The New York Herald Newspaper, January 11, 1875, Page 6

4 + NEW YORK HERAL BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- pual subscription price $12. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly editions of the New York Heratp will be gent free of postage. — ee All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York , Hnarp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. ia Baas LONDON OFINCE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Bubscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XL. eseese —=— AMUSEMENTS 'TO-NIGHT. NIBLO’S, firoedway.—UNCLE TOMS CABIN, at 8P. M.; closes at iS P.M BROOKLYN 1B EB, Washington Street.—1ICKET-OF-LEAVE MAN, at8 P, Mt Mr. W. J. Florence. ninth Lj Closes at 10 R Sixteenth street.—BE! closes at 1043 72M. M; GLOBE THEATRE, Broadway,—VARIcTY, ats ¥. closes at 10:30 P. M. PARK THEATRE, x Rrooklyn, opposite the City Hajl—PANCHON, at 8 P. M.j closes at ll P.M. Miss Maguie witebell. CROWD, ats P.M; WALLAC Broadway.—THE SHAUG Wa PN. Mr. Bouck , WOOD'S MU Broadway, corner of thirtieth at2 PMO and ats P. M.; closes at SDMUND KEAN, P.M. Ciprico. METROPOLITAN THEATRE, c= Broadway.—VARInTY, at 8 P. M,; closes at 10:30 ; PARK IHEATRE, BA fir streets —Ope P. M. ; closes at ACADEMY OF MU gornen Irving piace and Fourtecn COND KiuGIMENT REORPTION, atl P.M. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No, 201 Bowery.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; clodesat 10:45 street.—TWENTY- 17:45 P. M. ; closes NEW YORK STAD? THRATRE, Bowery.—LA FILLE DE MADAME ANGOI, at 8P. M. Miss Lina Mayr. OLYMPIC THEATRE, fo,0% Broadway.—VAKIETY, at P. M.; closes at 10:45 BOOTH'S THEATRE, rner of Twenty-tiird street and’ Sixth avenue.— ITTLE EM'LY, at8P. M.: closes at 10:34 P.M. Mr, Bowe. THEATRE No. 514 Broadway. —VAKlET P.M. IQUE, tS P. M.; closes at 10:45 ROMAN HIPPODROME, ‘Twenty-sixth street and Fourth avenue.—Afternoon and evening, at and & . —MERCHANT OF ‘M. Miss Carlotta 8 ; close: B Leelerca, Mr. £. L. Davenport. BRYANT'’S OPERA HOUSE, ‘West Twenty-third street, near Sixth avenue.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, dc., ut 5 P. closes at 10 P.M. Dan Bryant WITH SUPPLEMENT. YORK, MONDAY. J. = NEW = = eames = From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be less cold, with snow. VARY 11, 1875, Count Varmasepa has been offered the | Captain Generalship of Cuba, but declines | aviess he is guaranteed a reinfgrcement of twenty thousand soldiers. This is a con- fession that Spain has not made much pro- gress in subduing the Cuban rebellion, Mz. Inwrn still remains in prison, and is ‘very firm in the position he has taken in oppo- sition to Congress. He charges that the com- mittee does not wish to receive all the testi- mony that could be offered in the Pacific Mail case, and that the company is desirous of con- ¢ciliating Congress in order to obtain a subsidy. Tre German Emperor has no cause to be pleased with the Bismarck and Von Arnim trouble, no matter what its result, and the mews sent by our Berlin correspondent, that the Imperial Court is seeking to effecta reconciliation between the two rivals, is not surprising. In this same correspondence will be found the comments of the leading Ger- ™man papers upon the trial and an interesting account of the recently exploded rumors of new plots for the assassination of Prince Bis- tmarck. The letter to Kullmann reads like a silly hoax, and the author is probably what a Frenchman who prided himself on his excel- lent English called ‘‘a duckgnan,”’ by which he meant to describe a man who invents canards. Tue Panis Oprra Hovsz.—We publish in another column an interesting letter from our Paris correspondent the new opera house which Paris has lately opened with so much pomp and ceremony. The new home of music is worthy of the capi- | tal of Europe. It is at once graceful and solid, and all the resources of French art genius have been exhausted to render this pew monument worthy of the place the patri- otic pride of France has assigned i “T po NOT DOUBT THE LEGAL RIGHT OF THE PRESIDENT TO SEND TROOPS INTO ANY Sratx; ur I view WITH APPREHENSION ANY ARMED IN- TERFERENCE BY tHE Executive EVEN oF A | telligent fi {STATE TO DISPERSE A LEGISLATIVE BoDY rm rr | old bulwarks of liberty to tall into disuse and This unusual tribute to republicanism, for an | | duce double the effect here in New York and ** | continue and increase the public ferment. deseribing graphically | ] The Great Meeting To-Night—Let It “Take Hold of the Right Lever!” We repeat the advice which we have already given to the meeting as to the form of its action. Weunderstand its managers intend to move in the stale groove of meetings called for party influence on elections, and that