The New York Herald Newspaper, April 26, 1875, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD' BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, “PROPRIETOR NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly editions of the New Yorx Hxratp will be pent free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- gual subscription price $12, All business or news letters and telegraphic @espatches must be addressed New Yore Hrnaw. “Rejected communications will not be re- ‘turned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—NO. 3 RUE SCRIBE Subscriptions and advertisements will be received und forwarded on the same terms as in New York. TOLUME XL. £ é gs AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. Woop's MU! corner Thirtieth stree ‘My closes at 10:45 P. Me NO, 116 Pi ati rAv RE COMIQUE, TH Pet Breeton —VARIETY, ats, M.; closes at 10385 METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ARr ‘West Fourtecath street. —' ‘Open from 10 4. to5 P.M. BROOKLYN PARK THEATRE, = avenue.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10:5 GERMANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth street.—GIROFL!-GIROFLA, at 8 P.M; Gloccsarloas iM. Miss Lins Mayr. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Fm Broadway.—VAKINTY, ats P. M.; closes at 10:45 jet ere und Br ad way FEE BIG Bo- re} street an road way.—! PAU closes ati: fa Mr. Pisber, Mr. wvia, Siise Daveaport, PAR RE, p= DAVY CROC: T, at 8 P.M; choses at Mr. Mayo. UWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—TRUE as STLEL, at 8 P. M. GRAND 0 Bee BOOTH’S THEATRE, avenue and Twen' it. of Twenty-third street and Sixth avenne,—AMY BSART, at 8 P. M ilson. Broadwa 100 P.M, RA HOUSE, “third street—AHMED, at 8 7 Closes at 1045 P.M. M.; closes at ll P. Miss Ne: LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth street, Sixth avenue.—LA JOLIE PAR- FUMEUSE, at? P.M. Mile. Aimee. ACADEMY OF XUSIC, Sayin street ape Irving piace.: —PHILHARMONIC CONCERT, at 5 P. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, way, corner of Twenty-ninth street.—NEGRO STRELSY, at8 P.M ; closes at 10 P. M. TIVOLLT 1EATRE, ighth street, between Secon ong. Tatra avenues — FARILTY, at 8 P. M.; closes. at 12 MPS. CONW. THE TWO ORPHA ROOKLYN THEATRE, SP. M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. ALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway. —ROAD TO RUIN, at8 P. Ms P.M. Mr. Montague, Miss Jeffreys-Lewis. closes at 10 40 ROBINSON HALL, Sixteenth street TWO HOURS IN’ PARADISE, at 8 P.M; closes at 10:30 P. 8T AY HALL, ye street. CONCERT, at P. M.; closes at 10:30 | BOWERY OPERA ROUSE, Pi 201 Bowery. —VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closes at 1045 TRIPLE SHEET. NEW YORK, MONDAY. 1875, APRIL 26. —— From our reports this morning the probabilities | @re that the weather to-day will be cool and tlear. Tse Spaxueps might well learn a lesson in magnanimity if the reports from Estella | to-day be correct. The cold-blooded execu- | tion of prisoners is a disgrace to any cause. Ir Was Mrowrster Saturday night and mid- summer Sunday afternoon. Truly the climate | of New York is in these vacillations one of the | worst in the world. Spring seems to include all the seasons and to possess the worst quali- | ties of each. Tse Brack Huis —The excitement which | pervades the Wést on account of the gold dis- coveries in the Black Hills is described in our | correspondence to-day, But there is nodoubt | of the attitude of the government. Miners tre to be kept from trespassing on the Indian territory so long as the present treaties re- wain in force. But for the military the emi- | gration to the gold regions would be im- mense. pate Tue Ustox Leacve Cxivn, one of the @ost celebrated in the country, yesterday re- | ecived a severe blow to its prosperity by the burning of its building. The damage was large, but it is a matter of congratulation that the more valuable property in the shape of works of art wassaved. The club will soon restore its material luxuries, but it could not teplace its fine collection of paintings. | Tae Ixpus cs Wan generally begins when | winter ends. Indications of this are fur- | nished in the recent battle between the Chey- | ennes and a cavalry troop at Monument Sta- tion, on the Union Pacific Railroad. The In- dians were badly defeated after two hours’ Aghting and lost twenty-seven of their braves. | We are now to see whether Sheridan's policy is to be tested on the Plains or whether the government will go on with its present inter- | minable and useless strife. Certainly the In- dian Department hus biundered long enough. Tae Putrrr xp tHe Press.