The New York Herald Newspaper, January 16, 1875, Page 3

y ‘hate to the elvil power to the end that the sword may pe | gag -* : Boston and Baltiinore Denounce, the Louisiana Outrage, The “Old Cradle‘of Lib- erty” Rocks Again. J. Q. ADAMS’ ADDRESS. Wendell Phillips Supports Grant and Sheridan. Lloyd Garrison Still Look- ing Back. Scenes, Incidents and Enthusiasm in Fanueil Hall THE MEETING AT BALTIMORE. Reverdy Johnson Tells the ® Story of Wrong. Enthusiastic Indorsement of Resolutions in | Favor of Free Institutions. THE BOSTON MEETING. Boston, Jan. 15, 1875. The alleged military usurpation in Loultstana early stirred up the indignation of Bostonians, notwithstanding they have been somewhat tardy in expressing it, The iaea of holding a meeting 1n Faneuil Hall was suggested fully a week ago, and among the leaders in the movement was Charles Francis Adams, ex-Governor Bullock, William Gray and many others em:nent in politics and statesmanship, Mr. Adams was the Joremost of all other gentlemen in urging the meeting, and his absence om the occasion was a matter of surprise. The names of some gentlemen which were appended to the call were there with- out their authority or knowledge, and previous to the meeting they aisclaimed all sympathy with its motive. THE “CRADLE OF LIBERTY” CROWDED. Contrary to general antic:pations, the meeting as eminently successful im every particular. Faneuil Hall was crowded to its full capacity, and | there were very many who were unable to gain admittance, Conspicuous among those on the Platform were:—Mr. Gray, Hon. William Aspin- wall, Hon. Aibert Mason, Hon, Leverett Salten- stall, Colonel Theodore Lyman, Edward Gray, Richard Olney, Hon, Frank W, Bird, E. B. Haskell and President Elliot, of Harvard College. The meeting was CALLED TO ORDER by J. L. Stackpole, who in his remarks sald that 4t has been the custom of the people of this city to meet together to consult upon the public good and to express deliberately, conscientiously end Searlessly their opinion upon political questions. Especiaily has tuis been the cage where personal liberty or personal rights bave been invaded in any pafs of the Union. The voice uf Massachu- setts has always been heard on the side of law and liberty—not for the liberty which overrides the law, or for the law whicn degrades liberty. Not many years since Massachusetts poure; forth the blood of her best and bravest citizens, ‘without distinction of party, to secure the suprem- ‘acy of the constitution and of equal rights, of law and liberty, throughout the Southern States, That supremacy ‘has been established. With de- Yotion to the same principles which animated us then we meet to-day, without, distinction of | -party, to assert for the citizens of that same South this right of self-government, in accordance With the constitution and the law which we dave declared shall be sacred ana inviolate throughout the land. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE MEETING. The jollowing lst of officers was then an- nounced, allof whom were unanimously and en- thusiastically chosen :— P, President—Hon. William Gray. __ Vice Presidents—His Excellency Wiliam Gaston, Hon. Alexander H. Bullock. Hon. Cupries_ Francis Adgms, Hon. Samuel C. Coop, Charies W. Ehot, Rev. James F, Clarke, Colonel C. K. Couman, Hon, Wiard P, Puilitps, Colonel Theodore Lyman, Hon, Charles Allen, Dr. Estes Howe, George R. Minot, ‘Wuham £. Perkins, General A. P. Rockwell, Willam | Aspinwail, W. W. Greenough, Martin Brimmer, Henry W. Paine, Leverett Saltonstall, Hon. Kich- ard Frothingnam, BE, W. Gurney, Johu L. Gardner, Franklin Haven, Wiliam Perkins, William Endi- cott, Jr., George @ Snattuck, Hon, Francis W. Bird, Francis Parkman, Henry J. Crowell, Aibert Masvun, Jobn ‘t. Clark, Wilham W. Swan Secretaries—Mooreficid Storey, George P. King, Joun 1. Morse, Jr., and John J. French. SPEECH OF HON, WILLIAM GRAY. Mr. Gray, upon taking the chuir, was grectea | ‘with enthusiastic applause, and aiter it had sub- sided he proceeded to speak as follows :— FELLOW CrrizENs—In the opening month o1 the centennial year in which we are to celebrate the | battles of Lexingion and Bunker Hill, the culm | hauion of those jong civil struggles which pre- ceded Americun inaependence, we are called upon ,to take notice of a iact which has no parallel in American hisiory, We must ‘seek under the arbitrary tyranny of the Stuarts of England, or under the ‘iron despotism o: Oliver Cromwell, the Protector, for anything to place by the side of that outrage confmitted in Louisiana on the 4th day of January, 1575. It gives me great pieasure, /ellow citizens, to sthnd In your presence 1 this hail on an occasion like this. "No party ties are to letter the speecn Of any one who addresses you to-day. (Applause.) No party teaity can put 4 check upon the free speech of the citizens of Massachusetts in Faneuil Hall, (Appiause.) [am the more glad, fellow citizens, that this meeting | has assembled when I remember that we have | two Senators in Congress whose voices have not been bi ECT ioe Pe te this enormous outrage, and further remember that the two leading candidates for the chair of Charles Sumner are now members of the House of Repre- sentatives at Washington, and that tneir voices have been silent. (Applause.) We have been educated in Massachusetts, fellow citizens, and [ trust and feel confident that without the aid and countenance of those to whom we should natur- aly nave looked to as our leaders, we will try to tind our own way to the declaration and mainten- ence of the right, (Applause.) Feilow citizens, we all know, and It is so familiar to us that in ordinary times it makes little tmpres- ion, that the Houses of Congress and of iegisiation throughout the length and breadth of the land are vhe 50.6 Judges of the qualifications and modes of election of their own members, But we do not always remember through bow much toll and struggle those principles were establisned. if you go back to the time of+ the discovery af Aimerica, aod later sttil, to the landing at Plymouth, you will find that up to that time and within a few years of that landing the Chan- <cellor of England, acting under the direction of the King, thougn ostensibly not doing 80, Irequentiy un- seated members of Pariiament by taking advantage of a short absence and ordering a new election. ‘The story of Charies the First end his attempt to expel the five members 18 jam!liar to all, and in jater days, in the struggle with Cromwell and up to the revolution of 1688, the Commoners found themselves whe great defenders of the rights of the people, {HR RESOLUTIONS. ‘ We, citizens of Boston, assembled in Fanoafl felt, hereby resoly |. That we have heard, with deep indignation, that five persous, occupying séats in tne Legisiavare of Loui- siana, were forcibly removed frgu the hull of the House of Representatives on the 4th day of Jaauary, 1675, by jie military torces of the United States. 2. hat the conduct of these forces in such action was in viol oe Ge rise the people of Louisiana and o rm destructi 3 “x That in the approval by the Secretary of War of the despatches of Lieutenant General Sheridan we find an ignorance of correct principles which, should atsqualtty him trom holding his important ‘ottiee's and in his a» sumption to 6] for the President an d all of the Cabi- net be committed a grievous wrong to those of his aaso- ciates who had given No assent to such approval, and we appeal wo them lo repel the aspersion their official action. 4. That the example transmitted to us by the founders of our Kepnblic to preserve the separate independence of the executive, legisiative and judicial departinents in (usir respective spheres shall be transmitted vy us to our entrees and the arm shall be kept subordi- Heury D. Hyde, Colonel | nd power of each and all were united, snoul United Staies ol America, in their several State ‘and by their citizens in public meetings to are that no vital prince cung permanency of republican govern- 1 be successfully assafled or undermined. ncient and modern history unite in declaring violence, with whatever pretences it may and whatever object it may pursue. must ly end at last in the arbitrary aod despotic gov- ernment of a single person.” 