a | committee is engaged in drafting such resolu- | tions as are customary on electioneering occa- sions. We will therefore state, with more argunicnt than we at first thought necessary, the grounds for preferring aweighty memorial to Congress as the appropriate form of action for thisand similar meetings. Before we get through we will fortify our view with prece- dents. Reason stands, indeed, of little need of precedent to support it, and the reference we may make to respectable examples will be merely to relieve our opinion from the impu- | tation of singularity or of a crotchety affec- tation of being wiser than the other pro- moters of this important demonstration. We | are confident that all except the light weight | people, who are bent on turning this occasion to party advantage, will admit the force of our | reasoning. Even for the mere purpose of public agita- tion a memorial to Congress would be alto- gether more effective thana string of resolu- tions which will die with the occasion, A memorial would keep up the interest created by the meeting. After its adoption by a great popular assembly, the next step would | be to procure signatures to it by such a body of citizens as no public hall could hold, It would be easy to get twenty or thirty thousand | in this city in the course of a few days, and to transmit to Washington one of the most | voluminous roll of names ever appended | toa memorial in legislative history. When it | reached Congress and was presented by fit members, selected for their force and elo- quence, the discussion and the scenic effect would make a far deeper impression on the country than the meeting in which the memo- rial originated. It is astonishing that anybody can be blind to advantages so great and obvious. It is like | the difference betwen loading your gun with mere powder which explodes without execu- tion and shotting a cannon of long range to drop a ball into the camp of the enemy. By adopting » memorial the meeting «ould pro- “While, like others,’’ he said on one of these occasions, “I am engaged here every morning in presenting to the Senate the proceedings of public meetings and the memorials of indi- viduals supplicating Congress to re-establish the authority of the laws, I think it due to those who do me the honor to thug make me the organ of their sentinfénts and their wishes, and, indeed, to the whole country, that I should express my own opinions.” It was chiefly through these memorials, whieh fur- nished constant occasions to the best speakers in Congress, that the agitation was so long kept up in the country, spreading and deep- ening like a river in’ its onward flow. The great public meetings and the members of Congress who favored their object wore thus enabled to play into each other’s hands, the memorials opening the way for daily denunciations in the most conspicuous public theatre, which, in turn, reacted upon and intensified popular feeling. We believe that the gravity of the present crisis justifies & recourse to that effective method, so firmly imbedded in the usage of freemen that the right of assembling is guaranteed in the coustitution, with explicit reference to poti- tioning the government as its appropriate end. _There is still time enough to prepare a memorial for adoption this evening, in place of a string of resolutions, if two or three of our soundest lawyers can be induced to give a few hours to its preparation. The as- sistance of minds trained in the habits of precision which belong to the legal profession is desirable as asateguard against stilted rhetoric and as an aid to that luminous close- | ness of statement which best serves for setting legal or constitutional points in the most impressive light. It matters little, however, who drafts the memorial if its positions of law are wisely chosen and the ‘form of sound words’’ is adhered to in its language. Dignity of tone, exactness of statemerf and logical force are its chief requisites, and if the committee which has been appointed for drafting resolutions | would invite the assistance of a great lawyer | lobby outside of the hall,” which “he and cast this matter both into the form of a memorial and of resolutions the meeting could decide which form it preferred. The Les: 8 of the Pulpit. The sermons in the metropolitan churches the effect in Washington would infinitely ex- ceed that produced here, the execution done byashell being at the point where it ex- | plodes. If a memorial should be adopted | ! the meeting will necessarily appoint two | important committees, whose functions will | | First, it should appoint a committee of a} hundred active, zealous citizens to circulate | the memorial and procure signatures. The | | interest awakened by the meeting