—The inereased Interest which has recently been taken in religion by the citizens of New York is due, there is no doubt, to the publication of ser- mons by the press. The fine selection from | the discourses delivered yesterday, which we | give on another page, will, we trust, deepen | this religious feeling. The sermons of Mr. Hageman, Mr. Hepworth, Mr. Terry, Fatber | McCready, Dr. McGlynn, Mr. Frothingham, | Mr. Beecher and others which v > print, can- not fail to have a good effect. ably the greater depravity of Brooklyn in contrast | with New York may be attributed to the fact | that the press of that city does not do full jastice to the pulpit, while, on the other hand, all the morality tbat still remains in our sister | city, after the Beecher trial, is due to the in- | fluence of the religious daily press of New | York. | more agreeable, and, all things considered, | | not materially less prosperons. if there was a | feat, or even the postponement, of a full and | Tule. | has been a successful Mayor if he leaves New | York in the condition in which he found it? | NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, APRIL 26, 1875—TRIPLE SHEET. Rapid Transit=The Duty of the Gove ernor ar@ the Legislature: A correspondent sends us a somewkat em- phatic letter from Albany, which should not pass without consideration. ‘On Tuesday next,” he writes (meaning to-morrow), “rapid transit comes before the Assembly. The measure which ought to have been the first legal act of the Legislature wil) doubtless meet its customary defeat. The street car companies are to be represented by their usual emissaries, men and money. What the people want now is the name of every Sens- tor and Assemblyman who by any single vote cast against rapid transit shows his treason to the pledge of his party. This list, sur- rounded by a heavily-mounted frame of mourning, should be published in all the papers, from the adjournment of the Legisla- ture until the next State election, There is no other way to punish those who sell their constituencies to the street railroad companies.” We are inclined to think there is some force inthe suggestion of our correspondent, and if he will send us the list he proposes we shall make good use of it. Itis bad enough when s member of the Legislature sells his vote. There could be no punishment too severe to mark the infamy of that crime. But here is a case where the infamy is a kind of treason. - Rapid transit has become neces- sary to the growth of the city, Without it we have fallen back in the march of metropolitan supremacy, and until the want is supplied we can never hope to regain what we have lost. Every interest demands it—every interest of the public welfare. Only those opposed to it are the few who profit by the want of rapid transit, just as the old coach owners made war upon the railways because steam superseded the stage lines. When a legislator sells out the good of a whole community to satisfy a small class of selfish monopolists he becomes a moral traitor to the Commonwealth. We cannot understand why ‘‘the street car men” should be so strenuous in their opposi- tion to rapid transit. Such a man as Com- modore Vanderbilt has more to gain by rapid transit than most of our citizens, He would really lose nothing in the value of his street railway and he would gain in the increased value of his other roads. No citizen, no mat- ter what his interests, can prosper out of that which affects the general prosperity of all” Rapid transit would assist and not diminish the profits of most of the street railways. Take the Elevated Railway on Greenwich street, which, if we quote correctly the last annual report, carried eight hundred thou- sand passengers in one year. We have never learned that the success of this road injured the prosperity of any of the west side street railways. On the contrary, the existence of this new means of travel created a new class of travellers and aided the business of all of | the roads. Mr. Vanderbilt might not have his Fourth as many passengers on | avenue line as he now accommodates, | with a fast steam line in _ operation, but he would have twenty times as many beyond Forty-second street. Already the Third avenue line is taxed to its fullest measure, and even that road would becomé steam line to Harlem. If there should be an interference with the profits of existing lines it is the penalty of growth, New York must not fall into inanition to replenish the coffers of a few railroads. The State or the city, if it offended any vested rights, could make a recompense. The street railway people are in the possession of valuable franchises. They owe what they now possess to the grace and comity of the people. They have made large sums. They cannot claim to rule New York as a monopoly. They must see that | rapid transit is a question of time, and that money spent in now defeating it is money wasted, as the expense will have to be in- curred from year to year. We confess we cannot contemplate the de- generous system of rapid transit without