The New York Herald Newspaper, January 23, 1875, Page 4

4 ‘NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly editions of the New Your Henarp will be eent free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- gual subscription price 812. All business or news letters and telegraphio despatches must be addressed New Your lznaxp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. Letters and packages should be properly secled. @ONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. received and forwarded on the same terms | as in New York. AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND. EVENING. Ole. Epes 4 Broad way.. TY, av 8 P. Bey closes at 1045 isa Matinee at2P. BOOTH’S THEATRE, ty-third treet and Sixth avenue.— iinite Lene at aE Mes closes at 10:30 Pd ME Howe. Matinee at | 3) HOOLEY'S OPERA HOUSE, Brookiva.—THE GEORGIA MINSTRELS, at 8-P. MA; loses at 1 THEATRE COMI Fogl4 Broadway. VARIETY, Pe a a + closes at 10:45 Matinee at? P.M. OKLYN PARK THEATRE, ONCLE, Tom's ¢ CABIN, at 8¥. M.; closes at 10:65 P. ML HALL, At PM ROMAN HIPPODROME, Ewenty-sizth street and Fourth avenue.—Aftermeon and Bvening, at2and & TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, FS, Bowery.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closesat 10:45 FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, yt a street and Oat y woe —WOMEN OF THE DaY. at 8 closes at 10: Mr. Lewis, Miss Davenport, Miss Jewett. ‘untinee atl:30 P.M ba tothe OPERA HOUSE, Pat} ake ‘Sixth avenue.—NEGRO Pea aay sea M.; closes at 10 P.M, Dan ASSOCIA Cwenty-third street. —' BONG niece —LA FILLE Seoetwe) Bouffe. DE AM rus. M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. Matinee at 1:30 ra on 8 GERMANIA THEATR! street. —DIE FLEDSEMA Ss, at 8 P.M; 35 P.M. Miss Lina Mayr. tice sr EMY OF MUSIC, ACAD) eereer?, ath lerneee tea RMORIC “CONCERT, at 8 =k Se at 6Y. M rclosesat TSP Like Matinee TIVOLL | THEATRE, ba ti ap between Second and Third avenues— , Ot SP. M.; aeueat iF. Mu BAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, of Twenty-ninth agg Matinee at ipsa acs M.; closes at lu P. ROBINSON HALL, —BEGONE DULL CARE, at 8P.M.; Me Maccabe. Matinee at 2 P. M, Sixteenth closes at 10:45 GLOBE THEATRE, | aren nen aa at SP. M.; closes at DOP. Mm ‘Maumee at2 P. aM. LYCEUM THEATRI Fourweenth strzet CROWN, at 8 P. ‘Matinee at ! 30 P. LLACK* 'S. hale | THES SHAUGHR. SP. M; © pee! Mr. Bouci it 130 P.M i = Rote” otEBOO} ‘Washingt Closes af i0as BM i WoOOD's MUSEUM, Broadway, corner of Thirtieih street—ON HAND, at8 ree closes at 10:45 P.M. Jonny Thompson. Matinee EATRE, ILDED AGE, at 8 P. es TH Ray nd. Matinee at 1:90 P. METROPOLIT. No. 585 Broadway.—VARIE P.M. Matinee at 2 P.M. NEW YORK STADT THEATR peer n—MEIN LEOPOLD, at § P. M.: From our reports this m morning the probabilities | @re that the weather to-day will be clear or partly cloudy. Wax Srazet Yesterpay.—The stock mar- ket was comparatively steady. Money was quoted at 2} and 3 per cent on call loans. Government and railroad bonds were gener- ally firm. Foreign ‘oreign exchange exchange was strong. Tax Conaressionan Commrrzz on Lonisi- ana affairs has begun its labors in New Or- leans, and yesterday received from the repub- | licans and conservatives the points of their | | is, Tespective cases. 7. Tar Awnnvat Report of the Commissioners of Emigration for 1874 is elsewhere published | in full It is a document which includes amuch suggestive information. Tux Scuootsme ‘Menconr sails to-day for acruise in the West Indies. This is much better for the boys than a winter spent in | can port, where she is almost ‘‘as idle as a painted ahip upon a painted ocean.”’ | career of the republican party. In that turn- Gobscriptions and advertisements will ro | Politician in his own State and Grant an ~ at 10:45 | | parison between the selfish interest of office- Tae Texnessxx Leorstatcre yesterday | voted for Senator without any important | change in the figures; but at the adjourn- ment Andrew Johnson was still leading in the contest, having remained ten or twelve votes ahead of his principal competitor, Governor Brown. How rmx Kino Case to Hrs Owx.