would thus | be kept up during the three or four days | | while the memorial was in circulation, and by | | the daily newspaper reports of the success of | | this committee and descriptions of the reams of new names. Secondly, the meeting should appoint another committee of, ‘say, twelvo or | * | fitteen gentlemen of the highest standing to | convey the memorial to Washington and | secure its fitting presentation to Congress. | The furlongs of signatures and the great re- | spectability of the committee would draw | throngs to the capital and fill all the galleries. The speeches made on the occasion would en- | gage the attention of the country; whereas a | | string of resolutions would never be thought | of again atter they had been printed in close type in Tuesday morning’s newspapers. We | hope it is not too late to make the meeting a | shotted cannon of long range instead of a brass field piece crammed to its muzzle with | ni‘ro-glycerine, and doing all its small execu- tion on the spot by mere explosion and noise. | | If the New York meeting should adopt the | | method we advise other great meetings else- where would follow the example, and Con- | gress would be deluged with memorials whose presentation would afford occasions | for keeping up discussion and excitement. Congress would become the objective point of the concen‘rated fire of a thousand batteries | charged with public sentiment. Such memo- | rials would not consist of the mere flash of political resolutions, because their destina- | tion would enforce pertinence of statement | | and weight of argument, as well as temper- | ance of language, enabling the members who present and describe the memorials to stand upon tenable ground. It is no good excuse to say that Congress is s0 committed to the President's Louisiana policy that memorials from the people would have no influen Such an opinion does not sufficient The Senate has 60 little liking for the President’s Louisiana policy that it has never admitted Pinchback, not wishing or not daring to recognize the Kellogg government. Senator Carpenter's bill came near passing, and might easily have been passed with the aid of the rest on any information. democratic votes. A majority of the re- publicans wish their party well out | of this scrape, and on a body s0 un- decided as Congress a flood of respectable memorials pouring in trom all parts of the | country would be irresistible if not delayed until caucus discipline deprives the waverers of their liberty. But even if Congress were | as set on this subject as it is notoriously yacillating and fearful it should nevertheless | be memorialized by the citizens who are | alarmed for the satety of our institutions. The great importance which has always been attached to the right of petition attests its potency. It is one of the great safeguards of liberty, and a3 such it was put into our con- on and expressed there as the proper of the right of citizens to assemble in | public meetings. It was by the right of peti- tion that the anti-slavery cause won its first triumphs, although the petitions were | addressed to a bitterly hostile Congress. seq In- eemen should not suffer any of the | WHO WERE POINTED OUT TO THE OFFIC! partly doctrinal character very often observed in modern preaching. The Rev. Dr. Bellows, for instance, discoursed on the deceptions of life, taking for nis text the sighings ot Job for | the perfections of days past. Mr. Beecher, | too, pleaded for the New Testament mode of perfecting men—by the righteousness which is of faith--viewing those knotty Presbyterian problems of faith and works and faith and righteousness from his own standpoint. Even r. Frothingham talked of aspiration and | prayer in a more orthodox Protestant fashion than is his wont, though he took care to say that prayer alone would not accomplish much good. In the Thirteenth street Presbyterian church the Rev. 8. D. Burchard portrayed the character of Christ as a sympathizing Saviour, | and the Rev. Dr. Anderson, of the First Baptist church took a similar theme, present- ing Chnst as the exemplar of youth. At St. Patrick's Cathedral the Rev. Father Kearney drew a salutary lesson from the faith of the Three Wise Men of the East, who followed the guiding star to the manger where lay the | infant Jesus, and at the Church of St. Francis de Sales, in Brooklyn, the Rev. T. D. Delaney delivered o discourse on the unity of the Church. All these themes were treated in a | quiet and unostentatious manner, and Mr. ‘Talmage had the field to himself in the way of creating a sensation. He attacked pride and extravagance and dishonesty in his own characteristic way, but he only succeeded in | showing, by contrast with the other discourses of theday, that it the