alarm. The responsibility for such a misfor- tune would fall upon Governor Tilden, Mayor Wickham and Mr. Kelly. These three gen- tlemen represent the dominant party in the State. They have unquestioned mastery over the city and the State. They have only-to enter seriously into the question of rapid transit to achieve it. They took power as the | heads of a triumphant party. They had but | to express a wish for the party to accept it. “The street car companies, with their usual emissaries of men and money,’’ would have | striven in vain; they would have availed nothing against the wishes of the leaders of | the party. Behind this party was a public sentiment demanding rapid transit, which it would have been most wise to consider. Rapid transit is not like the introduction of | Croton water or the building of the Erie Ca- |_ nal—a measure of unproved value and op- posed to many prejudices. It is a question upon which the people are united. Take a vote in this city on fapid | transit, and there would not be dis-| sentients enough to fill the line of | Broadway stages. Therefore, for the leaders of the democratic party to fail in rapid | transit is to show their utter unworthiness to How can Governor Tilden expect the nation to consider his claims to the Presidency if he should disappoint the highest claim | | upon him of the people of his own city and State? How can Mr. Wickham feel that he And what merit can Mr. Kelly assert as the leader of Tammany if his leadership results in | failure to satisty the imperative wants of | every democrat in the city? Of what use is | the party which these men lead, and which the people have ciothed with power, if it | shows itself helpless in the presence of this | overmastering necessity ? New York has had no greater man since the days of Hamilton than De Witt Clinton. His greatness was that he saw the vital want of this city and State and answered it. He | gave us the Erie Canal, and from that time | this Commonwealth has been, in truth as in name, the Empire State. De Witt Clinton saw that there was a higher fame than what resulted from declamation and rhetoric ; that | common sense and a recognition of the ma- terial wants of the people would give him a sure and noble name. Mr. Tilden has a similar opportunity. He can earn as high a | title to the gratitude of the people as De Witt Clinton possessed. Let him give us rapid transit, and in doing so give new life to New York. By rapid transit we do not mean simply » swift railroad up and down one of our avenues; but a generous, efficient, comprehensive system. We want rapid transit in all directions. We want a tunnel under the Hudson, that the great Southern and Western lines may find terminus on this island, and that the people, if they prefer, may make their homes in New Jersey and be able to cross without fear of ice or storms or tides. .We want the bridge to Brooklyn com- pleted, so that our people, if they elect, may have speedy access to the beautiful outlying districts of Long Island. And, of course, above all we need steam to Westchester. In other words, rapid transit will be assured when a citizen can enter acentral depot near the Henaxp office and select his route either to New Jersey, Westchester or Long Island. The effect of this would be tomake New York not merely the most beautifal but the most con- venient city in the world. It would no longer be a reproach to her that within her walls the poor man could find no home that did not threaten him with malaria and typhus. Let our representatives at Albany, then, consider this question of rapid transit in its largest sense. The time has passed when mere paltry, selfish interests can be allowed to postpone further this necessary measure of the public welfare. We do not see how any fair, honest man can hesitate to vote for some such measure as the admirable bill introduced by Mr. McGowan. The value of Mr. McGowan’s bill is that it means rapid transit, and if it is imperfect it can be amended. But we want something. Itis a reflection upon our form of government and the efficiency of our State and city systems that we should be to-day as it were under a landslide instead of marching ahead. It certainly shows apathy or unfitness in the leaders of our parties when they fail to use their power for the general wel- fare. We shall watch this debate with deep | interest. We refuse to share the suspicions of our correspondent as to the integrity of the represéntatives who will be called upon to vote. We cannot conceive that an issue like this will be sacrificed to the interests of any corporation, no matter how powerful. It is | certain that whoever consents to such a sacri- fice must be content to accept the censure visited upon public men who betray the people and tbus make themselves infamous. The Removal Bill as It Passed the Semato. If the clamor and