imperial shadow, or a narrow conservative oppressiveness, has prevented the sober thought of France from formu- lating its political wishes. No matter how bitter the canvass is, so it be free the right side will win ; and we have very little doubt that the tendency of change will be from the Right Centre to the Left Centre, which seems | | destined to be the coming power in France for some years, at loast, discharged their duty in an extraordinary | ‘the hands of their adversaries, and that the | The One-Term Amendment. The Judiciary Committee of the House agreed yesterday to report an amendment to the federal constitution extending the term of the President to six years and making him ineligible for a second election. The com- mittee, however, were not unanimous, & minority preferring to leave the teri of four years unaltered and to prohibit a re-election after eight years’ service. We are sorry that this necessary reform has not the support of | the whole committee instead of a mere major- ity. Every democrat on the committee and one of the republicans favor the limitation toa single term of six years. The others simply express their opposition to a third term, but they seem to have no proper grasp of the present remarkable and unique situa- tion. The peculiarity of the present situation is that the country is at last thoronghly aroused to the evils which attend the re- eligibility of our Presidents. Until within the last two years a third election has not been regarded as possible since Washington set the precedent by which all his successors have felt themselves bound down to the time of President Grant. And yet, during the long periad when a third term has never been thought of by any inqumbent, the wisest of our statesmen and the ablest philo- sophical writers on gur institutions have felt that the re-eligibility st the President is fraught with great danger. Jackson tried to have the constitu es so amended | as to forbid the’ re-election of any President; Clay was a strenudus ad- vocate of the same reform, and De Tocque- ville, the ablest of all speculative writers on the American constitution, and one of the most. gifted intellects _ of the, tury, pointed out in 1 his great work, “ibe | mocracy in America,” the perils: which threaten the stability of our government from the re-election of our Presidents. ‘The warnings of able statesmen and profound authors were like ‘‘a voice crying in the wilderness,” because popular sentiment did not appreciate their far-sighted views. But | General Grant's inordinate ambition has at last awakened popular apprehension to the greatness of the danger, and it would be a pity if the occasion should pass without the | erection of a secure barrier. Our free insti- tutions have always been in danger of going | to wreck by the re-eligibility of our Presi- dents, and it would be a matter of in- finite regret if the present state of public feeling should not be utilized to accomplish | a change which so many wise patriots and great statesmen have thought indispensable | if we would save our institutions. The third- term excitement renders the ratification of such an amendment possible, and its friends should not let an occasion slip which may not recur until all remedies are too late. The one-term amendment, with an exten- sion to six years, would be singularly oppor- tune now. If the amendment should be } ratified and take effect at once it would, in- deed, extend the present term of General Grant to six years; but there would be great | compensating advantages, even to the demo- | cratic party. It would enable its new men | to gain the training they need for public life | and to get clear of the rawness which makes it a hazardous experi- ment to trust the democratic party with | the government of the country. It is their | misfortune that nearly all public employ- ments have been for the last fifteen years in talents of democratic statesmen have not had opportunities for development. The | political revolution of last year brought many democrats into public life, but they need experience to mature their talents. If the party were to get control of the govern- ment two years hence instead of this year it would have far better chances of establishing | itself in public confidence. It will enter the | Presidential contest this fear with very doubtful chances, but a postponement of | two years might change the whole face of the situation. Demagogism in the Legislature. Mr. Slevin, of the Third Assembly district | (by a blunder of the Associated Press his | name was printed ‘‘Shepley” in the legisla- tive report in the city papers yester- day), has introduced in the Assembly a bill for regulating the wages of laborers on the | State public works, of which the purport is that their wages shall not fall below two dol- lars aday. This is a specimen of a kind of ar- rant demagogism which is cropping out in | many quarters, and which ought to be exposed | and rebuked. Even if two dollars a day is | a fair compensation for laborers on the pub- lic works in this city, it would be | absurd to compel the State by law to pay | the same rate to laborers employed on | the canals. The canals run _ through | rural districts, where the cost of living is scarcely more than half of what it is in this city. The natural and reasonable price of | labor on the canals is the wages of farm labor in the rural districts through which the canal | passes, and in which the work is done. It | would be inexcusable waste and folly, it | would be a sheer squandering of the public moneys, for the State to pay nearly twice as | much as will command the same class of | labor on-the adjacent farms, The small demagogues who broach rach projects care nothing for the laborers except | to get their votes. The idea that laborers on | | the public works should be treated as a priv- | ileged class is preposterous, They are under no compulsion to labor on the public works. | Every field of employment is open to them. he If they can do better elsewhere they are free to make the trial. If they do not choose | to accept such compensation as the State offers they are at full liberty to sell their services to other employers, It is as | absurd for the State to pay more than the \ market rate for labor as it would be to pay more than the mar- ket price for the stone or timber or iron it has occasion to purchase for the canals. The canal officers would deserve dismissal if | they paid more than the market rates for such materials, and they would be equally inexcusable for adopting a different rule in respect to labor. Mr. Slevin might with as | much propriety have offered a bill for uni- | form rate for all oak timber purchased for | the public works, and fixing it sixty or eighty per cent above its value in the raral districts, as to have proposed a similar bill for regulating the urige of labors The Conflict Opens. The meeting of the Republican National Executive Committee at Washington