—The | schemes and efforts by which the young Prince | . Alfonso, only a short time ago a student in | the Royal Military Academy in England, was proclaimed Kimg of Spain, are the subjects of an interesting letter fromm Marseilles con- teining important facts which wil! be new to the public. that Bismarck was one of the most astonished men in Europe. We should rather say he is one of the most astonishing. His friends, it will be seen, claim | 1, | republican party. The contrast presented by ; Buchanan in 1856, when the issue was first oa NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUARY 23, 1875—WITH SUPPLEMENT, President Gramt and Viee President Wilson. The remarkable divergence of views between the two highest functionaries of the govern- ment, elected on the same ticket by the same political party, arrests public attention and challenges the thoughtful consideration of the the conflicting views of these eminent federal officials may perhaps be accounted for by a corresponding contrast in their political ante- cedents and their relations to public ques- tions. Mr. Wilson held a respectable rank among the original founders of the republican party; General Grant was a pro-slavery demo- crat up to the time of the civil war, and the only vote he ever cast in his life was a vote for sharply defined between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery tendencies in our politics. Cap- tein Grant—this was his rank at that time, we believe—placed himself in hostility to the ideas and sentiments in which the foun- dations were then laid for the triumphant | ing point of our political history Wilson and Grant stood in opposite political camps, Wil- | son being even then a conspicuous and rising obscure voter in some Western town. But the action of these men in 1856, when the political caldron boiled over with the heat of partisan passions, marked the difference in their char- acters. Grant's sympathies were as freely given to the upholders of slavery as Wilson's were to the opposite side. In the great politi- cal battle of 1860 Grant felt too little interest | in the result to deposit a silent vote; but Wil- son was a strenuous advocate of the election ot Mr. Lincoln. When the war broke out in | the following year Captain Grant offered his services to the government, like hundreds of thousands of other democrats who cared | nothing for the slavery question. He went into the war as a democrat and came out of it asa democrat. He made what Senator Sum- ner denounced as a ‘whitewashing report’’ | on the submissiveness of the South to federal | authority. He accompanied President John- son in his famous tour described at the time as ‘swinging around the circle.” We allude to these incidents as a proof that General Grant and Mr. Wilson stood in opposing | political camps, Mr. Wilson having the confidence and General Grant having incurred the hostility of the republican party, as things stood at that time. The republican party afterward thought it expedient to nominate General Grant | for the Presidency, not because he held their views, but because he was ceriain to be nominated and elected by the demo- erats if their own party did not take him up. President Grant was not nominated in 1868 because he had republican convic- tions, but because his military reputation seemed to insure the success of any party that made him its candidate. General Grant is an exotic in the republican party; he had no sympathy with its ideas and was adopted as its candidate because it was thought that | military prestige might determine the elec- | tion. General Grant was not adopted into | the republican party as » man sharing its convictions, but as a person of pliable politi- | calideas, who was willing toserve asa ‘‘soldier of fortune’ any cause which might promote his personal interests. In judging between him and Vice President Wilson it is impos- cal Quixotism, and abstain from making recommendations which will never be adopted. But if the republican party were powerful enough to enforce its views the wisest thing it could do would be to compel the resignation of President Grant | and let Vice President Wilson succeed to his functions and powers. With Mr. Wilson as President the republicans would have a fair 4 chance of success in 1876. If he were Presi- dent the Southern troubles would be remitted | to local opinion for settlement, and the coun- try would expect a fair Presidential election in 1876. But under General Grant nobody can anticipate whether the people are to elect the next President or whether military coer- cion is to determine the choice. President Grant has no respect for the popular will, and his readiness to override it by military force in Louisiana proves that he has no scruples which stand in the way of his nullifying any elections which contravene his wishes. If the party which supports him concedes his right to thwart an election in Louisiana where will | they stop? If be can reverse the popular choice in Louisiana he can reverse it in any other State and re-elect himself by his military supremacy over the elections, That large portion of the republican party repre- sented by Vice President Wilson would repudiate such a result as heartily as the democratic party itself. Aside from General! Grant's office-holding supporters the public opinion of the country is unanimous against his third term pretensions. It is a public misfortune