denunciation with which this bill is being assailed by the personal organs of the Governor reflect his own senti- ments he is indignant at the refusal of the Senate to confer on him an absolute power of removal. But his expectations were extrava- gant if he supposed a republican Senate would bestow this niark of unbounded con- fidence on a democratic Governor. The Senate has consented to give him all the power really necessary for the protection of | the public interests. The bill authorizes him to suspend forthwith any officer against | whom he makes charges and to appoint a temporary successor.to discharge his func- tions. This isa perfect security against cov- | tinued malversation. ..From the moment that charges are made the office passes into the hands of an appointee of the Governor and remains there until the accused officer has been tried by the Senate. It is irrelevant to say that the trial may be slow, for the more dilatory it is the longer the office will continue to be administered by a citizen freely selected by the Governor himself. The bill gives the Governor power to suspend the inculpated officer until the Senate declares him guilty orinnocent, and it makes only a bare ma- jority of the Senators necessary for cone viction, whereas it requires a two-thirds ma- jority to remove an officer by the regular process of impeachment. The bill is a great gain in pointof promptness, It dispenses with all the delay consequent on an im- peachment by the Assembly and facilitates removal by substitutinga bare majority of the Senate for two-thirds of that body. With the power of immediate suspension this method seems as efficient as any that ever ought to be practised in the case of officers elected by the people of the whole State. It must be borne in mind that this is not a question of the removal by the Gover- nor of his own appointees, except in the case of subordinates for whose conduct the removing officer is directly responsible. It is asound general rule that charges shall be | tried by a different authority from that by which they are brought. This rule, which | has the sanction of long experience, extends through the whole range of our juris- prudence as well as through our administra- tive policy, Indictments are brought by a grand jury, but they are always tried by a | petit jury. In all the States of the Union and in the federal government impeachments are brought by one branch of the legislative | body and tried by the other. This sound prin- ciple should be set aside only in such excep- | tional cases as the ordinary methods afte incompetent to reach. When the Governor | takes the important step of making charges of | fraud against a high State officer his per- sonal animosity and pride of reputation make it difficult for him to acknowledge a mistake and disqualify him to be an impar- tial judge of the evidence. It is, therefore, quite proper, in the case of officers elected by the people of the State and deriving their title from the same source as the Governor | himself, that the accuser should not be also the judge. The removal by an executive officer of his own subordinates whom he has | appointed and for whose conduct he is re- sponsible stands on a wholly different ground. If the chief State officers were appointed by the Governor it should be in his power to remove them; but as they are chosen by the people at a different time and often by a different political party, it is | neither safe nor just to make the Governor the judge as well as the accuser of his politi- cal adversaries. The power of suspension until his charges can be tried is all that the | Governor can reasonably ask, and is a great deal more tban he is willing to concede to the chief magistrate of this city, who belongs to his own political party. If Mayor Wickham could suspend the Comptrolier, Corporation Counsel and Fire | Commissioners from the moment that he | found reason to bring charges against them, and could fill their places until their guilt or | innocence should be declared by the Board of | Aldermen, we presume he would be very well satisfied, although these officers are not elected by the people, Governor Tilden stultifies himself in asking for power 4o make prompt, absolute removals of State officers, while he obstinatety opposes the exercise of a similar power by the Mayor of this city. There is no argument “for conferring this authority of absolute removal on the Gov- ernor which is not a stronger argument for giving it to the Mayor. The Resurrected Marquis. The Marquis de Caux is not dead. He was not shot in a duel. Itis,in fact, uncertain whether he was even shot at in one of those ndiculous, antique and wicked encounters upon which intelligent modern society has pronounced its ban. Our London despatches say that the report of the death of the Mar- quis de Caux is false. We