to-day may be regarded as the opening gun of the Presidential campaign. The committee is to decide not only the time when, but what is of far greater and real importance, the place where the fepublicans are to meet in national convention. The republican party has a constantly increasing quantity of what may be called ‘fair to middling” Presiden- tial timber, and every blunder of the demo- orats increases the number of their oppo- nents ready to accept the nomination. It is true that no republican has yet been so far overcome by anxiety for the country and himself as to give public notice that he is a candidate for the Vice Presidency, as poor Cassius Clay has done in the democratic ranks. We wonder that Mr. Colfax has beem able to restrain his ardor. Washington, we hear, is filling up with politicians from all quarters eager to help settle the convention's location. Mr. Conk- ling’s friends want it held at Saratoga, and are prepared to vouch for the beauty of the climate and the unimpaired virtues of the waters of that famous resort. Mr. Morton's friends would prefer Indianapolis; Gov- ernor Morgan would perhaps prefer New York; the third termers decidedly prefer Washington ; Mr. Blaine’s friends would no doubt like Portland or Bangor, but will be satisfied, we hope, with Boston ; Senator Sherman's allies are divided between Cin- cinnati and Cleveland ; Senator Logan has reasons to believe Chicago peculiarly suitable, and Mr. Washburne would perhaps agree to that place also. Then there are people who think St. Louis very suitable, and not a few, ¢ Senator Cameron, who look with favor. on "Philadelphia. | Senator Booth would per- haps prefer the Yosemite Valley, and when we recall the travellers’ tales of that unique enclosure we are not sure but we agree with him, Tue Senate was occwpjed yesterday in propounding and answering querces respect- ing at least fifty aspects of the éoncit- géhty in which the President pro tempore’ of the Senate might be called on to act as President of the United States. Thera seemed to be no very definite rule or law | governing the majority of these ingenious supposititious cases, and Mr. Stevenson's suggestion, to refer the matter to the Jndici- ary Committee for thorough Sse a is sensible. ae tae Rie Tue Discracerut Srory of the drowning of the Workhouse prisoner, Lewis Gardner, while being rowed to the Island in company with the fireman of the institution, both being drunk, is an illustration of very loose discipline in that institution, Apart from the shocking details of the story itself, which includes the escape of another prisoner, the question forces itself, What chance of escape from death would the Workhouse inmates have in case of fire with such a fireman as John Kidd? Anovt THE Time that Richmond and Porto Rico were playing at earthquakes a whole town was shaken to its foundations in Peru. Thus perished Aang: The loss of life is not stated, Mr. Benen is still anxious for the horse. If the bill of Mr. Foster becomes a law ot the State any small boy who throws a nail into the street will find the great philohip- pist on his mettle. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, etaerupelesce iy Southern pork is spoiling. Lucy Larcom teaches school, Fifty thousand Germans in Chicago. , Italy’s pretty Crown Prince dissipates. Webster's dictionary ts used by English scientista, Excellent wine ig for sale in Fayal for six centaa bottle. * Female suffrage has been incorporated in the law of | the land in Chill, Hugh F, McDermott, of the Jersey City Herald, has resigned his clerkship in Congress. ‘ The California Alta says that Thomassen, the dyna- mite fiend, has gone to meet his cremator. John Y, Foster, who wrote the Blaine letter, has been make Clerk of the New Jersey Assembly. The new thing in architecture is to have a window directly over the mantie, the chimney flues running up each side, . A Western paper insis came over with Columbus. 1492-dinarian, David A. Camfeld, who was elected Sheriffot Essex county, New Jersey, last fail, is seriously ill at his resi- that Charles Francis Adama In which case he is a | dence tn Newark. The Herald of Health contends that no person can be | adrankard who every day eats haifa pound of maca- roni, flavored with butter, The overseer of the Kentucky Penitentiary says that he disrobes refractory women convicts before he lashes them in the presence of the other convicts, From all parts of the world the weather reports indi- cate that the Atlantic seaboard is the only region’ ia the temperate zone which enjoys fine weather, Wilkie Collins says, “No men are 80 entirely beyond the reach of women as the men whose lives are passed in the cultivation of their own physical strength.” A buge petrifaction, formed almost entirely of ser- pents im various positions, but making # solid mass, bas been found near the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. The Savannah News says there is no portion of the South where industrious laborers are not needed, and where they would not find immediate employment at good wages. {tis claimed that certain leading democratic politt- cians of New York and of the West have agreed with some prominent independent journalists to support Senator Thurman for the Presidency. The St. Louis Republican emphasizes the fact that the brunt of the present hard times fails unexpectedly on the East and not on the West and South, saying that it has now become go plain as to need no detoustra- | tion. While Alabama was under the sea parts of New Mexico and Wyoming were under fresh water lakes, ‘A sketch of one of those extinct lakes ehows that the e stood between the Wasatch and tne Rocky Moan- tains so long that mud nearly a mile thick formed on its bottom. James Parton {s described ag a middle-sized, lean and | spectacied gentleman, with pleasent, brown-bearded face; hair fattened on the top and sides of his head; a suit of black broadcloth thatdid not 6} him; the evi- | dence of a little bad taste in shape of & watch chain, dangling across his low cut vest, It israther singular that Governor Tilden, who repre. sents @ party which believes in a State sticking to its rights, and in affairs of mere home rule should have devoted half his Message to national topics. Doesn't the State fool with the nation a little more than the na- tion bothers with the State, after ale . The Quincy (Ill) Whig, since it became a quarto, has brightened in typography and in selecti f intereat- ing topics. The editor, who divides the ‘Personal in- telligence” of the Nsw York HeRAxp into two depart- | ments and gives them the distinction of leaded brevier | on his editorial page, is a man,of judgment and taste, “Zack ©."—The thick stuf they make your Tom and Jerry of is egg beaten up with white sugar, a little milk, some brandy and considerable rum, seasoned with hot water and nutmeg. Aud yet ten to one after you've drank fifteen of them you can’t tell “Our Bova’ from “Other Guus than ourg,”? P