that Vice President Wilson is not at the head of the government; | insure an honest expression of the popular will in the Presidential election, whereas General Grant, with his tendencies to im- perialism, would have as little scruple in overturning the result of a Presidential elec. tion as he has shown in annulling the choice of the people in Louisiana. Politics in France. In the debate on the constitutional bills | all the party passion comes out, allthe more fierce and furious, apparently, for the recent truce and rest. Republicans, legitimists and the rest clamor with characteristic extrava- gance, each for the excellence of his own infallible remedy for the national disorders; and each without any perception that it is the true interest of all to give way to the stronger party. In the recent election in the Hautes Pyrenees there was seen the most significant fact lately made apparent in French politics. There were four candidates in the field—M. Cazeaux, a Bonapartist; M. Brauhauban, @ republican; M. du Puysegur, a legitimist, and M. Alicot, a Septennalist. All the par- ties were therefore before the people. There was no compromise, no juggling combina- tion of two or three parties to defeat another, but each asserted its own case at the polls. As a result of this straight trial of strength the | Bonapartist was chosen by a large majority ; but this instructive fact as to the state of the national mind seems to be regarded by no one in the Assembly ; yet an honest recogni- tion of it would be the key to the solution of all the difficulties, for the strongest will rule sooner or laterin France, as elseWhere, and all | the conflict that defers for a time the triumph of the strongest is a mere waste of the national vitality. Castelar. sible to ignore the differences in their po- | litical antecedents. Mr. Wilson represents the real sentiments of the party; General | Grant represents political expediency. The | question between Wilson and Grant issimply a | question between honest political convictions, long and consistently held, and the trimming expediencies which aim to make the federal patronage the controlling force in politics. The policy of Vice President Wilson appeals | to the great mass of republican voters; the policy of President Grant addresses itself only | to the office-holding interest. The Vice Presi- dent makes the nobler appeal In a com- | holders and the polgical convictions of the that t youn masses nobody can dispute conscience ought to carry the day against vulgar political motives. The policy of Vice President Wilson is ad- . dressed to the voting multitudes who have hitherto upheld the republican party; the | policy of President Grant is an appeal to the | office-holding interest. The existence of the republican party is staked on its choice be- policy of Vice President Wilson. It is a con- test between the honest republican masses rep- resented by Mr. Wilson and the office-holding interest represented by General Grant. The recent letter of Vice President Wilson onsidering its source, the most damaging | arraignment of President Grant ever made. What does Mr. Wilson mean when he says } that the republican party cannot “recover its | lost power and prestige by a policy of rewards and punishments or by party discipline?” | | What does he intend to denounce when he dreds of thousands in the party ‘who cannot be by the blandishments of power nor greatly moved by the threats of disci- pline?’’ Against whom does he aim his cen- sure when he declares that “mere politicians, | who think they can govern by the whip of | party discipline, will find that they cannot thus reach and control the independent men who struck the lash from the hands of the | slave masters; norcan we recover what is | lost by the impertinent intermeddling of office- holders in nominations and elections?’ These sidelong shots are aimed at General Grant; they have no pertinence unless he is their ob- ject. They make it evident that Vice Presi- dent Wilson thinks that President Grant is rnining the republican party by his mistaken policy. ‘The party be compelled to decide | etweon these conflicting views. Mr. Wilson | isa faithful representative of the great mass of republican voters; General Grant repre- | sents the office-holding interest. republi- seduced ‘The salvation Ben Pactrio Man, investigation yesterday | of the party depends upon which of those con- developed another interesting point—the promise by Mr. Irwin of ninety-five thousand | dollars, in case the Subsidy bill passed, to Mr. Whiting for his ‘‘snpposed ability to give valuable assistance.” posed to make a clean breast, and his testi- mony becomes particularly interesting when compared with that of Mr. Schumaker, whose flicting views prevails in republican