deeply regret this fact because of the pain it will give to the London Standard’s news gatherer, though we are rejoiced in it on account of the pleasure it must give the Marquis. While there is every anxiety felt by journalists that the news printed by the papers should be true, none but the most cold-blooded members of the profession will resent the survival of the Marquis. It may be said, and probably will be said by the other journals, that the Marquis de Caux should have died when he was said to have died, and thus have con- firmed the confidence of the public in the truthfulness of the cable despatches; but we do not agree with this severa judgment. If men must die whenever the cable kills them the population of Europe would be soon ex~- tinct. The Marquis de Caux, however, has little to complain of in the premature announce- ment of his death. It has made him famous fora time, and he has been honored with columns in papers which would otherwise never have mentioned his name. He has also the great advantage of being able to read his own obituaries—a privilege which few noble- men have possessed. Thus he can profit by the story of his life. ‘This state- ment,” he may say, “is incorrect—I am not dead,” and this correction alone would be of the greatest importance to him in his future career. If he bas faults his biographers candidly inform him of their character, and if he imagined himself indis- pensable to the world, as most men do, he will be taught humility by the indifference with which the announcement of his death has been regarded. To him, therefore, the false rumor is a sure blessing. What it may be to the celebrated singer he married we do not know. Our hearts impulsively beat pity- pat when we heard he was dead, and it is to be trusted that they will not beat pity-Patti, now that we know that he is alive. Sympathy with the German Prelates. The relations of Church and State are al- ways hard to determine, excepting in those | cases, as in this fortunate country, where | their provinces are plainly divided. There can be no conflict where there is no disputed ler This is the situation in America, where the priest and the politician have dif- | ferent spheres of action, and where conflict | | between them should be legitimately impossi- | | ble. In Europe, unfortunately, the conditions are very different, and lead to grave complica- tions. The Church so long ruled the State | that it should not be surprising if the State | at last claims dominion over the Church, That the Catholic Church has asserted its authority too far isa matter of history, em- bodied in the excommunications and anathe- mas of monarchs whose faulis were merely those of insubordination to political pro- grammes, not of rebellion against spiritual edicts. When the Pope meddled with the tempcral affairs of nations the Pope deserved the rebuke he so often received. But now, when the Supreme Pontiff is deprived of all | temporal authority, virtually a prisoner in the Vatican and limited only to spiritual rule, the ancient situation is reversed. The Pope is the subject of sympathy all over the Chris- tian world ; nor do Catholics alone sympa- thize with his sorrows, but Protestants feel the humiliation which religion endures. The | State has become the persecutor of the Church. Germany, under Bismarck, has undertaken to destroy Rome in all her clerical | agencies, in the same spirit in which Hercules | undertook to cut off the heads of the Hydra. | The war which Bismarck has made against | the Pontiff is not a'war against his temporal | power, but against what is supposed to be his spiritual interference with purely worldly affairs. The severity with which the German autocrat has pursued his policy has been | bitterly resented. The imprisonment of bishops and the Archbishop of Posen, the the absolute issue raised by Berlin against Rome, these and simiiar events have caused a general belief that the Church, which was of old the inspiration of religious persecution, has now become the object of political tyranny. We are glad, therefore, to print to-day the letter | from the Archbishop of Toronto addressed to | | this paper, enclosing the remarkable address | of that honored prelate and the bishops of | Canada to the unhappy Cardinal Ledochowski and his venerable companions in suffering | and imprisonment. It is another proot that | | American Catholics feel a deep sympathy | with their Church in Germany, not merely because it suffers, but because they know that it is attacked in pursuit of a purely political | policy. The occasion does not seem to justify the punishment, and the letter printed by us | | to-day is cnly one evidence, among many, of | | how great isthe moral support which the persecuted prelates in Germany receive from | the Church in all parts of the world. | | barsh laws passed by the Prussian Assembly, | | Tae Canprvatate.