teachings of his breth- | ren were heeded there would be no necessity for his lively attacks upon prevailing vices. | After all it is better to teach men how to live than to amuse them with a smart catalogue of their sins, and this was what was done yester- day in most of the churches. He SAID THAT HE WAS UNALLE TO JUSTIFY THE ACTION OF TROOPS IN NEW ORLEANS IN EJECTING FROM THE StTaTE House CERTAIN PER- SONS CLAIMING TO BE MEMBERS oF THE Hopsx, IN CHARGE OF THE TROOPS AS THE PERSONS WHO SHOULD BE REMOVED. Hz THOUGHT IT WOULD HAVE BEEN BETTER IN EVERY WAY THAT THE DEMOCRATS SHOULD HAVE HAD THB Hovsx, | WHETHER RIGHT OR WRONG, THAN THAT THE MILITARY SHOULD HAVE INTERFERED IN ANY MANNER IN THE ORGANIZATION. He WAS UNABLE TO SUSTAIN, UPON ANY THEORY, THE USE OF THE MILITARY THAT HAD BEEN MADE.— Opinion of Mr. Dares, leader of the republican House of Representatives. “A Conservative Repupzic.’'—The London Daily News sums up an analysis of the French situation by criticising the French politicians, who appear to amuse themselves by contro- versy and strife for power, and make no earn- est effort for the harmony and salvation of the national interests. ‘Instead of promoting union in France,’’ says the News, ‘in the face of a common danger, they have for the mo- ment given only a new impulse and new weapons to the faction fights of partisans. What France really needs, in order to conjure away the perils which surround her, is a settled government, unpledged to dynastic alliances, not bound to revenge straight way the military honor of any flag, whether white or tricolored, and disentangled from risky social experiments. In other words, she needs a conservative republic. If Germany desires it in the interests of European peace Franco ought not to desire it less in the interests of her own internal tranquillity and prosperity.” AS NOT, BY VIOLENCE TOWARD OTHER CITIZENS, | decay ; for the time may come, if it is not English journal, is worthy of note. It is a (mrcomea mop. Iam NoLAwreR; Bur I map | siready upon us, when we shall need them all. | sign of our modern political progress. qcuat a LeorsuatTonz 13 THE SOLE Let the citizens of New York do their part in 'sUDGE OF THE RIGHTS AND QUALIFICATIONS oF | putting the best machinery for resisting bad | MEMBERS AS MEMBERS, AND THAT REDRESS | government into running order. ffs ACTION MUST BE SOUGHT THROUGH THE | WOUDICIAL RATHER THAN FRoM THE EXECUTIVE | of precedents which we promised, and must literary journals, Anything that@ictor Hugo | We have hardly space left for the citation We Do Nor know how true it is that Victor | Hugo is about to write the life of John Brown, but this announcement comes to us from the | (DEPARTMENT OF THE GovERNMENT. I HAD sUP- | limit ourselves to one example. ‘The fifty | does he will do with originality and genius. oy aA STATE WiTn THE LEGIsLATIVE | the removal of the deposits, forty years ago, | John Brown that will give to his biography, Faroe THE CONNECTION or THE Cuter | pages of Webster's eloquent denunciation of | There is a sombre interest about the careor of oF a STATE WAS TO APPROVE on D1sAP- | consist of a succession of speeches which he | even in the hands of Hugo, moro than ordi- ‘prove ITS ACTS AND ENFORCE ITS LAWS WHEN | delivered from day to day on presenting | nary literary value. There will probably be | hoe FORBIDDEN BY ADVERSE DECISIONS or THz memorials of remonstrance started in great | @ vast amount of poetry in the work and very | a committee from New Orleans that it would | also introduced last year a bill to make a State | x."—Opinion of Postmaster General public meetings. Other members did their (Jewell. of Grant's own Cabinet \ share of similar work in that conjancture, poet and not a historian yesterday possessed no remarkable or unusual | | feature, but were of that partly practical Sheridan Versus’ the Comittee. Our despatches by telegraph yesterday con- tained two noteworthy bat conflicting state- ments, One, the official rsport by General Sheridan to the Secretary of War; the other, an authentic summary of the points to be presented in the report of the Committee of the House of Representa- tives sent to New Orleans to investigate the facts. These statements are so irreconcil- able with each other that it is impossible to Congressional facie probability it would seem more reason- the requisite authority and possessing all the facilities for acquiring correct information. They had powcr to summon witnesses, put them on oath and subject them to a rigorous cross-examination. General Sheridan had no authority to conduct an investigation, or summon witnesses, or administer oaths, or to apply the tests by which true testimony is discriminated from false, All that he has learned he has caught up by hearsay, and it is a settled ‘maxim of law that hearsay is not evidence. better title to belief than the statements of General Sheridan when the two are in con- flict. The two republican members of the committee were present as spectators at the organization of the Legislature, and are able.