7. That we tender our sincere sympathy to the yeorls gt Loulsian, and appeal to them to continue the for. rance which 'y have shown under these trying gre meennens, and assure them that we will do ali that in Us lies to secure to and every state in the Union ‘and to all the people the maintenance of their just and inalienable rights. & ‘that we fondly anticipate, with a better anderstand- ing between all parts of the country, the disappearance of sectional strite, being assured that th ie ot the country have cordially accepted Shyil'aud politeal rights which th to all ¢! 0 ich they guarantee to al 3. That we hail with gratitude and delight the tet that we areall under one government and one flag, an and tiappincts witch beloug to'a tres people, who make 01 a and administer their own Jaws, ange agaioap Tne reading of the second resolution was re- ceived with a mediey of cheers and hisses. The President—I have the pleasure to introduce to you one Who wears a nume long honored in the history of Massachusetts, himsel! a soldier in the Service in the State of Louisiana, Samuel M. Quiucy. (Applause) GENERAL QUINCY'S SPEECH. General Quincy said that the echoes of the gu’ of Sumter had barely echoed ito air before the citizens rallied to tne defence of the country, ‘and in response to an attack on the people’s rights they had as quickly gathered again to protest against an interierence with their liberty. He hoped they came not as partisans, but to express their opinions unbiased by partisan preju- dices, He could not join in the severe de- nunciations whfch had been passed upon General Sheridan, @ braye officer, under wnom he had served. It had beet bis misfortune once since the close of the war to lead acolumn of federal bayonets himself against the New Orleans mob and police engaged in a work of assassination and massacre. In other words, be marched the Eighty-first United States colored infantry to the suppression of the Convention, riot and slaughter of July, 1866, and he served as ® member of the Oy, commission appointed to investigate the ame. as one well known to them by personal presence as well as hereditary names, SPEECH OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. le opened by deprecating any leeling of partisan- ship in connection with the subject, and affirmed that those present bad gathered not as members of any party, but as citizens of the United States, He recited at length the circumstances attending the meeting of the Louisiana Legislature on the ath of January, the organizauon with a legal quorum, the election of a conservative Speaker, the swearing in of five conservative mem- bers who bad not receivea certificates ot election from the Returning Board, The organization was @ purely political contest, waged with cunning and sharpness, but no the Union, and the House of Repiesentatives of Louisiana, as thus organized, was a legal repre- sentative of the people. At this time a general order irom the Governor, proceedea to remove, by force, the five members who had just been seated by the House. lt is just at this point, said Mr. Adams, thatl wish to arrest your attention, Do not permit yourseives to be diverted irom this precise Point by any declamation or sophistry. Vhat right had soldiers of the United states to determine Who should sitin the Legislature of a State’ It is nothing to tell me that political pas- s10ns ran high in the State, that many persons had been irightened as the previous election. It 18 immaterial, it true, that sion or prejudice of race, prevailed in the and voted in haste. Le. itbe granted, and still [ ask, “What right had the United States soldiers to turns of astate?”? Tuere can be no doubt that here was @ usurpation. The constitution permits tive of a State “when the Legislature cannot be convened;’’ put in this case tue Legislature was actually sitting. But it was not merety a plain violation of tne letter of the fundamental law. Tne whole tone of the President’s Message 1s one Of excuse and justification, There ts no renuncia- tion of the very phonmie of such usurpation. The tone of thé Message is more menacing than the deed it attempts to pulllate. The incident we deplore to-day 18 but a symptom, and such must occur until the radicaily Jalse relations now exist- ing between States and moved, Tegarded tiemselves, as free, sovereign and inde- pendent States; iree to come in or not, and the central conception was that the general govern- Ment Was the creation o/ the States, not they the servauts of the/ceutral government; but iu con- sequence of th) war tI / conquered States were | saddica with the most intoierable system of gov- sgme of the States is re- | ernment in the world. Alter a time, where oppor- | tunity was given, State after State threw off its tainted and incompetent rulers and placed its affairs in the hands of the competent and intelli- gent Classes; but in several ul-starred States, and notably 1n South Carolina, Mississippi and Loutst- | ana the enormous preponderance in numbers of the {reedmen and tue tacility witn which their natural fears permitted toem to be led by craity indefinitely the restoration of an honest and Mr. GRAY then introduced John Quincy Adams | Mr. ADAMS was received with a warm round of | ppplsuse and proceeded to address tne assembly, | lency, but with av‘ @irected countenances seek those great primary dues which shine alott hike stars, iilumining alike path of individuals and nations. He came as @ partisan. He bad been one all his Mfe. He belouyed to the pares that made truth and auty its guiding stars. 13 Was & party ques tion, and ‘he men, whether at the White House er the Custom House, who supported these outrages Would godown. He belonged to the party who vere sgolng =o crush the men who supported thia Outrage. Lr this passed unchallen fare- Weil, a long farewell, to all our greatness? as a free overnment. He believed the ofice-holders at ashington were capable of perpetuating their wer by getting up a war all Ovey the Southern tates. (Applause and hisses.) You say “No,’? e added; see that they don’t doit, then. ORIES FOR WENDELL PHILLIPS, When he conciuded, there was a storm of cries for “Phillips,” “Wendell Phillips; and Mr. Gray, a‘ter appealing for order, said:—Arrangeme' have been made for certain speakers to address you now. Ii you will be patient to hear them through you or anybody else may take this hall, and carry on the speaking will nightfall if you choose. SPEECH OF MR, LEVERETT SALTONSTALL, Mr. LEVEREIT SALTONSTALL was then intro- duced, and said he made it a principle never to say ‘nay” when called jor when he could give counsel to nis fellow citizens. This meeting was called for the purpose 0! making the people of all the States know that Massachusetts hearts were right concerning this Outrage on free govern- ment, He then recounted the circumstances of the recent use of the federal power in the State of Louisiana and tie previous election tn that State. He argued that there had been no occasion for the interference of the federal government, and the troops should have been sent to their homes when Governor Kellogg and his partisans were again placed in power. He honored Sheridan as a soldier, but he was not the man to send there when the people were tn such an excitable con- dition. ‘The people had succeeded in the election of a conservative majority in the Legislature, and when the troops weie sent there and seized five Members of the Legisiature it was as gross a usurpation as had ever occurred in history. This Was the inducement which the administra- tion held out to the people of the South to be law-abiding citizens, the patience, endur- ance and resignation ofthe conservatives of Louls- lana under these trylog circumstances, were proof that the despatch of General Sheridan was Dot called for—in tact, 1t was @ brutal despatch. (Long applause.) It grieved him to say so, but he wouid be untrue to the spirit which inspired this Meeting, and it West Point simply educated men