—The chapter we print | | this morning of the life of our new Cardinal | | will be read with deep interest. There is in | all minds a tendency to hero worship, and | the carcer of the priest who ascends to a | | higher rank than that ever worn by an Ameri- | can Catholic will afford food for reflection. | We trace the life of Cardinal McCloskey } through three of its epochs—as a stndent of | Emmettsburg, Maryland, as a priest in New | | York, a$a bishop in Albany. His record as | | archbishop is well known. All the testimony concurs in showing that the lite of the Cardi- | nal has been one of piety, virtue and learn- | ing; that he has been always a good citizen | as wollas a good Catholic, and that he has | given his best efforts to educate and enlighten | the people. The lesson of such a life cannot | be lost upon the young men of this genera- tion. Opinions of the Cardinal every American | attention to the presence of reporters. Whatever we may think of the religious | mnst feel glad that the Pope, in awarding the dignities of the Holy See, has honored one who has always been an American in every sense, and who has never brought dishonor upon the American name. The Beecher Jury. It is to be hoped tbat the bill now pending in the Legislature for the compensation of the long suffering Brooklyn jurymen may be passed, A reasonable compensation for the loss of their time and interruption of their business is so simple an act of justice as to warrant, in this exceptional case, a departure from the ordinary rule. ‘There are good reasons why the ordinary pay of jurors should be merely nominal. In most cases their term of service is only a few days, or at most a few weeks,.and the cheap administration of justice is so important to the public welfare that the occasional sacrifice of a few days’ time by citizens serving as jurors is one of the taxes which they should be willing to pay for the general security. But this kind of tax, like all other taxes, should be equitably distrib- uted. Each of the Brooklyn jurors will do twenty times the amount of that kind of duty in this trial which devolves on other citi- zens during a lifetime, and it would be not merely a hardship, but an injustice, if they were put off with the merely nominal compensation which the present law allows. It is not wise to tempt future jurymen to put a strain on their conscience and shirk service that is likely to be protracted. Every juror in this Beecher case would have béen a pecu- niary gainer if he hadineglected to obey the Sheriff's suramons and had paid the fine for non-attendance. And then there are ways enough by which men can avoid serving in such a case as this without incurring penalties. They have only to say that they have formed an opinion, and they are at once released. It is not conducive to good morals nor to the ends of justice to strengthen this temptation by so gross a violation of equity as the denial of a reasonable compensation to jurymen who are kept in attendance four or five months. It would be so easy for any one of the number to release himself and break up the trial by feigning sickness, that the community should award the praise of uprightness and moral steadiness to every one of these twelve men, who go on from day to day in the discharge of their duty, with no certainty that they will be paid for the loss of their time and the neglect of their business. The conscientious steadiness of these jury- men cannot be compared with the persistence of the counsel for the plaintiff, who are, doubt. less, serving without compensation, unless they get a verdict for their client. They came into the case voluntarily, and not, like the jary, on compulsion. They probably satisfied themselves that the plainuff had a strong case, and assumed whatever risk they took with their eyes open. If they should desert | him before the end of the trial their chances would be small of getting future clients. And, besides, they have a partial compensation iu the opportunity to display their abilities in so conspicuous a theatre. The poor jurymen gain no such incidental advantage, because, unlike the lawyers, they wish to keep clear ot future cases instead of serving in them. If Messrs. Morris, Pryor, Shearman and Tracy were serving on this jury instead of being em- ployed as counsel the hardship would be more burdensome than that of devoting their time from friendship to a client on the one side or the hope of winning their case on the other. Even the most cherished of our institutions, the trial by jury, has the imperfection which attends all human devices. It is but a rade process for the ascertainment of guilt or the vindication of innocence. If Mr. Beecher should be acquitted, he will still have suffered an irreparable wrong. It will be idle for the Court to award him costs when the plaintiff