| to speak from personal knowledge; but Gen- | eral Sheridan was not at the scene, and, as only one of the contendigg parties holds any | intercourse with him, he is the mere vehicle | or conduit for its biassed statements. Im- partial people will find it easier to believe the committee than to believe Sheridan. According to the committee ‘‘the disorder in the Legislature had ceased, and the meet- ing was entirely orderly and quiet before and | at the time General de Trobriand entered the | hall to arrest the members,” and ‘the only | request of Mr. Wiltz to General de Trobriand was to help in keeping order in the accomplished by his personal presence, The report of the committee has, therefore, a | NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 11) 1875—WiTH SUPPLEMENT, Mr. Green ag Comptroller. There is a good deal of inquiry as totlte hesitation shown by Mayor Wickham in deal-*, ing with Mr. Green’s incumbency of the Comptrollership. Of course there is a natural desire not to hurry the Mayor in the begimning of his term, He will, of course, ‘proceed about his business in his own way, and will be governed, not by duress, but a desire for the welfare of the people. But when we see the Mayor prepared with an elaborate and exceedingly able document, that believe them both, Asa question of prima | must have been the result of study and wide knowledge of facts, arraigning the Corpora- able to credit the report of the committee. | tion Counsel—a document which wust have They went to New Orleans clothed with all : been prepared before he entered upon the duties of the Mayoralty—the question arises, Why should not he have done the sarne in the case of Green? We are not questioning the reasons which dictated the arraignment of Smith. For every reason in favor of: his re- moval there are ten in favor of the removal of Green. The worst that is said of Smith by his accusers is that he has been a shifty, easy-going, somewhat greedy politician, willing to serve the old Ring for the purpose of emolument and _ professional gain, and who, as the law officer of the city, has not been ungrateful to the men who put him in power. We can see also the force of a democratic Mayor desiring to have so impor- tant an office as that of Corporation Counsel in the hands of one of his own party. The ob- jection to this is that people will say that he removed Smith not because he. was an im- proper officer, but a republican. If our new Mayor allows the stain of partisanship to rest upon his reign in the early morning of its day what can we expect in the future? We have said there are ten reasons for the removal of Green to one for that of Smith. If Smith was the creature of the Tammany Ring, so is Green. He was nominated by Connolly, he served the city under the Tammany Ring, his powers as Comptroller were defined by Judge Barnard, and he has made himself as absolutely master of New York as Napoleon was master of France. " He is animated in his office by no purpose but his revenges and arimosities. He is in ao attended only by an aid.” These statements | are in strict conformity with the facts as re- | ported by the public press,’and seem worthy | of full credit. If this be the actual truth ic was clearly a case for legal and not for mili- | tary remedies. Not even Governor Kellogg had any right to weed out membors, because | the constitution and laws of Louisiana give him no authority to interfere with the organ- | ment as Comptroller that will redound to the ization. of the Legislature. He could not | have employed even the State militia to unseat | members, the whole matter being entirely | | outside of his duties and jurisdiction. The | five members may not have been entitled to | | seats ; but that was a question in which there was no warrant of law for the Governor to in- | terfere. It was as indefensible an outrage as it would be for the President of the United | States to send files of soldiers to drag out { members improperly admitted to seats in the | national House of Representatives. General Sheridan’s report discloses the hand of some artful and tricky Kellogg law- | yer, who exerted his poor skill to ‘“‘make the worse appear the better reason.” Four sev- ; eral times Sheridan’s report calls the federal soldiers, with studied selection of a word, a | “posse.” There could not be a more damag- | ing betrayal of seif-conscious illegality. If | the federal troops had been properly employed ' there would be no necessity for this weak | subtertuge of divesting them of their military | character and describing them as Governor | Kellogg’s ‘‘posse.’