to do such acts of miiltary outrage and oppres- sion tnen do away with West Point. (Applause.) Shades ot Washington, Samuel Adams and Jeffer- son, how would your iorms have received intelli. ence of such acts as these! Spirit of Daniel Vebster, how would your form have towered erect and how would your noble voice in organ tones have pealed throughout the Capitol m response to those Senaturs who are not only ex- cusiog but applauding these acts of military ag- gression! (Appiause.) He urged that the voice Of Massachusetts should be true to the long line of her illustrious citizens and sustain all who would defend the constitutional government of the country. SPFECH OF MR. MASON. much violence or crime, arising irom political pas- | federal mmterierence av the appeul oi the Execu- | more than ha4 been Witiessed in many States of | officer of the United States, accompanied by sol- | g) 4 diers, marched into the hall, anG, producing an | It ig nothing to aver | Mr. ALBERT Mason, Of Plymouth, sald it was Never pleasant jor him to take issue with those charged with the administration of the govern- ment, and it was not his anger toward men, but the deprecation of the act that went so deep mto the vital elements of our organization, that he joke. He then reviewed the scenes at the ejec- tion of the five ote irom the Legislature at New Urieans. ‘lhe Legislature may have been organized witb unseemly haste, but there was no Po er outside the Legtsiature that could legaily ‘evise their action. There wus never @ clearer act of violeuce to a state Leyislature or of violation of State sovercignty by the federal government. If this act were passed in silence he could not see that there was safety ior the Legislature of any State. A precedent shuuld not be admitted now foran | assumption of power in the future, when leaders | | Might uot be as trustworth: a3 they are to-aay. He appealed to them to make their protest against this ect and rise above ali party considerations; to | be serious and earnest, so as to remina those in community, Dor is 1¢ to tue purpose even that | the five members had been seated oy a surprise | pass upon the eiecuuon, qualifications and the re- the government of the United | and designing adventurers, seemed to postpone | apie administration ol the public trust; | ; but snch 18 the imnerent iorce of the | republican principle that it became daily | more clear that the powers of mudnagement, struggle aa they would, must eventually fali before the growing force of public opmion Within and Witiout those States, going on, must go on, and under a@ repubitcan system of government, under our old constita- uuonal methods, under the guidance of an intelli. gent and an honest public opinion, it can end only in the overthrow of such governments as that of the State 01 Louisiana, because it 18 not upheld by the effective public opinion of the com- munity. Now, i( this government and others like it are to be maintained by force of the United States arms, agatust all legal efforts of the people to get rid of tnem, then this precedent which has been made tu Louisiana 1s one emimently mt to be made, and it must be speedily toliowed by others more stringent and effective. Did it never occur to you that the same process of reasoning or leel- ing whicu bow induces you in @ moment of ex- citement to Oppose a plain yiolation of | law, may equally induce @ democratic | majority. tempted and excited as you are, | to accept @ corresponding vioiation of the salgguards upon which alone you can rely to pro- tect the ireedmen irom an outrage similar to that which we bow contemplate, Do you think there wiil be aiess temptation? Tnen count the Votes the South can throw in a democratic con- | Venilon and estimate the power which they must wield in the party councils. I do not believe that they willyield to the temptation; put I do say | that you render it almost irrestsiible when you set | them go seductive an example of successiul usurp- auon. Mr. Adams altirmed that the constitution never contemplated thac the United States should systematically Maimvain and prescrive govern- nients in the States. Such work cannot be done except at the price of liberty. He referred to the usurpation of Coaries the First and of Cromwell and declared that the logical and tnevitable re- sult of a tendency in the public mind to pass | lightly over that which has been done in Louisiana is to concentrate and confirm a dominion im the general government which will sooner or later absorb all independence of tne States. ‘This arbitrary act may be deiended on the ground that it seems to tend to the security of the black race; but this stretch of prerogative in his benasf does him infinite injury. ‘Tne great revolution in public feeling with regard to the conservatives in Loutsiana of late has sprung frum sympathy with their sufferings and aamiration of the patience with which they have »urne them, Massachusetts would not bave borne the same, Letit not be | erected into a precedent, for it isa precedent Which, as George Washington telia you, has always proved jatal to republican government. Such | precedents you Rave seen mark like milestones the broad and easy way whica leads to Rome. We stand waere the ways part. Adopt tins act of the army in Louisiana and we huve passed the first milestone on our way to empire. On the other nand stretches the rougn ana difficuls path which our fathers trod, My iriends, let us stand fast in the Old way, to the eud that, ag the consti- tution of Massachusetts hath tt, “fo the end that it May be a government Of laws, and not o/ men.” Mr. Adams’ speech Was frequently applauded, and, in the course of tts delivery, Wendell Phillips was seen in the gullery an attentive listener, and he was several times calied for, Mr. Adams was frequently interrupted by ejaculations when he said, “Don’t you see signs In the sky of a change,”? @ lusty voice promptly answered “No;’) when Made political allusions he was interrupted b; shouts, “We don’t want politics;” when he urge that the hand of the federal government should be Kept off the liberties of the State, some one re- minded him “That was what you said,when the War broke out. The President attempted to introduce a speaker but was met with cries of “Phillips” and hisses. Mr. Gray appealed for order, but the cries and hisses were renewed for some time, but at lust ne Was abe to present Mr. Francis W. Bird, of W pole, to the audienee as “the iriend of Jobn A. Andrew and Uharies Sumrer,"’ SPEECH OF FRANCIS Ww, BIRD. Mr. Francis W. BIRD said he did net rise to make 4 speech, as he was unabie to do so. He said Faneuil Hall was the piace for free speech and he hoped they would listen to what he had to say. He had been introduced 8@ the friend of John A, Andrew ‘and Charlies Sumner, and he beiteved if the counsels of Andrew had been heeded this trouble would have been averted, He then read from Charieé Samner’s oration, delivered in Faneuil Hall OM the 23d of Sepwawer, 1446, a8 foliows :— Iv ia for the whigs of Magwachasetts now whether the republican Hit should indeed be one where all #e Christian virtues will be tellow workers with the: he resoluuons which fear adopt, the platform of prin- ples Which they establisu, must be on an imperisbavie foundation ‘of 4 tipe glory “but it tl wil not by guaierent B 3 choove men who will devote th ily. to the work; who wille consciences and with that upol ‘allant taith before wi ali obstacles disappear; wno will be ever loyal to trutn, fone al right and hamanity; who wiil not took for rules of conduct down to Guxth AQ bie mire of axves This Mevitable struggle is | authority that the essential elements of our form | of government ure as dear to one party as to apovher—(applause)—and that they cannot be violated or overridden even by those high in the confidence of the people, without spreading alarm irom one end of une land to the other, (Ap- plause.) SPEECH OF MR. OLNEY. Mr. RicwaRD OLNEY, of the West Roxbury Dis- trict was the next speaker, and expressed his congratulations at the great change which had taken piace in the question which they had met to consider. Until tue Message was Issued a revo- lution seemed, iuminent. He then defined the occasions on which federal interference would be justifiable, and tuen only upon the invitation of the State itself. Until the Message the govern- ment seemed to hold that the discretion of the President could be substituted lor the expressed wish of the State, The Legislature of Lousiana ; had made no cali for troops, and there had been The original jederates in the Union | ab no ingiriection and no cali dpon the government to quell any insurrection. Yet these troops were sent there, committed toese acts, and received the support of Washington officials and leading re- puolicans, No more giaring attempt at usurpation could be imagined, and if succesaiul, it would rev- olutionize our entire system of government. This led to the call for the meeting in Faneuil Hall. it seemed to be a duty 10 convene here and enter their protest. Happily a change had come over tne spirit cf their dreams at Washington. They had conciuded not to “fxht it out on tuat line.” plause.) Tne Message was @ practical disclaimer and au apology. 