has no ability to pay them. The heavy expenses of his defence will be an unmitigated evil for which he can obtain no redress, which will be very hard on innocence, if his innocence should be estavlished. Mr. Tilton might, in that event, be indicted and punished for libel or for perjury; but that would bring no ad- vantage to the defendant, who, as a Christian | minister, is supposed to be above motives of | And so, on the other hand, if Mr. | revenge. Tilton gains his suit, it will be a barren victory. When he has paid his lawyers he will be as poor beginning, and will have acquired a kind of | notoriety which no sane man would covet. When he condoned the fault of his wife, after her confession, he bound himself to silence ; and, let this suit terminate as it may, he canuot escape the heavy social pen- alties of his strange method of proceeding. A suit for divorce, when he made the alleged discovery, would have been proper enough ; but his subjecting the county of Kings to the expense of this wearisome and demoralizing as he was in the | The matter will be dealt with in regular form, and Mr. Sullivan will gain his point, The course he was a manly one, and will commend itself to journalists all over the world. The best rule on the subject would be that adopted by our own Senate. When matters requiring secrecy are brought up the Senate, by vote, goes into a secret session. The House should reserve this privilege—one that belongs to it—and make the reform which Mr. Sullivan suggesta, The Proposed oa Street Cleaning The failure of our present saa cleaning system is generally admitted. The fault does not lie wholly in the want of capacity of the present Police Commissioners. It has become evident that the management of the Street Cleaning Department should not be made a part of the duties of the Police Boord. The four members of that Board have quite enough to do to attend properly to their legitimate business, to give us a well-disciplined, effi. cient force and to see that the lives and prop. erty of citizens are protected and the laws enforced. If they should perform these func. tions faithfully and effectively they would not find time to distribute the patronage of the Street Cleaning Department, to look after inspectors, superintendents and contractors, and to exercise the constant and close supervision without which the street cleaning business cannot be satisfactorily managed. Besides, the power of employing a large force of laborers, of hiring horses and carts, of disposing of garbage, of looking after the dumping ground, is not calculated ta improve the character of a Police commissioner or to keep him out of the dirty pools 6f politics and jobbery. Under any good system of cleaning the streets it is necessary that the police should be empowered and required ta exercise a sort of sanitary supervision and to see that the ordinances and regulations of the city or of the street cleaning authorities are observed or enforced. But this is all the connection the force should have with the business. A bill is now before the Legislature dissev- ering the Street Cleaning trom the Police De partment and placing it under the control of a commissioner to be appointed by the Mayor and confirmed by the Board of Aldermen, the same as other heads of departments of the city government. Of course this bill is de- nounced as a ‘“[ammany job” by the politi- cal gamesters who profit by the retention of the Havemeyer officials and who at present enjoy the patronage of the Police, Depart- ment. But it is only making the Street Cleaning Department a separate one, as it ought to be, removing its demoralim ing influence from the Police Board, and placing it on exactly the same footing with all other departments, as formed by the charter of 1873. It would certainly be an improvement thus far on the present ineflicient and objectionable sys- tem. Whether we should secure clean streets under the new department is another ques- tion. Many practical persons believe that we shall not have a proper return for the money expended in street cleaning until we divide the city into convenient districts, let the cleaning to contractors, after a public invita tion of bids, and under rules, regulations and obligations to be enforced by the police. Bui almost any change from the present abomin able system must be a welcome one, We can not do worse than to throw awaya million dol lars a year upon a corrupt and worthless po» litical machine, and we hope the bill now before the Legislature may become a law. Ramway Inrenests.—The relations between the Erie Railway Company and the National Stock Yard Company, with the rumors of a defalcation of ninety-six thousand dollars by an officer of the latter, form the subject of a special article elsewhere. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, General James §. Negley, of Pittsourg, is stay- ing at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Senator Edmunus and family left Wastingtos lastevening for their home in Vermont, Congressman H. H. Hathorn, of Saratons, is re sidiag temporarily atthe Filth Avenue Hotel. Baron von Schlizer, German Minister at Wash- ington, has @partments at the Brevoort House, Congressman Wiliam H. Barnum, ot New Haven, is once more registered at the Windsor Hotel. Brevet Brigadier General James Mm. Rovertson, United States Army, is quartered at tue Granda Central Hotel. Mr. Charies W. Mead, General Manager of the Northern Pacific Railroad, is sojourning at the St, Nicholas Hotel. Senator Morrill, of Maine, has recovered from his late imatsposition, and will start nomeward from Washington this morning. Lord William Hay was entertained at breakfast the morning he sailed for England by Mr. Charles | O’Conor at his elegant residence at Fort Washing- trial, four years atter an act of forgiveness, | will wash out no stain from his reputation, however successful he m: i ini | poset kineoan aeaceh Vienna, 1s in the city and stopping at the house of of Mr. Beecher. A jury was never worse em- ployed than in trying this scandalous and protracted suit; and, as they were bronght | into it by no fault of their own, it is proper that they should be fairly paid for their time. The Press and Parliament, For time immemorial the representatives of the English newspapers have only been per- mitted in the gallery of the House of Commons by a courtesy which was in all respects a viola- tion of the rules. By the law of the House no stranger is permitted to hear its proceedings. Amember had only to rise in his seat and say, ‘Mr. Speaker, I observe strangers in the | gallery,” and it became the Speaker's duty to remove reporters, spectators and all. rule has only been enforced upon rare ocea- sions, once, we believe, when the House de- bated the Contagious Diseases act. Mr. Sul- livan, a journalist from Dublin and a mem- ber, feels probably that his profession should not rest under this law; that they should not This | have by sufferance what is theirs by right. | Accordingly he announced that, in order to bring the matter to discussion and decision and the establishment of a rule that will give the press its rights, he would call the Speaker's This | would, of course, compel them to leave tho | gallery, and thus close the debates to the | public. This is a result which the speakers | do not desire and one that the people would not tolerate. The people claim to know what their members say and do. A compromise has been made under which’ Mr. Sullivan agrees for the present not to deprive the people of their daily parliamentary reports, | Captain Celse Cesar ton. Mr. W. Zach, German Consul General for the Isiand of Cnba, is at the New York Hotel. He will sail for Germany to-morrow in the steamship Scnilier. Mr. John Jay, lately United States Minister to his son-in-law, Major SchieMlin, at No. 107 East Seventeentn street. Marsnal MacMahon gave @ grand dinner to all the nersons present at his investiture with the Or- der of the Golden Fleece: and it is a measure of the great change in Spain, that Queen isabeila was present. It was a lady of Paris who regretted withs broken heart that her nusband had been sent te Noumea as an officer of the government with « good salary. ‘Why, yes,” said her iriena, “ne Might better go as a convict, for they all returm immediately.” M. Michel, a Frenchman of science. proposes the application o/ the princtple of a bell rang change in the thermometer to the discove! that change in the temperature o! the water which indicates the proximity of an iceberg to naviga- tors of the Atiantic, Somebody tn the Paris Temps praised André Chenier, who, of course, was not Victor Hugo, Whereupon the Rappel, the organ of the Hugo- phoolsts, says:—“Eitner this man has read the “Chatiments’ or he has not; If he bas not, wnat ao ignoramus; if he bas, what an tdiot."’ Alas jor the peril and possinie decay of tnat stray quaint style of art that is native to Japan) Fils Majesty the Mikado wanta to establish tn his dominions @ school of Ivaiian art. Then tne Japanese will appear in pictures the Irights they are. while in their own pictures they are reaily interesting. It is strange that, though the Italian Consai at New York, Mr. Ferdinand de Lucca, has been decorated by the King of Italy for the suppression of the traMc in Italian children carried on by the padroni, no notice Whatever has been taken oF reno, Who was really the originator of the movement, and it was through his instrumentality that the law forbiading this ne- farious business Was passed both here and m Italy. The King of Italy doubtless has not been in formed of the fact, so well known tn New York, that Captain Moreno did o" the work, whilo tne Consul has the reward,