? As every lawyer knows | | bystanders or accidental persons whom a sheriff. or other officer, the performance of state of continual huff, vexed with every- | body, suspecting everybody, tyrannical, narrow-minded, bigoted, oppressive. For all | | dence of the people. Even if Mr. Green were | SHERIDAN, SAYING THAT THE PRESIDENT AND | | Grant's own Cabinet. “posse” is made up of the miscellaneous | e | whose duty is resisted, may summon to his aid. They derive their authority solely from | his fortuitous call, and look to him , alone for their justification, If the | invading federal soldiers at New Orleans | | were merely a ‘‘posse” it would follow that | | the federal government is no more responsible for their employment on that occasion than it | | would be for an equal number of mechanics picked up for the nonce in the streets of New Orleans. The attempt of General Sheridan, | or rather the attempt of Kellogg’s lawyers, making him their mouthpiece, to divest the troops of their organized military character | and make them a mere civil “posse,’’ shows | how conscious the apologists of this out- rage are that there is no valid defence for employing the federal army for such a pur- pose, ‘ It is also a piece of sophistry to put Wiltz's request and Kellogg's in the same category, as General Sheridan’s prompters try to do. Wiltz, as the Speaker of the House, was its legal organ, charged with the preservation of order and warranted, with its consent, in ask- ing assistance against the mob in the lobby | Which threatened to interrupt its proceed- | ing. Kellogg, on the contrary, had no legal status in the House, no eed erat ed We ie GL ace there is really a formidable catalogue), parad- zation or its business, and consequently no shadow of authority to summon a ‘‘posse’’ to aid him in violating the law. Ordinarily a resisted officer leads his own “posse,” and the absurdity of Ke logg’s position cannot be | Legislature the sole judge of the election | | this we would care little, however, if we | only could feel that the city did not suffer. | He has stopped nothing as Comptroller but | the growth of the metropolis, increased noth- | ing but our debt, and can point to no achieve- credit and prosperity of the city. Mr. Wickham cannot be a trusty Mayor of New York unless he has the financial de- partment under his control and at the | head of ita man who wil} inspire the confi- his twin brother and he loved him as his | own flesh and blood it woulil make no differ- | ence. This is the fact, andif Mayor Wick- ham yields to any reasons of political or per- | sonal sympathy, and so retains Mr. Green as | Comptroller, he confesses to the country that his Mayoralty is a failure. The question for Mayor Wickham now to decide is whether he or Comptroller Green governs the city. “I WAS NOT CONSULTED, NOR DIDI SEE BE- FORE THEY WERE SENT THE TWO DESPATCHES or THE Sxcrerany oF War 10 GENERAL ALL THE CABINET APPROVED OF HIS PROCEED- ins, I NEVER HEARD OF NOR SAW EITHER UNTIL THEY WERE SHOWN ME IN THE NEWS- | Parers.’”’—Stalement of Hamilton Fish, of | Suppose It Had Been Done in New York. Let us suppose that, a year ago, General | | Dix being Governor of the State and General | McDowell commander of this military depart- | ment, there had been a difficulty in the organ- | ization ot the Assembly at Albany, the democrats getting the upper hand and ad- mitting five members whose seats were contested. Suppose further that Governor | Dix, in defiance of the constitution of | | | | | the State, which makes each house of the | } and qualifications of its members, had as- sumed to oust the-five whose seats were con- tested, and had applied to General McDowell : for federal troops for that purpose, and that General McDowell had sent a subordinate | | with a detachment ot iniantry to seize those , : chamber. members and drag them out of the Assembly What would the people of New ' York and of the country have said to sucha proceeding? | Suppose still further that on the people raising o great outery against such an employment of the federal | army General McDowell had sent to put in a stronger light than by supposing he | had appeared in person to unseat and drag out the five members. It would be an insult | to the understandings of sane men to assert that he had such aright; but no ofilcer can summon a ‘‘posse’’ to assist him in discharg- ing a function with which law has not clothed him. This ridiculous ‘posse’ fiction—the afterthoughs of Kellogg's attorneys—proves that the federal law-breakers are conscious that they have no valid defence, Washington o