1t was true it Was not as straight- lorward and manly as ne could desire, and ap- peared to have veeu wrenched irom the President by the iorce of public opinion. Lieutenant Gen- eral Sneridan and General Grant nad been taugnt @ lesson that they would not soon forget. He did Ot think the people of Louisiana should be too severely condemned for the state of affairs there. it was their misfortune, rather than their crime, For two years they bad been under a government maintained over them by federal buyonets, and they would be a disgrace to their country i they | coutentedly sut down under a government of jorce and {raud mixed in about equal proportions. ‘There was a time waeo Boston was about as odious to the British goverument as New Orleans to-day was to the President and his associates, | and he drew a parallel between these two Iinci- dents, in neither oi whicn, be claimed, were the people to blame for being discontented, It was right that they should complain, and complain aloud, and this they would continue to do until they became ductile dupes, fit only to be the slaves of despotism. (Applause.) WENDELL PHILLIPS’ SPEECH. | WENDELL PHILLIPS, WhO had been loudly called | for, then took the platiorm, and, after the tumult of applause and hisses had subsided, proceeded to review tne tist of names appended to the call, showing that while the meeting was for the purpo-e oO! expressing the voice of Boston, a large number of the names were from Quincy, Cambridge and other suburban places, and the prominent clergy, merchants and lawyers were not included in tne list. He was interrupted irequentiy by storms of applause and _ hisses, ‘which Mr. Gray had [roquentiy to plead with the house to keep quiet, He then proceeded to argue that the :ederal government had done the best they could, Grant recognized Kellogg. He must re- cognize somebody, and for two years Congress | never rebuked it, The audience again grew wild with excitement, and Mr. Philips quieted them with the remark that “1 am no Graut man; lam not a partisan. never held an office and I never expect to.” He then argued that when it was necessary to call in military power to restore order tney should not go out when order was resiored. The question then was woo should decide? When the United States lorce was summoned to Louisiana, and there was no Legislature, he must use his dis- cretion. He then reviewed the assembling of the Legisiature, the Clerk proceeding to call the roll, ana he quoted the succeeding incidents as Stated by Senator Schurz to show that the motion was not put by the Ulerk. When men elected under some other presiding officer were aligwea to sit, the Legislature ceased to be a@ legislature and Leteg: mob. The five men were not ejected irom je Legislature of Louisiana, @§ no such body then existed. He then reierred to the time of Jolin Quincy Adams, when the Clerk checkmated the House of Ri sentatives for three days by refusing to rep@@ a motion, There was a similar case in this State in 1860, wnen Murray Howe and another gentleman leaped to the platiorm of Tremont Temple and de- clared Mr. Howe chairman. It was a mop, Tne Legisiature of Louisiana turned intoa mob. Gen- eral de Trobriand was called to quell it, and did so in a legal manner. The question whether President Grant used his discretion wisely depended upon the state of affairs in Louisiana, Mr. Quincy said he leit firebrands in Louisiana when he leit it several years ago, Gen- eral sheridan has been there recently and says he finds them there stul—which will fou believe. (Cries of “General Sheridan.”) If these resolutions were passed they would carry consternation to the home of every negro in the South and comiort to every assassin In New Orleans. (Applause and hisses.) If these resolutions were passed the blood of more than a hundred colored men and a hundred whites would be on their skirts belore the first of March, (Prolonged hisses and ap- Plause.) He said he had done what he intendel to do—recorded his protest against these resolu. tions; other men hud recorded their protest by their absence. COLONEL LEE EXPLAINS. Colonel Henry LeE said they had invited the most distinguisned orators in the country to tae platiorm—(cheers for Phillips)—and made some remarks about the influence which Mr. Phillips exerted over nis audience even wien they did not believe bis doctrine, He protested against the criticisms which Mr. Phillips bad made upoa the composition of the meeting. A RESOLUTION SUPPORTING GENERAL GRANT. Mr. JOUN A. NEWELL came to the piatiorm and said he wished to read an additional resolution, He then proceeded to read a resolution tendering grateful thanks to President U.S Grant ior nis prompt action in sending troops to New Orieans to quell a lawiess mob. The resolve also con- tained a Clause approving the course of General Sheridan. 8 created such a storm of hisses and applause that it was some time before Mr. neweil could finish reading bis resolution. Mr. EDWARD HAMILTON then took the ptatform and offered Mr. Newell's resolution ana saia that General Grant and General Sheridan should not be defended in this hall by Wendell Phillips, who at the time of tue war made a speech in Faneuil in favor of secession, He then proceeded to eriticise Mr. Phillips as & man Wuo had spent his lweWme in tearing up the constitution of the I never cast @ vote in my life. I | United ‘States, His remarks were constantly in- terray,ted by the turbulence of tae audience. The reaeiution offered by Mr, Newell was jut to We meeting and received 4 strong “Yea” vote and to prolonged “Nay,” the chairman declaring At los! The original resolutions were then put and re- ceived a thundering “Yea” and a thundering “Nay,” and the chairman deciarea them adopted and the meeting adjourned. W, L. GARKISUN’S DEFENCE OF GRANT AND SHERIDAN. WILLIAM LLOYD GABRISON expresses Dis regret at the Faneuil Hall meeting for several reasons, among which were the following:—This ‘protest’ 1s simply @ summary begging of the question on the strength of hugely exaggerated reports and lying telegrams, coined in the mint of disioyalty jor the basest purposes. It isin open and flagrant contempt of the united testimony of the loyal por- tion of Louisiana, and incredulous acceptance of the shrieking averiments of seditious and bicodstained enemies of a free government as the only reiiabie versivn Of the matter in dispute! For the line of evidence is as diatinctly drawn between these con- tending parties as it was in the days of the rebel- lion; and by what miraculous regeneration of the one party and utter apostacy of the other it bas come to pass that they who sought to destroy the American government by force and arms are to be recognized as the patriotic supporters of free, republican institutions, while they who were ready to sacrifice their lives in the cause of liberty and equal yights are no longer worthy of respect or confidence ? Yes! President Grant has spoken, and a more calm, dignified, straightfor- ward, patriotic