councils, | is destruction unless General Grant forces his | way to a third term by military violence, Mr. Irwin seems dis- | which would trample down all party distinc- tions under the iron heel of a relentless impe- rialism. If free elections are permitted in 1876 the defeat of the republican party is | memory is so small and whose riches are so | inevitable, unless the policy of Grant is ex- (great. The committee adjourned the inquiry ‘until Monday, changed for the policy of Wilson. We endeavor to tween the policy of President Grant and the | | declares in his letter that there are hun- | | be | Vice President Wilson sees that Grantisin | keep clear of politi- | Sefior Castelar, leader of the republi- can party in Spain, announces his pur- pose to leave that country and reside in Geneva. He further adds that if his seat in the Cortes is only to be obtained by taking the oath of allegiance to King Alfonso he will not accept the honor. We question whether ; wise for a man like Castelar to retire from active participation in government on the change of a dynasty. When Amadeus was King of Spain this gentleman and his | friends took part in the Cortes. The oath of allegiance to a sovereign simply means that in | all things pertaining to peace and loyalty the | subject will obey the King. But no oath of allegiance is binding on the political con- | science of a citizen. Castelar and his friends could do more service to re- publicanism by remaining in Spain, taking part in the deliberations of the | Cortes, than by seeking .a barren exile. Re | publican sentiment is alive in Spain. The impulse of education has gone so far that | there is not power enough in King Alfonso | and all his battalions to drive it back. The Republic has been postponed, partly through the folly of its own friends—Castelar among the number—mainly resolution of the priests, noblemen and soldiers that there shall be no peace in that country that does not recognize their su- | Premacy and give them power, rank and money. The duty of Castelar, Salmeron, Figueras and the other brilliant and illus- trioug men whose genius recalls that of the | leaders of the early French Revolution, is to remain in Spain and serve the cause of liberty by educating the people to the appreciation of the benefits, limitations and responsibilities of a true Republic. | | The Beecher Trial. There will be no interruption to the Beecher | trial, the Governor having signed the bill em- | powering the City Court of Brooklyn to con- | tinue its term. This is welcome news; for we do not want this exciting society drama to become like one of Reade’s magazine stories, in which the hero was blown out of a window | at the end of a chapter, and, catching his coat on an iron hook, remained suspended in the | air fora month. That end is not very near, | if we may measure the body of ‘the animal by | its head. The argument of Mr. Morris and the examination of Mr. Moulton have already | consumed fifteen days, and behind this wit- ness comes a long line of other witnesses of apparently equal importance. Mr. Tilton | may goon the stant, Mr. Beecher certainly | will, and besides these are Carpenter, Will son, Johnson, Woodruff, Mrs. Morse, Bessie ‘Turner and probably scores of others. It is a complicated case, and has been so long before the public persons who know something | about it are tas numerous in Brooklyn In as church members. , patience or money will be too great if ruth can be discovered and the scandal 2 portant, and the discussions between the counsel promise to become as lively as the contests in the theatres. The Woodhull element of the affair was brought prominentiy before the Court, especially in regard to the biography of that lady, which for he would | through the | But no expenditure of | The points elicited yes- | | | | | | i Mr. Tilton is alleged to have written. This entertaining history was not admitted as evi- dence, and the trial fas adjourned until Monday. What WIll Come After? We have frequent despatches from Rome to the effect that His Holiness the Pope is not in the best of healgh, that he suffers from chills, and that much anxiety is felt about his recovery. Nothing is more natural than that there should be solicitude about the life of a man who is now in the eighty-third year of his age and who has been ailing for a long time. Even if His Holiness were a younger man the troubles of the last few years would break him down, His Papacy has been marked by the extraordinary circumstance that he has held the office longer than any Pope since the time of St Peter. From his accession to the Papal throne te the present time there have been o series of remarkable events, culminating in the promulgation of the dogma of infalli- bility and the open war with the