justification, alleging that the people of New York were a ‘“banditti,”” and offering to support his assertion by a list of the unpunished murders committed in the | State within the last five years (of which ing the Ring frauds and the failure of the | law to recover the plunder, and reciting | the corruption of the canal Ring, the Brock. | lyn adultery cases and all the countless | scandals and crimes reported in the New | York press. Supposing it possible that Gen- | eral McDowell, after such an illegal use of his troops, had had the front to telegraph to , Washington such an arraignment of the | | Vick Presmunt WILsoN DID NOT WISH TO | MAKE ANY STATEMENT OF VIEWS FOR PUBLICA- | TION AT Tis Time. Hx bors NoT ATTEMPT, HOWEVER, TO CONCEAL HIS OPINION, He DEP- RECATES THE SITUATION IN WHICH THE PARTY AND THE ADMINISTRATION ARE PLACED BY THE RECENT OCCURRENCES, AND THINKS THAT A GRAVE MISTAKE HAS BEEN MADE.—(Opinion of Henry Wilson, Vice President of the United States. | | New York “banditti’’ as a defence, what | would people here have said of him? Would they have accepted such ,a justification? Would they not rather have denounced the | apology, however true in itself, as utterly ir- | relevant to the case? | The Adirondacks—a Natural Park tor’ New York. \ Ever since Mr. Murray informed the people | of the existence of the Adirondacks that re- | gion has been a favorite ground of trout fishers, hunters and tourists. There are few | | other districts as large as this, from three to five thousand square miles, in Eastern North | America, which have defied the encroach. | ments of civilization and remain to-day | much as they were when the white man first Arronney GexeraL Waou11sms favors our put his conquering toot upon the Continent. | correspondent with the wise statement that ‘The attention of the State government was | | either. ete this document. The scenery, as everybody knows, is remarkable and diversified; but it is recommended that only thgmountainous re~ gion, the heart of the Adirondacks, shall’ ‘be taken at present fora park. This district inludes nearly six bundred square miles, the -Jand being generally of no agricultural valuetaand the timber being useless, excepting . in a fewof the valleys. It contains the highest ~ mountatm,peaks,, Mount Marcy and others ranging fedm four*thousand to five thousand feet. Thetimportastee of protecting this wild region from the wa.tefulness and ravages of man, of preserving the forests, the trout streams, the.lake fisheries and the game, is evident, and‘*we trust #he Legislatare this yeaa will pass @ measure which will give the people of New York a yurk corresponding in value to thatywhich fhe wisdom of Con- gress has provided for thema%on in the Rocky Mountwins. Civilization has destroyed too many wildernesses to grudgé’ society this single region, where Nature resiains in ler original wildness and beauty, with streams unvisited, except by the denizens of the woods, and ‘waste Iemds where’ no maw comes or hath come since the making of the* world.” “THE DESPATCH SENT TO GENERAL SHERIDAN BY THE Secretary oF WAR @AYING THAT THE PreswenT AND THE CaBrsnr APPROVRD OF HIS COURSE WAS NEVER SEEN BY'ME UNTIL I SAW IT IN THE NEWSPAPERS, AND I HAD ‘NOT BEEN CALLED ON, THEREFORE, TO APPROV% OB DISAPPROVE OF 17."—Statement of Secretary of the Treasury Bristow, of Grant's own Cabinet. Rapid Transit, Woe trust that as soon as our statesmen in Albany have decided who shall wear the Senatorial ermine they will give their atten- tion to the one question which now engrogses the mind of New York—the question of rapid transit. The time has come for this methp- olis to say whether it will live or die. We do not mean thisinan extravagant sense, but simply as an assertion of the fact that the growth of New York is stopped, and that New Jersey and Kings county are steadily ad- vancing in prosperity at our expense; that Manbattan Island, which should be the home of two millions of people, comfortably housed, with all the pleasures and opportunities of modern civilizatign, is rapidly becoming a city of beggars and millionnaires, while the fine districts which spread beyond the Har- lem on the Hiadson River and Long Island Sound are abandoned to malaria and typhus. A generous and just policy of rapid transit would reclaim these districts and throw into the open country along the rivers a hundred. thousand people now burrowing in the dense and unhealthy localities of Brooklyn and New York, would bind these cities together im closer ties of communication, would con- tribute to the pleasures of domestic life by enabling our citizens who live in the country to spend more time with their families, and it would add to the material growth of New York and increase the splendors of they me= tropolis. “] WILt NOT SAY A WORD ON THE SUBJECT."'