and conclusive statement of lacts was never presented to tne public scrutiny. Let those who spall come to the front at this meeting put their finger, if they can, upon any paragraph, sentence or line in that statement which evinces aby other desire or purpose on the part of the President than to bave all classes in Louisiana prosected in the enjoyment of equal civil and political rights, under the wgis oi the United States constitution, each man sitting under his own vine and fig tree, with none to molest or make afraid, In the light shed by it how tudicrous, how preposterous now reads the call for the Faneull Hall demonstration! @ve only thin; to be done is to make the amende honorabi by the adoption of resolutions acknowl- edging the uniairness of a prejudgment of the case as in that call—indorsing the ac- tion of the President’ and weneral Sheridan as prompted by the most patriotic motives and the most scrupulous regard for the requiremeuts Oi the constitution, and, while exonerating them | irom the foul reproaches that have been cast upon them, wer denouncing primarily the seditious instigators of all these troubles, and, secondly, reprimanding both parties in Congress for delay- mg so long to apply a remedy by appropriate legisiation. 1t 18 essentially the old conflict in an- equal Vigilance, courage and fidelity on the part of the proiessed friends o1 freedom. THE BALTIMORE MEETING. ° BatTiMore, Jan 15, 1875. © Despite the freezing nature of the weather and the condition of the streets the citizens turned | out en masse to-night to express their disapproba- tion of the course pursued by the administration in Louisiana, Long before the hour for the meet- ing an immense concourse gathered in the vicinity of tne Masonic Temple, and in a few moments after the doors were thrown open thee spacious hall was filled to its utmost capacity. The floor presented the appear- ance of a compact mass of human heads, while | the doorways, the aute-room and the staircases were packed with those anxious even to get a glimpse of the speakers and catch an occasional sentence from their lips. Baltimore has seldom witnessed such.an assemblage of representative men. The leading bankers, merchants, lawyers, doctors and clergymen of the city were present, irrespective of party affiliation, and, trom the unanimity of sentiment and hearty co-operation displayed, it was evident that all were impressea With the gravity of the situation and the absolute necessity that the people in their majesty should rise to rebuke the outrage perpetrated in Louisiana. A novel feature of sion was the presence of a number | Of ladies in the gallery, who, doubtiess, were drawn thither by the prominence and abiuty | Of those advertised to speak. Never had orators ® more worthy fiela for the display of their powers, and never, perhaps, in this city, has there been @ more creditable exhibition of that mighty Jorce which sways the masses, Mr. Reverdy Jobn- form; but there were others who called fortn the moss unbounded enthusiasm. Mr. Wallis’ biting Sarcasm Was well set off by the concluding words other form, and uvder circumstances requiring | the occa. | SOD Was, of course, the central figure on the plat- | : ; @ NEW YORK HERALMy SATURDAY, JANUARY - 16, 1875.~TRIPLE SHEET. If the Board acted ignorantly or corruptly a they refused to hear to the tssue, or heard evidence totally inadmissi- bie, their return would be aitogetber nugatory. RBSPONSIBILITY OF THE PRESIDENT, 1 come now to the very unpleasant duty of proving, what indeed everybody knows, that the full responsibility of what bas occurred rests upon tne President. With @ bigh appreciation of the services Which he rendered the country during the late war I cannot, however, m justice to ti uth, to you and to mysell, fall to stigmauze what he is now d@ing as a flagrant usurpation of power. 1 have looked in vain to discover any single fact which would even palliate, much jess justily it. Most sincerely do I wish that it was otherwise, It ig almost impossible to believe that he is so ignorant of ws constitutional obligation as mot to know that he hag in this instance abused it, and equally impossivie to imagine any reason, consistent with high honor, which could have led him astray. The limits of his power to use military force in any State of the Union are prescribed by the act of Congress of Feoruary 28, 1795, and are confined to cases of in- surrection, The language of the act is tuat “in | case of an insurrection in any State against the government thereof it shall be lawiu! for the Prest- dent of the United States, on application of the Legislature of such State, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) to call forth such pumber of the militia of any other State or tes as may be applied for, as he may judge suitcient to suppress sucn insurrection.” By a subsequent act he Was authorized, but under the same con- ditions and for the same purpose, to use the army and navy of the United States, These laws were | passed under the clause of the constitution which makes it the daty of the Unitea states to protect each State against domestic violence, when calied upon to do 80 by the Legis- lature, or by the Executive when the Legis- lature is not iu session, Under these acts of Congress, by which alone the power is conierred upon the President, his interference by the military is confined to cases of insurrec- tion. Now, in this instance, there is not the least | evidence that an insurrection against the govern- | ment of Louisiana prevatied on the 4th of January, or aiterward, nor that the President was calied upon by the one who professed to be the Governor of the State to put down an insurrection. Thera bad been an insurrection in the previous September to subvert the then alleged State government, but tuat was terminated as soon as the military o/ the United States was calied in to suppress it, and the city became at once periectly quiet, Jf what has taken place in Leuisiana is submit- ted to, it may then with truta be said—as was said by a British statesman during our late war— tnac our “buobie of a republic,” as he termed It, “bad burst and who evidently imagined that by thatevent the cause of monarchy was made se- | cure, THE BANDITTI DESPATCH. I proceed now to reter to the action of General Shendan, Aud here, again, 1 am concerned to speak of him as taht action justifies. Within a aay or two after his arrival at New Orleans and assuming command, he issued orders justiying the interierence ot the soldiers on the Monday be- fore, He had met with no resistance. No evi- dence was given of any purpose to resist him, for, in jact, there was none. On Tuesday, however, the 5th of January, he sent to toe Secretary of War the well Knowa “banditti” despatch, There- ceipt ol that despatch, lam grieved to say, was acknowledged by the Secretury of War on the ueXxt day, the 6th, In the following maaner:— THE “ALL OF US’? DESPATCH, Wan Derantuunt, Wasnincrton, Jan. 6, 1875. General P. H. Suxnipan, New Orleans :— The President and ail of us have tuil confidence in and thoroughly approve your course, VILLIAM W. BELKNAP, Secretary of War. Since civilization favorably progressed under the influence of our CnrisUan faitn no words ever jell rom the lips of any mad, civilian or soldier, which more outrage every obligation of humantt, or exnibit a more flendish thirst for human blood. Not satisfied witn denouncing the people of three States, he suggests as you have seen, that if th President will issue @ proclamation, declaring the parties he relers to “vanditti,? “no fur. ther action need be taken, except that which would devolve upon him!” How he proposed to act, we gather from his despatch. To arrest and try the ringleaders of what le calls the armed White Leagues. To try them by a military commission. Execution, then, would lustantly follow sentence, and the cities and vil- | lages of three States would be tie scenes oJ a car- | | hage, the horrors of whicb no imagination can ade- | quately depict, In this recommendation he totally disregards all the guarantees of personal liberty contained