Empire of Germany. How far these events have been controlled by the personal character of the Pope, and how far they will be affected by the wishes of his successor, are questions of the gravest character, and now largely excite the interest of European statesmen. Prince Bismarck, the labor of whose life is his struggle with the Papacy, has taken ad- vantage of the health of the Pope to express his ideas of the policy of Germany as to the question of the succession. There have been rumors for a long time that the Holy See had provided new machinery for the election of a Pope, and that a bull exists “with every formal condition of authority sufficient to secure the immediate election of ® successor conformable to the wishes of the Pope's present advisers,” In other words, the head of the Catholic Church, in pursuance perhaps of the law of infallibility, will be able not only to dictate its policy in his own reign, but even in that of the popes who will come after him. The aim of Prince Bismarck would be.to influence the choice of the Sacred College. When Pius IX. was elected, in 1846, he was the representative of what was called the moderate progressist party of the cardinals, and belonged, said the French Ambassador ot the time, ‘to a school of theology well known in Rome, which combines much religion with elevated ideas and sentiments.’’ At the time of the election of the Pope the Catholic Powers claimed the right to approve or dis- approve of the choice of the college. Austria opposed the election of Pius IX., and was in favor of a “‘retardist’’ from the Sacred Col- lege. But the Austrian protest came too late to affect the result. Politicians regarded the choice of the present Pontiff as the success of France. No doubt French influence will largely control the succession to Pius IX. The fear of this stimulates Bismarck in his present course. Accordingly he insists that the position which the Pope “holds in Ger- many and Italy ought to give those States as clear a title to resist the canonical election as if they were still States in direct union with the Church of Rome.” Nothing'is more incredible than that the members of the Sacred College would be governed in their choice of » Pope by the wishes of either Italy or Germany. The Pope bas excommunicated Victor Emmanuel, we believe, and is at open war with the Emperor William. There is no possible point of policy on which the Sacred College and Italy and Ger- many conldagree. These countries war against the time-honored traditions of the Papacy, its temporal power, its right to contro! its own priests. They have treated the Church ond its servants with severity, and nothing would be more certain to destroy tho chances of a cardinal for the Papacy than the belief that his election was desired by Victor Emmanuel or Bismarck. The fact that Ger- many advances this pretension now means that, no matter what the result of the next election will be, Bismarck will endeavor to turn it to his own advantage. Bismarck would ask for nothing better than to see a schism in the Catholic body. If he could successfully challenge the legality of the election of a new | Pope, on the ground that it was conducted according to a sacred bull, and not in accord- ance with the precedent controlling former elections, it would give him a strong power in dealing with the Church in Germany, for an illegal Pope could certainly not claim to be infallible. Bismarck’s next step would be to induce Dr. Déllinger or Bishop Reinkens, or some of the Old Catholic prelates, to become Pope of a new schism and the founder of a new Catholic Church, supported by the Ger- man Emperor. Resistance to Federal Authority. Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, made a his- torical statement in the House a day or two since, in which he unconsciously painted him- self and the anti-slavery men of his State as no better than the Louisiana ‘‘banditti.”” He was speaking on Mr. Whitelaw Reid’s case, and arguing for the exemption of a witness from arrest before retiring to his home. Mr. Kelley illustrated his position by recounting the incidents of a fugitive slave case in his own court when he was a judge, without tion which has for the last two weeks occu- pied so much of public attention. Judge Kelley's recital was pertinent enongh to Mr. Reid’s arrest, but it was at the same time an unintended justification of violent resistance to federal authority when its exercise is thought to be illegal. Judge Kelley retates that a fugitive slave, Janc Johnson by name, was summoned to his court as a witness ina prosecution of her rescuers for theft in steal- ing the clothes she wore when they aided her | arrest the fugitive, Jane Johnson, when she should be dismissed from the witness stand. be arrested, men prepared to sacrifice their lives in resist- ing the federal officers. ‘Representing the State of Pennsylvania as one of her judges,"’ said he, ‘I, on the evening preceding the trial, interrogated the officers of the Court as to who among them shrank from laying down his life or taking the life of another in vindication of the law of Pennsylvania.'’ He excused some who were unwilling to go to this extremity and substituted others in their places, When the trial came on, Judge Kelley says, ‘in the body of the court room sat seeming to perceive their bearing on the ques- | escape. ‘The United States District At- torney and a United States Mar- | | shal were in court prepared to Judge Kelley determined that she should not | and he took pains to find fifty | | in question. fifty armed men, ready at the risk of their lives to vindicate the majesty of Pennsylva- nia’s law by securing the immunity from ar- rest of that alleged fugitive slave.’’ It is surprising that Judge Kelley did not perceive | in making this recital that he was furnishing @ republican precedent for violent armed resistance to federal authority in defence of State rights. What atumultuous cry of de- nunciation would be raised if the long-suffer- ing people of Louisania should follow this precedent ! The Necessity of an Investigation of the City Finances. The mystery that envelops the financial affairs of the city government is a proof that something is wrong in the Finance Depart- ment. Mayor Wickham has declared in his Message to the Board of Aldermen that he is ignorant of our actual financial condition. Alderman Vance and President Wheeler, who have had two years’ experience in the Board of Apportionment, will certify to the fact that they have never succeeded in obtaining from the Comptroller such information as would enable them to discover the extent of the city’s liabilities or the use that is made of the money received from arrears of taxes and assese- ments. No person outside of Mr. Green’s office, and probably not more than two per- sons inside, know how the finances are man- aged or what are the secret operations of the Comptroller and the acting Chamberlain. It is certain that every year since 1871 there has been a deficiency in the collection of taxes, and hence a deficiency in the appropriations the taxes are designed to oover. But nothing has been done to make good such deficiency, and no person but the Comptroller and his confiden- tial agents knows how it has been met. The public can understand that claims left unpaid in the years 1871, 1872 and 1873 are contested factiously by Mr. Green, fought up to the last moment in the courts and then paid out of the proceeds of judgment bonds; that assess- ment bonds, as they fall due, have been taken up by the issue of other bonds in their place. But they have only just begun to suspect that this ‘bridging over’’ policy has been resorted to by Mr. Green to cover up and conceal a large deficit in the city treasury, and that the moneys received from the collection of arrears of taxes and assessments of past years have been illegally used in the payment of the current year’s expenses in order to deceive the people in regard to their actual financial position. No business man would suffer his counting house to remain a single hour in charge of a cashier whose balance sheets were confused and unintelligible, and who refused to give to his employer a plain, open and exhaustive statement of the exact condition of his books and his bank account. Comptroller Green's accounts are notoriously unsatisfactory, and he resists all attempts to obtain from his de- partment information of the actual financial condition of the city government. On the same rule that prevails in the business of a private merchant he should be removed sum- marily, and his department should be thoroughly overhauled. The examination of the Finance Department should be made by both Commissioners of Accounts, and the Mayor should insist that all the facilities re- quired by them should be extended by the Comptroller. Auy obstruction of the investi- gation, whether covert or open, should be re- garded asa proof that the affairs of the de- partment will not bear exposure. We hate no doubt that Mayor Wickham will promptly order such an examination. A Compliment Declined. . We acknowledge the receipt of the follow- ing brief and interesting letter: — PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD PASSENGER DEPARTMENT, \ PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 18, 1375. PUBLISHER NEW YORK HuxaLb, New York city :— Dzar Sir—Desiring to extend to your paper the courtesy Of an annual pa-s over our lines of rail | road Ishall esteem it afavor if you will inform me. in whose name it will be proper to issue it. Very