—= Secretary Belknap. of Grant's own Cabinet, PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. ee Laird, who built the Alabama, ts to have & statue. Mayor N. F. Graves, of Syracuse, is staying at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Henry F. Dickens is reading in London extracte from his father’s novels, : Mrs. Richard Burton will publish her “Personat Experiences of Life in Syria.’ Paymaster C. D. Mansfield, United States Navy, ts quartered at the Hoffman House. Mr. E. L. Davenport arrived at the Sturtevant House yesterday from Phifadelpnia. Stace Senator Roswell A. Parmenter, of Troy, is residing temporarily at the Coleman House. * Severe weather for indignation. Patriotism i» not oiten found tn the neighborhood ot zero. They have had snow at Nice, and in many places in the middle of France snow was five foet deep. Blood will tell. A granddaughter of Dr. Paley has beaten all the boys at Cambridge in moral science. There was @ man there tn Brooklyn who had never heard of the Tilton-Beecher case. Big city, Brooklyn. Mr. D. M. Edgerton, secretary of the Kansas Pacific Railway Company, 18 registered at the Hoffman House. Captain Nares, hitherto in command of the Challenger on her scientific voyage, will command vhe new Polar expedition, Mr. Hepworth Dixon has arrived at Muskogree, I. T., on hls return from California, After @ short stay here he will go to Texas, It is 4 fine thing to see tle indignation of all the carpet-baggers against the organization of @ Legistature “by trick and device.” Picture it, think of it, dissolute man, or woman Laces were stolen from baggage on the Central Railroad wortn irom $500 to $900 a yara, Parliamentary Paris ‘s divided on the problem whegler the Duke de Broglie has used the Bona- partists or the Bonapartists have used the Duke de Broglie. If a custom house oMcer gets sixteen years in State Prison for “passing” a few good cigars the whore force will revise Its notions as to the free- dom of this country. The present Congress 1s a mere tall to Grant's kite—a body of funkies; but the new Congress will, like Time, “set ail things even’—at least all things of the nature of the Louisiana row, People reason easily enough about the general government keeping the peace between tive fac- tions, and never know whas it may mean tll they see the thing in operation *4n favor of our side.” If the interference of the military in Louisiana was justifiable under the facts stated by Sheridan, then the military snould also have interferea with the operations of the Returning Board and secured Justice there. Utterly superfinous in Butler to propose alaw to “guarantee a republican form of government to Louisiana.” Isn’t Sheridan down there—and what's a republican form of government com. pared to such an advantage ? In every Southern State the people are watoh- ing the events in Loulsiana with the interest of men who see their own destiny pictured on @ stage. If Justice 8 cone the South will be reas- sured; if resistance aud bigodshed come the disease will not be'limited by State lines. Sheridan's stapement does not improve his post- tion, It shows, that there was no disorder tn the Hail when the troops put out the members who had been decjared entitled vo seats by a vote of the body In possession, Only it 1s claimed that the body in possession w4s composed of the wrang persons—in the opinion.o! Kellogg. | altogether seil-governthent will be ultimately saie in Louisiana; lor the people are clearly re~ solved not to be “eounted out” of thelr sove ereignty, and that, 8 the main point. They may have many mishaps, bat they will win at last; for | the power of the adminisiration will only last tilt ecember, when the new Congress meats, | he has as yet ‘no precise or official informa- | called to this unexplored region, and Mr. Ver- | General Sheridan knows that Mr. Covstn, “one | tion in regard to the alleged ‘interference with | planck Colvin, the head of the Survey Depart. | This is the samo wise man | the Legislature.” ment, has laid before the Legislature his offi- ; who on a former memorable occasion warned | cial report on the Adirondacks. There was tian, as bis mind wag already made up: little truth ; for, after all, Victor Ebngo is a | be useless for them to give him any informa- \ park of the wilderness, and the feasibility of this measure ig considered by Mr. Colvin in| of the membars elect of the Legislature,” Wu kid- napped by the banditti, That is grave, It ia almost a violation of the State sovereiguty. Bat if military interference is Decessary because | violent hands have been laid on one memver, | what femedy shall we apply to @ case where violent hduds are 1aid om tue whole body.