in the constitution. Those guarantees are | 1o be found in the ameodments which were coeval with the constitution itself, and it 13 historically certain that, without an assurance that they would be provided, the Constitution would | not have been ratified. Among them—not | to mention them all—are, first, the @se- | curity of the people against seizure of their persons; second, “that no person shail be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on @ presentment or indictment of a grand jury,” @xcept persons in the military or naval service of the United States; third, that every ‘party charged with @ crime 18 secured a trial “by an impartial jury o1 the State and dis- trict wherein the crime shall hav ted,” and this trial by jury was aiso provided by of Mr. Thomas Donaldson, who satd:— | ii¢’ qiginal constitution. It is obvious that all ‘I am here to-night, not because of my | these guarantees would be Violated i! Sheridan's | attachment to any party, nor because of | Suggestion was acted upon. He alone could then my hostility to any party; snaken off the ties of party; but because I love voice should add tts mite in condemnation of thuse who seek its overturow.” At eight o'clock Mayor Van Sant called the meet- ing to order and nominated the following gentie- men as ofticers:— | _ President—Hon. Reverdy Johnson; Vice Presi- dents—Hon. Joshua Van Sant, Otis Keilholtz, Henry James, Decatur H. Miller, C. Morton stuars, Hamilton Easter, Robinson W. Cator, William | Henry Baldwin, Henry seein, Henry E. Johnston, Jono T. Ford, Dr. Milton N. Taylor, George Gill, William H. Perkins, General F. ©. Li trope, J. Nevitt Steele, John J. Hurst, Samuel G Wyman, Josiah Lee Jonnsto James A. L, McClure, James Hodges, William Marrison, Charies J. Baker, John G. Gettings, Ro! ert T. Banks, ton, Wiilam M, Merrick, T. H. Caughey, Dr. Charlies W. Chancellor, Charles Mercer, Charles G. Kerr, James L. McLane, James R. Brewer, Colonel Henry D. Loney, Samuel Bevan, Daniel Ratchfe, T. Sands Mills, P. P, Pendleton, Dr. George W. Benson, Charles J, M. Given, Colonel | Frederick Raine, Israel M. Parr, James A. Bachan- | an, Henry Clay Dallam, General Oharies E. Pheips, Joseph 8. Hemsier, William H, Carpenter, Alvert Ritcme, H. Koster Dulaney, F. R, stevens, C. W. Lewis, Leonard Passano, Charles A. Gambrill, ‘Thomas H. Levering, James M, Buchanan, Richard Morris, Jr., James P, Thomas, Joun V. L. Findlay, Hon. Rovert Giimore, Jr. Secretaries—C, C. Groomes, William Robertson, Artuur V. Mulholiand, Andrew J. George, Wh- jJoughby N, Smith, Colonel George Tf. Beall, Jr., Captain Mattnew Clark, REVERDY JOHNSON’S ADDRESS, Mr. Johnson upon taking the chair was greeted with the wildest manifestations of delignt. He commenced the reading of his speech, but quickly Tequested the indulgence of the aadience, as he was getting old and his sight was failing. Mr, Charles G. Kerr, his son-in-law, then continued | the reading of his speech, which was as fol- | lows:— | FELLOW CiTIzENS—I sincerely thank you for se- lJecting ine to preside at this meeting ana for the cordial manuer in which my presence is received. | Toe meeting 1s composed of members of both the | political parties into which the people of the | country have been divided and many who, unill | now, have been zealous and untiorm supporters | of the President and his adminisiration. They are unable, however, to give their approval of what he has authorized to ve done in Louisiana, and are convinced that what has been there done and is being done 1s not ouly an outrage upon the rights of her people, but dangerous to the rights of all the States and of ali the peo- ple. In this opinion I fully concur, and 1 proceed to state, as briefy as 1 can, the reasons which have ied me to tuat conclusion. No occasion nas ever occurred in the history of our country of a character more grave than the one wbich brings us together this evening. 1t should be considered with solemn seriousness and with all the temperance that our sense of the wrong whict has been done 1o a sister State, aud of the inevitable tendency of that wrong to produce a similar one to any other State in the Union, will permit. Every citizen who has any knowledge of our forms of overnment and oi the principles of free- jom upon which they rest, and who ts not blinded by party prejudices and a desire to keep in power the men who now control the gen- eral government, cannot fail tosee that thoso forms and principles have been grossly violated by the conduct of the mulltary at New Orleans. if such Conduct is Dot sternly rebuked, 4f It 1s passed by in slience, it 18 easy to foresee the political’ ca- lamities which will result irom it. That it will not be passed by in stience and will be sternly rebuked the signs of the times give every assurance. The people are aroused everywhere. Words of re- proach and indignation fl) the air. The press of the country, with very few exceptions, with one voice criticise the conduvt of the government with @ severity of censure never belore so universally heard, What the extent of tne outrage of waich the nation com- plains is a lew estaplished facts will show. The State of Louisiana has been, and is now, recog- nized as one of the States of the Union, As such sne is represented in both branches of Cougresse Mr. Johuson then related the history of the Louis- lana outrage, giving the various details, He then argued as loilows:— GOVERNOR KELLOGG'S JUSTIFICATION. The only ground upon which Governor Ket! or the military officers seok to justify the course they adopted 18, that the members whom they ejected from the hall had not certificates of their election from the Returning Board, A few words will show how utterly unfounded is this pretence. That Board was not substituted, and could not have been substituted, tom the Legis- ature in passing apon the election réturnas and qualifications of its members, ‘fhe Legislature have the same right to pass upon the legality of the proceedings Of the Board that they would fave had to pass npon the proceedings of the supe! visors of election tt no such Board had been pr vided for, The Board was constituted, 1 cons! tuted Jur an honest purpose, merely to facilitate the Legisiature in discharging its duty to pass upon tue election, recurns and qualifications of its Members. and not to deorive it of that vower, I have long since (ap | my country, and at such a moment the feebiest | authorize the arrest of a citizen, have aim tried | by @ military commission appointed by himselt, | and, if convicted, punish bim with death by his own orders. 5 MILITARY COMMISSIONS. That military commissions are wholly unconstt- tutional im time of peace was never doubted. Nor was itdoubted that they are subversive of the | guarantees to which | have referred. During the late war, however, it was supposed by military cnieis and by the President tuat they coeld ve le- | State which had never been in rebellion. Under | this impresston such a commission was organized | by the general in command 1n Indiana for the trial orone Lamdin P. Milugan, of that State, upon | chargés exhibited by him. That commission, on the 21st of October, 1864, found him guilty | and sentenced him to be hanged, which | Sentence was approyed by the President, Be- Jore, however, the sentence could be carried into made to the United States Circuit Court for In- | diana, and the judges, differing in opinion upoo | certain points of law, certified the same to tne Supreme Court ot the United States. One of the Points was whetoer the military commission had Jurisdiction, Tue case was argued at the vecem- ber term, 1866, and the decision of the Court, | Which may be found in 4th Wallace, was that the | waole proceeding was illegal and Milligan was discharged. In the opimion given by Mr. Justice Davis the principles of liberty are strongly and Clearly stated and vindicated, if tuese were niceties, then the whole constitu- tion 18 bat @ legal nicety, whicn the Presideaot and | his military and naval officers muy be said to be | igmorant of! With the peopie of the United | States such @ degrading excuse wilt ve of no | avail! But,on