traly, D. M. BOYD, Jr., General Passenger Agent. We do not know how often we shall have occasion to use the Pennsylvania Railroad facilities during the opening year. Whenever it becomes our duty so to do we shall prefer to pay Mr. Boyd the regular fare. We ac- knowledge the courtesy which indicates the Heratp as a proper subject for the benevo- lence of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, | but our rule now is, and long has been, to de- cline all courtesies of this kind. In the olden times it was customary for newspapers to ek out a precarious existence by passes and gra- tuities and presents and orders in trade; but the growth of the press makes them now independent of any such necessity. As a mat- ter of economy, too, nothing is more expensive | than to accept these courtesies. A railroad does not give a pass for nothing. It ventures to assume a certain proprietary interest in every journal that submits to its ‘‘courtesy,’’ and, fn the mere matter of value received, a | great newspaper which accepts a pass or ticket or any such “courtesy,” will have to pay ten times the value of the gift. An editor has no more right to travel free over | the Pennsylvania Railroad than he has to expect his tailor to make his clothes for nothing or the grocer to give him his tea. Nothing injures the editorial calling more than this theory that journdlists are a privileged class, have certain immunities in the way of amusements, buying railroad tickets or investments in | stock In a recent trial in England it was shown by the testimony of a distinguished—although we should, perhaps, say notorious—financier, that whenever o company was organized a certain number of | shares were ‘‘allotted’’ to the financial editor | of a London newspaper. The financier alleged that this allotment was nothing more than a tribute by the managers of the com- pany to the business experience of the editor But the truth was that this al- lotment was the worst form of blackmail. And there is really no difference in character— although we do not say in the intent—be- tween the allotment of shares in mining speculations and the issue of free tickets to a journalist. A journalist, by the very nature of his calling, addresses many thousands of people. He influences their judgment. He tells them, or endeavors to tell them, what is true and what is false. He advises them how to save their money and how to in- vest it. He spreads the news of the day before them that they may know how to manage for that day their business affairs. It is just as important in performing this deli- cate function that his conscience should be as | clean as that of tne judge on the bench or the minister in the pulpit. Many things are permitted. to » business man that a journalist should not in honor accept. It is the penalty of his calling to deny himself many opportunities and advan- tages which are legitimate to his fellow citi zens. But if he does not gare to accept these reservations he is not compelled to enter into journalism. With this view of our duty to the public we do not see how we can receive the ‘‘courtesy” proffered by Mr. Boyd. He will accept our thanks for his kindness, and at the same time do us the favor to strike the name of the Herarp from his list of free passes, and to arrest as a swindler any person who comes to him in the name of the Hznarp to ask for this or any similar favor. The Condition of Fifth Avenue. We feel we are doing the Mayor the best service when we direct his attention to the feeling now existing among all classes in favor of such reforms in our municipal ad- ministration as will give us a new city and an improved government. Rapid transit has become a matter of life and death to the growth of New York. Tite failure of the democratic party to mature and pass a wise measure securing the blessing of rapid transit would be to confess its inability to cope with the first duty of the government, Next to this, o matter requiring the Mayor's attentiqn, is the condition of ou streets. The leading avenues, with scarcely an exception, are an insult and disgrace to the metropolis. They are monuments of the incapacity and corruption which marked the Tweed régime. The large sums spent upor the avenues in that time might more profitably have been thrown into the East River. Seventh avenue, for instance, is in a calamitous con. dition. When we have this uncertain wintry weather, with rain, snow and slest, this ave- nue becomes almost impassable. Fifth ave nue should be to New York what Regent street is to London or the avenue of the Champs Elysée to Paris, It isthe highway that leads to our Park. It is adorned with magnificent dwellings, which show the wealth and taste of our citizens. The Park is tho pleasure ground of the rich as well as the poor. Inorder toutilize the Central Park the Mayor should insist upon the immediate re- pavement of this street. These are minor points in the great questions which must no cessarily devolve upon Mr. Wickham. He must remember that the administration is the most successful which takes pains to do smal) things well, as great things. Cuma axp Jaran.—The late advices from these countries are interesting, and concern American interests to a considerable extent. One of our ships has been seriously damaged by a collision at Shanghai, and the Consul General at Yokohama is charged with failing to exercise his official powers in the trial of an American sailor. Of more permanent im- portance is the statement that Japan has ap- pointed a Commissioner to the Centennial Ex. hibition. Tue Carsoxic Juste of 1875 is an event which has been long dear to the Pope, and one which he was anxious to live to proclaim. Pius IX. has* been permitted to fulfil this wish, and we publish to-day his encycli- cal letter announcing the Jubilee, defining its purposes and nature, and calling upon the | faithful to use it for the highest and holiest ends and the benefit of the universal Church militant He has justified his prediction, “I shall not die until I have proclaimed the Jubilee.” Mr. Tween anp THE Crry.—Judge Dono- hue yesterday granted the motion to make the city, instead of the Board of Supervisors, the plaintiff in the suit to recover eleven millions of dollars from Mr. Tweed, but appended the condition that the city shall pay the costs in- curred by Mr. Tweed up to the present time. * | A similar motion was granted in the suil against Ingersoll for more than five millions. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Rev. Thomas K. Beecher, of Elmira, is registered at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Postmaster John F. Smyth, of Albany, 1s staying atthe Fifth Avenue Hotel. Colonel George Faxon, of Merrillville, Mass., ts stopping at Barnum’s Hotel. Judge Amasa J. Parker, of Albany, has apar® ments at the Brevoort House, Colonel Charles Tracey, of Governor Tilden'’s staf, is residing at the Hoffman House. Miss Clara Louise Kellogg arrived at the Claren- on Hotel last evening Irom Philade phia. General MacAdaras, of France, 1s among tht | latest arrivals at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. State Senator William Johuson, of Seneca Falls, N. Y., 18 sojourning at the Metropolitan Hotel. sir "Henry Thompson has retired trom University College Hospital. Reason, pressure of private | practice. Mr. Adolph Sutro, of Nevada, returned from Eu. | rope in the steamship Russia yesterday, and !s at the Giisey House, Colonel Stephen C. Lylord, of the Ordnance De partment, United States Army, is quartered at the St. Jaines Hotel. Mr. George Rignold, the tragedian, arrived from Liverpool in the steamship Oceanic and is at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. On the last day of December the constructor of the Paris Opera House handed the keys over to the lessee. There were of these keys 9,742, In England it is proposed that the upper classes shall for q while discontinue eating oysters, in tne hope that they may thus be nad some day for less than $1 dozen, Are the Grant men merely practising on South ern Legisiatures the game they intend to play on the Southern electoral colleges? Is itall only @ third term drill? In Sweden a Jaw has just been signed by the King which gives to women the absolute control and disposition, as against husbands, of the money they may earn and of property acquired subsequent to marriage. All the money which the war cost France—her army expenses, the requisitions of the enemy and the five militards of indemnity counted to- gother—{oots up nine milliards three hundred mil- lion of francs, or $1,860,000,000. President Grant, accompanied by General Bab- | cock and several members ofthe Cabinet, will visit Yhiladeipnia this aiternoon to attenda party to be given by the Saturday Club of that ctiy, at the residence of Mr, George W. Childs. ‘The sapphire ring thrown out of the window at Richmond by Lady Scroop to Robert Cary, an@ used as atoken of Elizaveth’s death to James VI., now forms the centre of 4 diamond star in the possession of the Countess of Cork and Orrery. Altogether the attitude of the Serrano govern- ment in presence of the movement in tavor of Alfonso was very like the attitude of the Buchanan administration in presence of the rebeliion, It only waited for some one to call upon it to sure render. Thaw was almost as destructive a deity in Parts lately as ever he was in Scandinavia. He nearly Tuined the magnidicent drop curtain of the New Opera, This was painted at the Palais d’In- dustrie, amd the melted snow on a defective roef oeme near proving its ruin.