the contrary, they will hold the President and his general to @ strict responsibil- ity for trampling upon the very principies upon Lite | our iree institudions are founded, TMMORTALITY OF INFAMY. If the suggestion of General Sheridan, that the persons to whom he reiers should be deciared “gandittl”’ by @ proclamation of the President | should be agopted by the latter, and its execn- tion let to Soeridan, he would soou acateve jor himself an immortality of iniamy, and be without @ rival im the history the world, unless one is to be found in the cafer of tue Duke of Alva in his invasion of the Nether- lands, where, as historians tell us, he executed more men in cold blood upon the scaffold than he | had killed tu war, and who, at the termination of his campaign, himself boasted that he bad exe- cuted 18,000, It is due, however, co @ conviction which I cannot help teeling, to add that the Presi- | dent, although he 1s made to approve of tue sug- | §eation by the Secretary’s despatch of the 6th of | January, wul never be mduced to carry it out, and irom my kuowleage of the characters of the sec- retarles of State and Treasury lam satisfied tnat they never gave it their sanction, aud, indeed, 1 | 1s said they never saw it until it was publisoed in tne papers of the day. THE REMEDY. How are the existing troubles in Louisiana to be settled? Can it be done by any Congressional legislation? In my opinion it cannot. Certainly not by an act requiring a new election to be held in the State, The State is now sovereigu, except #0 jar as she has delegated a portion of her sov- ereignty to the general government, and stands upon an equal footing witb the other States. If there be any power Wuich a State has which {3 not in the slightest degree impaired by the constitu. tion of the United States it is the exclusive power to provide for the election of her Legislature, Executive, judges and all other State omcers. This Louisiana has done, and if any errors or frands have veen committed ta the manner of the execution of her laws itis for her to apply the remedy. Nothing seems to me more periectly plain than that if Congress have the -autbority now by law to order a new election of her Legisia- ture they have the same power to order au_elec- tion in any State in the Union. If the power 1s vested in Congress Congress is to judge of the ne- cessity o1 its exercise, and that judgment woald, in law, be conclusive. ‘Lhe only remeuy that 18 left for the people of the State, as things now are, is to exercise patience, to adopt @ masterly ipac- tivity ana to rely witn confidence, asi think tney may, upon the support which they will receive irom every patriotic citizen of the United Svates. I think, too, they may rely upon tne moral influence which the constitution itself, as Well as the general and intense indignation of the people at the course wnich has been pursued in regard to them by the xecutive of the United States, cannot jail to impart. LM the existing Wrong 18 persevered in, there are remedies to Whtch Congress may resort, These may be ex- treme, but extreme diseases require extreme treatment. Congress may get rid of the offending geferal by reorganizing the army and abolishing his oMfce; or, they may p the supplies; or, they may use theit impeaching power, it 18 no objection to this last remedy, as far as she Pres! dential office ts concerned, that {¢ proved unavi ing in the case o1 President Johnson. I think I may say With positive certainty that if President Jonn- son had used the army or sanctioned its use in ejecting from the hails of the Legisiatare of a State any of ite members, as beeu done in this instance, that act would have been made the subd- ject of one of the articies 01 impeachment, and, If proven, every member of the Court—many of whom are now Senators—would have found him uilty. Being one of them, | know that I should flave done so without th slightest hestvation and irom an imperative senge of public dut: A word ortwo more, The sands oi my life nave nearly evidence periment | been commit. | «ally used tor the trial of @ clitzen residing in a | eifect, an application for @ habeas corpus was | 3 run, but nope to be among you fong enough to see that by lorce of pubic Opiuion or by some other means those who are now violating the constitution will either stop 1D ir mad career or be legaily driven from power; that the consti- tution wiil be vindicatea and tne country through- out itsentire limits be made to rejoice again under the protection of the tree Repubhe which our ancestors established and bequeatied to us. Mr. Kerr was repeatedly imterrupted by ap- plause during its delivery, ana at the conciusion Of the reading those present seemed for # moment to lose control of themselves and cheer alter cheer rent the air, Mr. Johnson bowed his acknowledgments and requested Mr. Henry Clay Dailam to read the fol- lowing resolutions :— THE RESOLUTIONS. Whereas the federal constitution guarantees to every State a republican form of government aud protection tw each State from domestic violence when applied to oy the Legislature thereof, or its Executive when i Legislature cannot be convened; aud whereas it a “universally recognized principle of Al can jurisprudence that every legislative body in the United States has the inherent rixht to judge of the election and qualifeation of its members; and whereas, without any application whatsoever from the Legisiature of the State of Louisiana. in session on the ith inst, sixty United States soldiers, acting under” orders | of an officer of the army of the Uuited States, which orders Were subsequently sanctioned and approved by the Pres- ident of the United states, ejected from said Legislature four of its members, who had been admitted to said bocy by the action of the body tself: theretore, be it Resolved, By the citizens of Baltimore,’ in mass mect> ing assembled—first, that the use of the army of the United States, with the sanction of the President of the United st 0 invade and overpower the Legislature of Louistal State of this Union, 18 not only an un- justifiable anton act of usurpation, clearly in viola tion of the federal constitution, but is directly ‘calculated to promote domestic violence ana to destroy Tepresentative government and constitutional liberty, aud that this attempton the part of the Executive at Washington, his aiders and abettors, deserves the strongest aud most unqualitied censure of the whoo Ameri people, irrespective of party, and should sub- ect the offenders, tron: the highest in’ authority to the {Gwest, to the peudlties prescribed by law lor #0 grave & crime. Second—That the despatch of General P. H. Shei the Secretary of War, ot the bth inst., branding the people of Mississippi, Arkansas and Louisiana as “ban- king that the Congress of the United States or the President sball so declare them to be, and subject them to trial, in time of peace, by mtlitary commis- Sion, 18 @ gross bel upon and an insult to our fellow- countrymen in those States and a@ clear violation of tho constitution of the United states. Third—That the dignitied and heroic bearing of our fellow-ctuzens of Louisiana, under circumstances of the most provoking and harassing nature, receives our most hearty commendation, and as tree citizens of a common country we deeply sympathise with them under tae op- pression to which they are now subjected, SPEECH OF HON, WILLIAM PINCKNEY WHYTE. Mr. WaYTE spoke as follows :—Let us thank God, said Mr. Webster, in his grand oration at Bunker Hill, when speaking of man’s desire sor representa- tive government a8 against absoluie authority maintained by the use of an army, “that we live in an age when some:hing has tufluence besides the bayonet, and where the sternest authority does idan to | not venture to encounter the searching power of pubiic reproach. <Any attempt of the kind I have mentioned should be met by one universal burst of indignation; tbe air of the civilized world ought to be made too warm to be comfortably breathed by any who would hazard it.’ In obedience to thig last ,happy sug- estion we have assembled to heat up tne “Mary- and pan’? for that very purpose. The case we are to consider, the usurpation and military tyranry we are to coudemn, need not to be stated in the formal counts of an indictment nor in the technical verbiage of special Dense the in- sult to the apirit of our free institutions and to representative government finds its accusation in the unuttered language of every American heart Itisasplendid tribute to American patriotism that no intelligent man approaches the discussion of this subject actuated by partisan motives or with the purpose of turning the folly of the ad~ ministration to partisan account. He who should attempt it would fall short of the true ap- preciation Of its importance and fail to realize the dignity of the occasion. It 1s therefore crimi- nal to belittie it by charging that armed forces of the United States were first placed at the disposal of the democratic Speaker of the House of Repre- sentatives and then turned against him at the be- hest of the usurping Governor of the State. Tho Military officers committed as gross a viviation of the constitutional rights by obedience to a demo- cratic Speaker as in their subserviency to a radical | Governor. The offence consists in not how or in whose political interest the military was used, but in its being ustd atall, The State House was | degraded by its conversion to a barrack, and the peaceable assembling ofthe Legislature turnished Lo pretext jor military intrusion, From the first it was unjustifiable in the President to alluw the use of the United States troops to sustain the un- lawfal government of a pretender whose sole title to office was based upon an election which the President himself pronounced “a gigan- tic fraud.” The State of Louisiana, a3 a component part of this Union, has the same rights | of State sovereignty, of local self government and | Ireedom from tederai interference as the State of Maine or New Hampshire. A blow struck at the freedom of the one 1s an assault on the mdepend- ence of all. AS in the dark days preceding the Revolution the cause of the Colony of Massachusetts Kay was the common cause ot. ail the colonies, and its trials and ailliction awoke alike the sympathies and indigna- tton of the Carolinas and Virginia, as it stirred the | fellow citizens of Jolin Hancock and Samuel Adams, 80 the cause of Louisiana is now kindiung anew the fires of patriotism in New York and Massachusetts. Stripped of‘ all the details open to disputation, the use of the amy of the United States, Py Permission of the President, for the struction of @ State Legislature is wholly iudefensible. | Talleyrand said the invasion of Spain was more than a crime; it was atauit, Tue easy raid on the Legisiature of Louisiana was both. It was a crime against liberty, and it will be ruin to any party or set of men who cdntinue to sustain it. 1f this tntrusion of the army into our civil affairs be not now stopped and forever “liberty 18 | but a name” and “representative government a ; mockery.’” | The occasions when the federal arm can be called to the aid of the State authorities are specially provided for in article 4, section 4, of the constitution, It is ‘on the application of tie Legisiature or of the Executive (when the Legis- lature cannot be convened), against domestic violence.” If the Legisiature cannot be convened (but only in that case) can the Governor apply to the President for tederal ald. The framers oi the | constitution in its original draft limited the power to the Legisiature alone, and required the appli- cation to come irom that body. And when Mr. Dickinson desired to leave it discretionary with the federal authorities when to interiere aud moved to strike out the words “on application of we Legislature” his proposition was voted down, although be stated that ne thought it of “essen. tal importance to the tranquillity of the United States that they should tn all cases suppress domestic violence which may proceed from the Legislature or from dis- putes between the two branches where such exist.” What could more plainly show the absolute abhorrence of tue makers of te constitution at the idea of federal inierterence with the national organization or working of a State Legislature? Conceding that the federal soldiers were sent, ater the l4th of September, when the Penn up- | rising took place, on application of the “gigantic fraud’? Governor of Loulsiana, to suppress the “domestic violence,” as soon as Penn was re- stored and the Kellogg government was rein- stated the United States troops should nave “stepped down and out}? bus they have been left by the President to be @ standing menace anc a thorn in the side of the people of Louisiana, What has happened since is the direct consequence of this action of the President. That it did nov meet his condemnation is apparent from his failure to order the restoration ol the ejected members; but that it nad his approval is found in the Belknap “All ol us” despatch, and even now finds a la- bored palliation in his own Message to Congress. The error or the crime~whatever posterity may call it—lies at his door, The historian, Gibvon, tells us that unti the reign of Severus the virtue, and even the good sense, of the emperors had been distinguished by their zeal or affected reverence for the Senate and by a tender regard to the nice frame of civil policy instituted by Augustus. But the youth of Severus had been trained tn the implicit ovedience of camps and his riper years spent in the despotism Ot military command. Posterity, who experienced the tatal effects of his maxims and example, justly considered him as the principal author o! the doc- trive of the Roman Empire. Could the President divest himself of that spirit of partisanship which bristles all through his late Message, and had: he desired to hold out the olive branch of peace to the contending factions in. Louisiana, he would have coosen as his district commander a soldier like Hancock, who, as in his assumption of command in New Grieans tn 1867, instead of a “blood and thunder” proclamation, announced his authority with the calmness of a statesman and the clearness of a jurist; who would have distinctly deiined the relative powers of the civiland muili- tary administration of authority and would have kept the latter in subjection to the former, He hever would have depvounced as “banditti” the ireemen of Louisiana who were struggling ainst the despotusm of an executive gov- ernment which the Piesident admits to have been the creation of a “gigantic fraud.’ No wonder that under cover of his sanction the legisiative department of Louisiana was as effec- tually “wiped out” as the same General Sheridan cleared ‘‘as with a flame of fire” the valley o} Vir- ginia, 80 that a fying crow could not there find a grain ol corn. Such a proceeding can find no javor a the imtelligent American peopie, and the mble of the earthquake of popular indignation cannot be intstaken. Iam amazed at ine infatua- | tion of those politica: leadcra, who either intenuy acquiesce in or openly approve the dangerous in- terposition of the military arm in the legisiative Affaire of a State. Tre micienta said, “Whom the gods wish to destroy they first make mad; but in this case it seems to be that canine madness which the doctors call bydrophovia; for, while they are burning with thirst tor popular favor and jublic oMice, they are blindly ri ung away from nem, as mad dogs jump & am with their parened tongues hanging out. 1t ts amusing, too, to see these apologists for despotism aflecting in- | oreauitty at the popular wrath tiroughout the country, and telling us it ts tue clamor of the newspapers. Heaveb be praised .we have independent and outspoken newspapers to-day! They are tne senti- nels on the watchtower of liberty. If the people waited for Congress or tue politicians to ward them of their danger our uberties woula be 4 lently and steaituily stolen away: but the mor ing journal, like the “burgsse vari” at Bay Ridge, warns us that the despuiier es ut vur door, Several other speakers uduressed the meeting, which Was adivurued aiid ureat enthusimem, itself